AGOSTINO AURELIO, SANTO - Enciclopedia Cattolica, Vol. I, p. 347

Machine translation of the 1948–1954 Italian original. The original text is authoritative.

AGOSTINO AURELIO, Saint – Painting by Matteo di Giovanni (second half of the 15th century) – Chicago, Kyerron Collection.

Christ is therefore our mediator with the Father: not as God, being equal to Him, but as man and inasmuch as He offers His sacrifice (In ps. 103, no. 8).

A. often insists on the Pauline doctrine of the Mystical Body of Christ, which is the Church. In the Incarnation itself, Christ becomes our head; the acts of His life, His death, His resurrection are acts of the head that merit similar acts from His members (Sermo 45, no. 5; Sermo 114, 4, no. 5). This doctrine illustrates the precept of charity toward one’s neighbor: to offend the members is to offend the head (In epist. Ioan., tr. 10, 5, no. 8; cf. S. Tromp, Corpus Christi quod est Ecclesia, Rome 1937, p. 202). Thus many texts of Scripture can be referred to Christ, as A. does mainly in the Enarrationes in psalmos, because what would not befit Him in Himself can be understood of Him in His members.

BIBL.: O. Scheel, Die Anschauung Aug. über Christi Person u. Werk, Leipzig 1901; J. Rivière, Le dogme de la Rédemption chez s. A., Paris 1928; E. Schiltz, La christologie de s. A., in Nouv. Rev. Théol. 58 (1936), pp. 689-713; A. de Romanis, Gentis Christo nell'insegnamento di s. Agostino, Florence 1940.

3. The Virgin Mary

The Son of God is the Son of Mary: Mary is therefore the Mother of God (De Trin., VIII, 5, n. 7: «omnipotentem peperit», Sermo 191, 3, n. 4). She remained always a virgin, even in childbirth (Sermo 191, ibid.; Epist. 137, n. 8; Sermo 186, n. 1). Augustine repeatedly contrasts the role of Mary in the Redemption with that of Eve in the Fall (De agone christiano, 22, n. 24; Sermo 51, n. 3; Sermo 191, 2, n. 3). While all the saints have committed some venial sins, the Virgin Mary is excepted, for it is to be believed, “on account of the honor of the Lord,” that by grace she triumphed completely over sin (De nat. et gratia, 36, n. 42). In this passage, the question concerns actual sin. As for exemption from original sin, that is, the Immaculate Conception of Mary, two texts seem to imply and affirm II. In one it is said that if Christ had had original sin in His conception, He would also have committed actual sins (Contra Iulian., V, 15, n. 57): hence it follows that Mary, having committed no actual sin, never had original guilt. In the other, Augustine replies to Julian, who accused Catholics of delivering the Virgin to the devil by the doctrine of original sin: “We do not consign Mary to the devil because of the condition of her birth, but because this condition is dissolved by the grace of rebirth” (Opus imperf., IV, 121. Cf. E. Portalé, s. V. in DThC, I, col. 2375; Fr. Sal. Mueller, in Miscell. Agost., II, Roma 1931, pp. 885 ff., on which see Gregoriaum, 14 [1933], pp. 93–96; contrary is Dom Capelle, in Recherches de théol. médiévale, 4 [1932], pp. 361–370). The reply would be meaningless if it were granted that the Madonna had even for an instant original sin; and it is to be noted that in the context mention is made of preservative grace. It is true that Augustine says more than once that only Christ, among men, was without sin and without the flesh of sin, but this can stand if we admit that Mary needed to be freed, by preservative and redemptive grace, from the sin into which she would have fallen like all the sons of Adam by natural conception.

BIBL.: P. Friedrich, Die Mariologie des hl. Aug., Colonia 1907; J. Coppens, Aug. Marialeer, in Handel. V. Let Vlaamsch Mari. Congress te Brussel, Bruxelles 1921.

VIII. GRACE

I. Necessity of grace

The fruit of redemption is the grace of Christ. The merit of Christ procures for us grace, that is, a moral aid from God to which we have no right and which enables us to act well for our salvation. The necessity of this grace in the present state of humanity is defended by St. Augustine against Pelagius and the semi-Pelagians. Pelagius, denying original sin, held that man, with his own powers, can do all the good prescribed to him and be saved; he can avoid every sin, both grave and light. God can give His grace, but this grace must not directly touch the will so as not to suppress freedom, and in any case it is not necessary.

The semi-Pelagians admitted the necessity of grace for salvation, but they held that one could begin on the path of good, and especially adhere to faith, without II.

