Magna Carta Libertatum

MAGNA CHARTA LIBERTATUM. — This name designates the foundational act of English constitutional life, issued by King Giovanni Senza Terra on 19 June 1215 at the request of the rebellious English barons. The value and significance of the M. C. I. of 1215 were not, however, originally what they came to be regarded as through an unfolding that was not always organic over several centuries, up to and beyond the Revolution of 1688. The English monarchy of the Plantagenets had sought in the twelfth century, through the efforts of Enrico II and Riccardo Cuor di Leone, to establish a strong, centralized royal government by curbing feudal particularism. This had not come about easily: the monarchy had been compelled to make concessions, such as the Constitutions of Clarendon of 1164 and the Assizes, also of Clarendon, of 1166.

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Giovanni Senza Terra, a man of great ambitions but limited political ability, was unable to preserve the results achieved by his father and brother. The struggles he undertook with Filippo Augusto of France and Pope Innocenzo III led him to adopt fiscal measures that provoked protests and resistance from the clergy and nobility, who were determined to defend their rights and immunities. In May 1215, the great feudal lords marched in arms on London, and on 15 June presented King Giovanni at Runnymede, between Staines and Windsor, with their Capitula, which already contained the essential principles of the M. C. I., sealed by the King four days later. The M. C. I. granted the Church of England its traditional rights and liberties, chief among them freedom of elections and the right to go to Rome to the Curia without seeking royal consent; to the barons it granted respect for all their ancient fiscal, military, and feudal rights. All cities, boroughs, and villages were to retain their liberties and customs. The M. C. I. went on to establish other rules concerning administration: the undertaking to appoint judges, sheriffs, and bailiffs who knew the laws of the Kingdom well and would not tyrannize the populace; to restore sums extorted by way of fines; not to imprison or condemn any subject except on the basis of a lawful judgment by his Peers; and not to impose taxes except with the Common Council of the Kingdom, for which purpose bishops, abbots, counts, and barons were to be summoned at least 40 days before the meeting. The barons were to elect 25 representatives to ensure observance of the peace and the liberties granted.

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MAGLIONE. LUIGI - Portrait.

The M. C. I. undoubtedly represents a weakening of the monarchical autocracy established by the kings of the twelfth century, but to the advantage of the feudal caste. The latter took advantage of the weakness of King John to react victoriously against royal despotism, but it demanded only practical provisions for government, imbued with a feudal spirit, and restored feudal customs and guarantees that had been superseded. Conversely, there was no affirmation whatsoever of rights pertaining either to a popular collective body or to a class. Yet, while acknowledging that the M. C. I. concerned the particular interests of the various feudal and ecclesiastical groups, it cannot be denied that its clauses, in their theoretical indeterminacy, allowed various interpretations and thus that grand work of theoretical construction which became what is usually called the English parliamentary Constitution.

Strange were the vicissitudes through which the M. C. I. passed in the thirteenth century: as soon as it had been approved, the King appealed to Pope Innocent III, who, as early as 24 August, declared the document null and void as unjust and injurious to the rights of the king and the pope. The new king, Henry III, however, on the advice of a papal legate, solemnly confirmed it in 1216; but he was thereafter unable either to uphold or to destroy it, so that in 1258 the Great Council, which was beginning to be called Parliament, rose against the disorderly government of the King’s favourites, and the good men formed a league which imposed the convening of a Committee of the Twenty-Five for the reform of the State. Thus came the Provisions of Oxford, a developed reaffirmation of the M. C. I. of 1215; and later, after an attempt by the King to evade the application of the Provisions of Oxford, there was a new revision in the Provisions of Westminster. Yet even then there was no lasting system capable of controlling the monarchy; at will, it could convene Parliament, still a feudal assembly. Only in the political struggles of the fourteenth century did the Charter of 1215 undergo a more vigorous and innovative development, as a consequence of the activity carried on by the cities, in a completely new situation.

BIBL.: The fundamental work is W. Stubbs, Constitutional history of England, Oxford 1883, to be consulted in the French edition

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MAGNANIMITY - Representation of m. in the fresco of Good Government. Detail from the work of A. Lorenzetti (14th cent.). Siena, Palazzo comunale.
annotated by C. E. Petit-Dutaillis-Lefebvre, Paris 1907; the notes were published separately in the series: Studies. Supplementary to Stubbs' Constitutional History, II, Oxford 1908. On the name, V. White, The name M. C., in English historical review, 30 (1915). Studies: E. Jenks, The myth of M. C., in Independent review, 1904; L. Riess, Zur Vorgeschichte der M. C., in Historische Vierteljahrschrift, 13 (1910); M. C. commemoration essays, ed. H. E. Malden, London 1915 (for the seventh centenary); Ch. Bémont, Simon de Montfort, Oxford 1930. For the text of the M. C. l., V. Ch. Bémont, Chartes des libertés anglaises (1100-1303), Paris 1892. Francesco Cognasso

Cite this article

“MAGNA CHARTA LIBERTATUM.” Enciclopedia Cattolica, vol. VII (1951), p. 1093. Azione Romana digital edition, https://azioneromana.com/article/magna-charta-libertatum.