Article illustration — Against these doctrines, Augustine taught the necessity of grace for being just, and even for the beginning of faith.

A certain evolution can be found in his writings on this point. Up to the year 396, he thought that we are capable of arriving at faith and good will without grace (Expositio ep. ad Romanos, prop. 61-62; De div. quaest. LXXXIII, q. 68; Retract., I, 23, nn. 2, 4). But in 397, writing the De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum, he understood from the words of St. Paul, “What hast thou that thou hast not received?” (1 Cor 4:7), that even the beginning of salvation comes from grace. From that time onward, as he himself declared, he did not change anything essential in his doctrine of grace. Indeed, Pelagius felt himself struck already in the Confessions.

To conquer sin, grace is necessary: “Without the help of God, we cannot overcome the temptations of this life” (In ps. 89, n. 4). The letter of the precept kills unless it is accompanied by the life-giving Spirit (Epist. 188, 11-12). When Pelagius opposed to him the examples of virtue among Roman heroes, Augustine denied that these, if they were supposed to be without grace, possessed true justice for the following reasons: Christ would have died in vain if salvation could be attained without Him (Contra Iulian., IV, 3, n. 17); those pagans, worshippers of false gods, did not render justice to the true God (De civit. Dei, V, 12); indeed, we see that often they triumphed over a bad vice only by the force of another, namely the love of vainglory (ibid., 13). Yet he does not deny that the virtues of pagans are in some measure good and worthy of reward (ibid., 15); the saying that the virtues of pagans are “a splendid life” is not Augustine’s; they are gifts of God (Epist. 144, n. 2), and those who possess them are “good in their own way” (De civit. Dei, V, 12). Moreover, it is particularly noteworthy that in the controversy with the Pelagians the question concerned complete and total virtue that constitutes a just man: Augustine grants that grace is not necessary for some good act and allows that the saying of St Paul (Rom. 2, 14) that the Gentiles naturally observe the precepts of the law may be understood in this sense (though he prefers another interpretation) (De spiritu et littera, 28, n. 48).

Against the semi-Pelagians, whom he treats with great delicacy as brothers deluded on a difficult point, he proves from Holy Scripture that no one comes to faith unless he is drawn entirely by the Father (De praedest. sanctor., 8, n. 15; In Ioan., tr. 80, n. 2). Against the medi-Semipelagians he teaches that the perseverance of the just until death, that is, dying in a state of grace, is a special grace of God. Now, this doctrine raises the difficult problems of the relations between freedom and grace, and of predestination.

4. Grace and Freedom

a) Coexistence. — Augustine had defended freedom against the Manicheans in his De libero arbitrio and upheld this doctrine to the end (Retract., I, 9). Even in his later years, while the anti-Pelagian struggle obliged him to proclaim the efficacy of grace, he wrote the treatise De gratia et libero arbitrio specifically to maintain the coexistence of both. Two cases must be considered, always with reference to the state of man after original sin: the freedom of man who is supposed to be without grace and who inevitably falls into sin, and the freedom of man under grace who is inevitably led to good. In the first case, Augustine affirms the responsibility of the sinner: that each one “impute to himself when he sins” (De gratia et lib. arb., 2, n. 4; De corrept. et gratia, 5, n. 7). The infirmity in which he finds himself, and by which he can perform some good act, does not deprive him of freedom. In the second case, he observes that the help of grace to the free will presupposes that this free will exists (Epist. 157, 2, n. 10).

God anticipates us with His grace, but “to consent to God’s call or to dissent from it is a matter of the will” (De spiritu et littera, 34, no. 60). When it says that grace moves us “insuperabiliter,” the meaning is that it gives us such strength that we can avoid being overcome by any temptation (De corrept. et gratia, 12, no. 38; cf. J. Mausbach, Die Ethik des h. A., 2nd ed., Freiburg in Br. 1929, p. 35). Grace and freedom are two realities whose denial of either in favor of the other must not be made.

Yet it is necessary to examine what distinction A. draws between the grace given to Adam and that given to us, and whether it is opposed to freedom in the present state. Before original sin, man was given a help “sine quo non,” that is, such that without it what it was given for could not be obtained, and with it could be obtained or not according to the choice of freedom. After sin, in place of that help another is given, “auxilium quo,” by which what it is given for is obtained infallibly, yet it is not given to all. Some, like the Jansenists, have identified the “auxilium sine quo non” with sufficient grace, and the “auxilium quo” with efficacious grace, so that, once the “auxilium sine quo non” is removed, sufficient grace would no longer exist. But this interpretation is erroneous. Everything in the context shows that those helps are not given for a single act, but are helps for perseverance. Adam could not have persevered in grace without the “auxilium sine quo non” that was given him and with which perseverance was easy for him; yet, even having this help, he sinned. If he had had the “auxilium quo,” he would not have sinned. Now, the sons of Adam, amid so many temptations of this life, if they had only the “sine quo non” help, would end by doing evil. Yet they could remain for a long time in good, performing good acts with only the “sine quo non” help. They do not have the same gift that Adam had; but they receive helps suited to their condition. It is clear in the Augustinian texts that grace, even that of justification, is given to many who do not have the “auxilium quo” (cf. De corrept. et gratia, 9, no. 20) and is not owed to their merits; and that gift is procured through the “auxilium quo” (De corrept. et gratia, 6-13).

b) Explanation. — St. Augustine therefore at all times maintained man’s freedom in his present state of nature. As for the way in which he conceived the harmony between grace and free will, this has not been understood in the same sense by all. It seems, however, and so holds the Augustinian school, that he did not admit the metaphysical principle of the necessity of a physical predetermination for the accomplishment of a good act. Speaking of the angels at the moment of their trial, he admits as possible that all were helped equally by God: only after their choice, the good received as a reward a better assistance, namely, everlasting happiness. (This is clear from a comparison of De correptione et gratia, no. 32, with De civitate Dei, bk. XII, ch. 9. Cf. J. Schmucker, Die Gnade des Urstandes und die Gnade der auserwählten in Augustins De corr. et grat., Metten 1940; G. Vranken, Der göttliche Konkurs z. freien Willensakt des Menschen beim hl. Aug., Roma 1943).

The most explicit explanation is found in the Diversae Quaestiones ad Simplicianum: those to whom God shows mercy, He calls “in the way that He knows will suit them so that they do not reject His call” (I, q. 2, no. 13). God, knowing what would happen in the various possible cases (cf. De correptione et gratia, 8, no. 19), and wishing that man perform a certain good act, acts internally upon his mind in precisely the way that He knows will elicit consent. This is a congruism similar to that which will later be held by Suárez. The internal action consists in illuminating the intellect and arousing the love of good in the will. God draws man to Himself by grace and yet leaves each one free to choose as he pleases: and few are able to understand this (Contra litteras Petiliani, II, 84, no. 186; cf. De praedestinatione sanctorum, 8, no. 13; De spiritu et littera, 3, no. 5).

Predestination. — Predestination is “the foreknowledge and preparation by God’s grace whereby those who are saved are most certainly saved” (De dono perseverantiae, n. 35). It properly belongs to the state that followed original sin, in which freedom needs special protection to persevere in good; predestination is, in short, the preparation of the gift of perseverance. Augustine demonstrates with Scripture and tradition the existence of a divine election to which the elect owe the good use of their freedom (De corrept. et gratia, 7; Enchir., 98-99; Epist. ad Sixtum, 8; De dono perseverantiae, 8; De praedestinazione sanctor., 18-19). He does not seem to have considered the question as did the theologians of the 17th century—i.e., disputing whether God’s first will in predestining is to give grace or to give glory—but rather thought of both as a unity (cf. Petavio, De praedestinazione, IX, 14, n. 16). Election is not caused by any merit of the one elected, yet it does not exclude consideration of the use he will make of his freedom; indeed, the congruism just mentioned presupposes that election is informed by knowledge of the acts each will would choose to perform in different possible circumstances. Predestination is not contrary, either in its nature or in itself, to the free will of the elect, nor is it contrary to the granting to them of sufficient helps to attain salvation. Christ died for all men: Augustine affirms this and makes it an argument to prove that all share in original sin (Contra Iulian., VI, 4, n. 8; cf. Opus imperf., II, 175; In ps. 95, n. 15). Even for Judas was the divine blood poured out (In ps. 68, n. 11). Among the many explanations Augustine offers of the Pauline text “God wills that all men be saved” (1 Tim. 2:4), there is this, never retracted, that He wills it conditionally upon their free acceptance (De spiritu et littera, 33, n. 58); the other interpretations, which restrict the salvific will of God to some only, understand the divine will as absolute, which always comes to pass (cf. De praedest. sanct., 8, n. 14; De corrept. et gratia, 14, n. 44-45; 15, n. 47; Enchir., 103, n. 27; Contra Iulian., IV, 8, n. 42, 44). In sum, the mystery of predestination lies in this: that God, Who could, if He willed, save all absolutely, does not save all, but only the elect, and permits others to be lost freely. Why He chooses one rather than another we do not know, but we know that God’s counsels are just.

The question has been raised whether the grace, whose necessity A. defended against Pelagius, was actual grace, given for each act, or sanctifying grace, the permanent perfection inherent in the soul. In truth, it was both; it was the aid that heals, that justifies us, that makes us adopted children, that enlightens us, that draws us, and emphasis was placed, according to the case, now on its actual aspect, now on its habitual aspect.

BIBL.: E. Portalé, s. V. in DThC, I, cols. 2375-2408; O. Rottmanner, Der Augustinismus, Munich 1892; A. Casamassa, Il pensiero di s. A. nel 396-97, Rome 1919; T. Salgueiro, La dottrina de s. A. sul la grazia d’après le traité à Simplicien, Porto 1925; C. Boyer, Essais sur la doctrine de saint Augustin, Paris 1932, ch. 8; A. Guzzo, A. contro Pelagio, Turin 1934; J. Henninger, S. Augustinus et doctrina de duplici iustitia, Mö-dlin 1935; K. Janssen, Die Entstehung der Gnadenlehre Aug., Rostock 1936; Ph. Platz, Der Römerbrief in der Gnadenlehre Aug., Würzburg 1938; J. Schmucker, Die Gnade des Urstandes u. die Gnade des Auserwählten in Aug. De corrept. et gratia, Metten 1939; G. Vranken, Der göttl. Konkurs z. freien Willens-sake des Menschen beim hl. Aug., Rome 1943.

IX. THE CHURCH

5. Constitution

To save men and procure for them the grace merited by His death, Christ left an institution, the Church. The doctrine of ST. AUGUSTINE on the Church was prepared by the writings of St. Cyprian and St. Optatus, and occupies a very important place in his theology. The occasion for developing it came from the schism of the Donatists, against whom it was necessary to maintain the notion and the rights of the Catholic Church. The Church is the kingdom of Christ, it is the spouse of Christ, it is the mystical body of Christ, it is the mother of Christians (Epistle 34, no. 3; Sermon 22, no. 10). It is necessary to belong to the true Church. Schismatics may have faith and the sacraments, but salvation is found only in the Catholic Church (Sermon ad Caesare, to the people of the Church, no. 6). Outside the Church one may receive the grace of God, as did the centurion Cornelius, through the immediate and invisible action of God, but on the condition of good faith, that is, of not despising the visible intermediary, “for he who despises it cannot be sanctified invisibly in any way” (Quaestiones in Heptateuchum, III, q. 84). Within the Church all the baptized are subject to the authority of the hierarchy, but so too are catechumens; not, however, schismatics and heretics. Sinners remain in the Church: “now it has evil men mixed with it” (Post collationem ad Donat., no. 11; City of God, XVIII, 48); yet there are dead members who belong to it only in an imperfect way (On Baptism, IV, 2, no. 4).

Essential to the Church is the hierarchy, in which authority resides. It is the duty of the pastors to guide souls, to preach, and to administer the sacraments (Against the Letter of Petilian, III, 55, no. 67). Bishops stand above simple priests (On Heresies, 53). The Church is infallible because Christ assists it (On Psalm 59, no. 1; Epistle 190, no. 22). When a general council has defined a doctrinal point, every doubt must cease. ST. AUGUSTINE appeals to a general council, celebrated before his birth (perhaps that of Nicaea in 325), to defend the validity of the baptism of heretics (On Baptism, I, 7, no. 9; 9, no. 14). Plenary councils of all Africa have great authority, but one may correct another (ibid., II, 3, no. 4). The Church of Rome enjoys a privileged authority and an indisputable primacy (Epistle 143, 3, no. 7; On the Usefulness of Believing, 17, no. 35). The gates of hell shall not prevail against it (Psalm against the party of Donatus). ST. AUGUSTINE acknowledges the doctrinal primacy of the Bishop of Rome. When the Apostolic See approved the councils held in Africa against the Pelagians, he said: “the case is finished. Would that the error might at last be finished” (Sermon 130).

Not only unbelievers, but also heretics and schismatics, even if validly baptized, stand outside the Church. Instead, the concept of the Church as extended to all times is frequent in the holy Doctor.

From the very creation, and including the angels. It is composed of all rational creatures who were, are, or will be sanctified and subjected to Christ the Head (De catechiz. rud., 19; cf. G. B. Franzelin, De Ecclesia Christi, Rome 1887, pp. 8-21).

Within the Church, bishops and presbyters possess true governing as well as priestly power: they bear the responsibility of commanding, and the faithful owe them obedience (Sermo 146, n. 1). The excommunication that was imposed upon penitents, separating them from the Lord’s table, did not sever them from the Church, in which they were cared for with a view to the remission of their sins (Post collata, 20, n. 28).

6. Recourse to the State

Yet some, incorrigible, are expelled from the Church (Epist. 157, 3, n. 22). At all times, Augustine admitted the right of the Church to summon the aid of the State against heretics and schismatics; yet in an earlier period he believed it better not to make use of this right (Contra epist. Pamen., I, 8-14). When, however, Emperor Honorius declared, in the case of the Donatists, that radical measures had manifestly borne good fruit, Augustine altered his stance and became the defender of the legitimacy of repression exercised by the State. Impunity encouraged the Donatists, who proceeded to every excess against Catholics. Experience then showed that conversions obtained through the application of laws were sincere and lasting: the laws provided an occasion for some to do what they already desired, and for others to reflect more deeply upon the state of the controversy. Even the least convinced were soon satisfied at having recovered unity. The laws, in short, were an aid rather than an obstacle to freedom (Contra litt. Petil., II, 184). As for the obstinate, whose deeds endanger the State, the State has the right to act against them. Augustine, however, asks civil magistrates to show clemency and not to condemn them to death (Epist. 100, n. 1).

Bibl.: Th. Specht, Die Lehre von der Kirche nach dem hl. Aug., Paderborn 1892; C. Romeis, Das Heil des Christen ausserhalb der wahren Kirche nach der Lehre des hl. Aug., Paderborn 1908; P. Batifoll, Le catholicisme de s. Augustin, 3rd ed. Paris 1929; F. Hoffmann, Der Kirchenbegriff des hl. Aug., Macon 1933.

X. THE SACRAMENTS

For St AUGUSTINE, the word sacramentum signifies a sacred sign (De civit. Dei, X, 5) and can be applied to many things, for example, the sign of the cross (In ps. 141, n. 9). One must distinguish those of the Old Testament, which foretold the future coming of Christ and of redemption, from those of the New Testament, which signify that he has already come and confer salvation (In ps. 73, n. 2). Jesus Christ did not abolish the ancient sacraments but transformed them (Adversus Iudaeos, 3). Sacraments must bear some resemblance to the thing they represent (Epist. 98, n. 9) and are intended to unite the religious society (Epist. 54, n. 1). They are instituted to confirm the hope of the future goods of eternal life (Enchir., 66). In the New Testament, the sacraments are fewer in number, and among them some have special importance and efficacy. Four are mentioned together: Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, and Penance (De bapt., V, 28), to which one can confidently add the Ordination of priests. Their function is to communicate charity, the Holy Spirit (In ps. 103, enarr. 1, n. 9).

7. Baptism

Baptism totally erases original sin and, in adults, all personal sins as well (De peccat. merit. et remiss., II, 28, n. 48). It also grants grace to children, incorporating them into the body of Christ (ibid., I, 9, n. 10).

It is administered with the invocation of the Most Holy Trinity (Sermo 149, n. 10). It was foreshadowed in many events of the Old Testament and in the baptism of John the Baptist (De peccato orig., 32; De bapt. V, 10, n. 12). It is absolutely necessary, but if it cannot be received, even the desire for it suffices in the case of martyrdom or a conversion of heart (De bapt., IV, 21, nn. 28-29). It can be administered to a newborn infant (Epist. 166, 7, n. 23), as well as to an unconscious catechumen (De coniug. adult., I, 26, n. 33).

The schism of the Donatists compelled St AUGUSTINE to insist on the conditions of validity and efficacy of Baptism (as also of Holy Orders). He taught that a sacrament administered by a sinful or even heretical minister is valid and must not be repeated. One must consider what is given (the sacrament) and not who gives it (De bapt., IV, 10, n. 16); or, if one wishes to consider who gives it, one must understand that it is Christ himself who baptizes: the priest who administers the sacrament is merely the visible instrument of Christ (Contr. litt. Petil., III, 49, n. 59). The baptized person receives the character or distinctive mark of his Head and retains it even if he becomes a deserter (Contra litt. Petil., II, 108, n. 274). It is true that St CYPRIAN, so admired by St AUGUSTINE, had taught the contrary, namely the necessity of rebaptizing heretics, but if he had erred in a question not yet sufficiently clarified in his time, he had not rebelled against the Church nor caused a schism (Epist. 93, 10, nn. 35-45).

However, it remains true that the baptism of heretics, received with an heretical intention, although valid, does not effect the remission of sin. Only in the Catholic Church do the sacraments confer the Holy Spirit, for he who refuses unity cannot possess charity (De bapt., VII, 3, n. 5).

8. Confirmation

Confirmation is a sacrament distinct from Baptism (Contra litt. Petil., II, 104, n. 239). In its administration there is the laying on of hands (De bapt. III, 16, n. 21) and also the anointing of the Christian, who in the Old Testament was anointed only as king or priest, but now is anointed as all Christians (Enarr. II in ps. 26, n. 2). It is not entirely clear what constitutes the essential rite (v. J. Coppens, L'imposition des mains, Wetteren-Paris 1925, pp. 297-303); but it seems to consist in the anointing, as is indicated in Sermon 227, where the oil is mentioned to complete the work of Baptism. In any case, to the matter is added an invocation (De Trin., XV, 26, n. 46).

9. The Eucharist

a) Real Presence. – Regarding the Eucharistic mystery, the thought of A. is rich in doctrine, but very complex and has often been misunderstood by Protestants and modernists. He speaks in many texts of the presence of Christ and of the sacrifice of the altar. For a correct interpretation of the passages on presence, it is necessary to keep in mind three realities which he distinguishes: there is what is seen and which, before the Consecration, was bread and wine: this visible sign is the sacrament of the body of Christ; there is what is not seen, namely the true body and the true blood of Christ: “hoc agnoscite in pane quod pependit in cruce; hoc in calice quod manavit ex latere” (G. Morin, S. Augustini sermones, in Miscellanea Agost., I, Rome 1930; id., Gualferb. Serm. VII, ibid., p. 462; M. Denis, Serm. III, n. 2, ibid., p. 19), without, however, that the flesh of Christ can be divided into parts by eating, as the Cafars foolishly understood (In ps. 98, n. 9); finally, there is the effect of the sacrament, namely union with the mystical body of Christ. This union through faith and charity is the true eat-

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ing by which the sacrament was instituted (“Crede et manducasti,” In Ioan., tr. 25, n. 12; tr. 26, n. 13 ff.): without this, although the flesh of Christ is received (Sermo 71, n. 17), one does not truly eat the body of Christ (Sermo 131, n. 1; De civit. Dei, XXI, 25, n. 3).

A. was led to these clarifications in order to combat crude conceptions, especially those of the Manicheans who saw in foods the true body of Christ, imprisoned in them (Contra Faustum, XX, 11). The true and nourishing manducation, the res sacramenti, being the union with the mystical body of Christ, the reception of the physical body of Christ is ordered to this union and signifies it (it is res et sacramentum); the elements chosen for the mystery, namely bread and wine, signify the same effect, the union of the mystical body, that is, the Church, that is, ourselves in the Church (Sermo 272). Thus A., far from denying the traditional doctrine of the real presence, so explicit in the earlier Fathers, has expounded it in a theology already highly developed (cf. Th. Camelot, Réalisme et symbolisme dans la doctrine eucharistique de s. A., in Rev. de science phil. et théol., 31 [1947], pp. 394-410).

b) The Eucharist is also a sacrifice. — According to A., sacrifice is the visible sign of the invisible sacrifice, which is the offering that the creature makes of itself to the Creator (De civit. Dei, X, 5-6). The sacrifices of the Old Testament foreshadowed that of the Cross and that of the altar, in which the body of Christ is offered to God and distributed to the participants (De civit. Dei, XVII, 20, n. 2). The Christian supper presupposes the immolation of Calvary (Sermo 112). The same Christ who immolated Himself on the cross is immolated every day for the benefit of the faithful, because on the altar the sacrament is renewed, while the sacrifice once offered in a bloody manner with the offering of the body and blood of Christ (Epist. 98, n. 9; Contra Faustum, XX, 18.21; cf. M. de la Taille, Mysterium fidei, 3a ed., Parigi 1931, p. 243). Along with the offering of the Head, the offering of the members is made, since the fruit of the sacrifice is precisely the union of the members with the mystical Body. The Church, therefore, in its sacrifice offers itself through Christ (De civit. Dei, X, 20). It becomes the body of Christ through a consecration (Contra Faustum, XX, 13) or sanctification (Sermo 227), that is, through a mystical prayer (De Trin., II, 4, n. 10).

10. Penance

The Church has received from its Founder the power to remit sins committed

After Baptism. It is the so-called power of the “keys,” administered by priests (Enchir., 65; Sermo 392; Epist. 228, n. 8). The laying on of hands, as practiced in the Church for the absolution of sinners, is numbered twice among the sacramental rites (In ps. 146, n. 8; De bapt., V, 20, n. 28). A. distinguishes three kinds of penance for three corresponding categories of sins: there is public penance, which is necessary in cases of public scandal for faults known through some civil or ecclesiastical judgment (Sermo de symbolo; Sermo 352, n. 2). Some sought it spontaneously, and indeed the number of penitents was considerable in Hippo. Then there is penance for venial sins, which A. calls daily, and which consists principally in prayers, such as reciting: “dimitte nobis debita nostra” (Epist. 265, cap. 8). Between these two kinds of penance there is the “correpitio,” performed privately by the minister of the Church for the remission of certain grave sins, to which, for some reason, public penance is not imposed (De fide et operibus, 26, n. 48; De div. quaest. 83, q. 26): with good reason, one sees in this practice an important step toward the subsequent modes of administering the sacrament (cf. K. 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TISTI speaks of priestly ordination in the same way as of Baptism. It is valid even if conferred by a sinner or a heretic (*Contra epist. Parmen.*, 13, n. 28). When a Donatist cleric returned to the Catholic Church, he retained his Order (*Epistola* 185, 11, n. 46). Like Baptism, ordination imprints a character, a “signaculum” (*De bono coniugali*, 18, n. 21).

7. MARRIAGE. — St. Augustine clearly assigns as the primary end of marriage the procreation and education of children (*De coniugis adulter.*, II, 12; *Sermo* 51, 13, n. 22). There are three principal goods of marriage: *proles*, *fides* (marital fidelity), and *sacramentum* (indissolubility). Secondary ends are the mutual love of the spouses (*De bono coniug.*, 3, n. 3; *Sermo* 51, 13, n. 21) and the remedy against concupiscence.

A true marriage can exist with perpetual continence. The Virgin Mary and St. Joseph were true spouses (*De consensu evang.*, II, 1, n. 2-3). The intention of the spouses in the act of generation must be the procreation of children; to the extent that one acts from concupiscence, sin enters, though it is venial because of the goods of marriage (*Contra Iulian. op. imp.*, IV, 29).

Since the marital union is the symbol of the union of Christ with the Church, it follows that marriage is indissoluble, which only the death of one of the spouses can dissolve (*De nupt. et conc.*, I, 10, n. 11), and it follows also the holiness of marriage (*De bono coniug.*, 18, n. 21; 24, n. 30), which, when viewed in the context of Augustine’s doctrine on the virtue of the symbols of the New Testament (*Contra Faustum*, XIX, 13), includes sacramental grace.

BIBL.: K. Adam, *Die Eucharistiethe der hl. Aug.*, Ausburo 1908; id., *Die kirchliche Sündenvergebung nach dem hl. Aug.*, Paderborn 1917; Ed. Hocedez, *La conception augustinienne du sacrement dans le Tr. 8e in Joan.*, in *Rech. de science relig.*, 9 (1919), pp. 1-29; P. Batiffol, *Etudes d'histoire et de théol. positiviste*, II, Paris 1920, pp. 422-53; B. Poschmann, *Kirchenbusse u. correctione secreta beim Aug.*, Braunsberg 1923; C. Spallanzani, *La nozione di sacramento in s. A.*, in *Scuola Catt.*, (1927, 1), pp. 175-88, 2-88; 268; G. Lecordier, *La doctrine de l'Eucharistie chez s. A.*, Paris 1930; A. Pereira, *La doctrine du mariage selon s. A.*, Paris 1930; P. Galtier, *L'Eglise et la rémission des péchés aux premiers siècles*, Paris 1932; P. Bertocchi, *Il simbolismo ecclesiologico dell'Eucaristia in s. A.*, Bergamo 1937; P. Galtier, *Comment on ecate la pénitence privée*, in *Gregorianum*, 21 (1940), pp. 183-202; A. Reuter, *S. Augustini doctrina de bonis matrimonii*, Rome 1942; N. Ladomersky, *S. A. docteur du mariage chrétien*, Rome 1942.

XI. Christian life

11. The principles of morality

St. Augustine’s speculative doctrine is entirely directed toward practice. The most general principles of human action, like the other principles of reason, are given to us by nature, that is, by the spontaneous activity of the intellect under divine illumination. That there is good and evil, that evil must be avoided, that higher things must be preferred to lower things—these and similar axioms every person sees in the eternal reasons (De libero arb., II, 10). Alongside this fundamental knowledge, a natural impulse drives all men toward the end of moral action, and this is the desire for happiness (Sermo 150, 3, n. 4; Confess., X, 21). In every act of our will, the will to be happy is implicitly present; that is, to attain our highest good. Thus the notions of duty and obligation are in the human mind like a transcription of that eternal law which abides in the mind of God and which is “the divine disposition that commands the respect of natural order and forbids its disturbance” (Contra Faustum, XXII, 27).

What is the highest good, the possession of which will be our happiness? Augustine rejects the 288 answers that Varro had said were possible to this question, because they stopped at an immanent end, whereas man does not suffice to himself but must seek happiness in God, from whom he must also receive truth. In this the Platonists were right, for “having known God, they found where the cause that created the universe is, the light that makes truth perceptible, and the fountain from which happiness is drunk” (De civit. Dei, VIII, 10, n. 2). Indeed, nothing finite fully satisfies us (De beata vita, 2, n. 11); experience demonstrates this: “Lord, you have made us for yourself, and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (Confess., I, 1, n. 1). To know and to love God—this is where our moral perfection and our happiness lie. Reason can only approve these indications of experience: since finite goods are nothing but a reflection of creative perfection, it is in the order of things that beyond and through these imitations we tend toward the divine exemplar and the source of all reality (In evang. Ioan., tr. 26, n. 5; De Trin., VIII, 7). It should be noted that when Augustine speaks of the possession of God, he understands it as promised by Christian faith, that is, as the intuition of the divine essence itself; yet he knows that such perfection of happiness is a grace and consequently a supernatural end (De Gen. ad litt., XII, 26, n. 54). We ought to praise the Creator even if He had been less generous toward us.

If the end of ethical intention is confused with happiness, it does not follow that morality is a higher form of egoism. It is precisely the disinterested love of God, whereby one enjoys God without referring Him to oneself, that constitutes our happiness (*In Ioan. evang.*, tr. 123, n. 5). Self-love is referred to the love of God. Every other good, and our own good, must be loved insofar as it serves the love of the Supreme Good: this is the principle by which the acts of the rational creature are judged. St. Augustine adheres faithfully to this principle, and this explains his manner of considering the virtues of the pagans (v. above) or of speaking of the fear of punishments: this is useful insofar as it deters one from doing evil, but to be moral (a *timor castus*), it must include a beginning of love for the good (*In epist. Ioan.*, tr. 9, n. 2-8). Augustine employs neo-Platonic ideas on purification, that is, detachment from sensible pleasures, to describe the stages of moral progress: the phantoms of earthly things blind the intellect and hinder the will (*Confess.*, X, 30-43; *De Trin.*, XII, 11, n. 16).

In Augustine’s writings, there is no study of the problems of a doubtful conscience. Once, however, the question was raised whether food presented had been offered to idols, he replies: in ignorance (which here is a doubt), one may eat this food without scruple (*Epist.* 47, n. 6).

12. Special precepts

a) Individual. – Augustine permits no lying, that is, to speak against one’s own mind with the intention of deceiving (*Enchir.*, 22). Since one must not do evil to obtain a good, a useful lie remains a sin, though less grave (*De mendacio*, 14, n. 25). The intrinsic malice of lying lies in the abuse of another’s trust (cf. M. Ledrus, *De mendacio*, in *Periodica*, 32 [1943], pp. 5-58, 123-71; 33 [1944], pp. 5-60; 34 [1945], pp. 157-209).

Augustine, like some other Fathers, does not approve of killing merely to defend one’s own life (*Epist.* 47, n. 5): but this seems to be merely counsel. Respect for the right to property is inculcated by nature itself (*Confess.*, II, 4, 6); yet society has the faculty to moderate it according to the exigencies of the common good (*In Ioan. evang.*, tr. 6, n. 25). Slavery

is an evil, arising from sin and a consequence of wars. The slave, if unable to obtain his freedom, should be faithful, and the master should be full of charity toward the slave, his brother (*De civit. Dei*, XIX, 15-16; *Sermo* 58, 2, n. 2).

b) Social. — Civil society is an institution founded upon man’s rational nature and strengthened by the bond of blood (De civit. Dei, XIX, 12, n. 2; XIX, 21). The bond of human societies is love; their end is peace (ibid., 13, n. 1). Order arises from the observance of laws, which must always be inspired by the eternal Law, yet may and must vary according to the diversity of times (De lib. arb., I, 6, n. 15; Confess., III, 7, n. 13). Civil powers must be obeyed, since power comes from God (Expositio epist. ad Rom., 72). Patriotism is a duty; if parents should command anything against the fatherland, do not heed them; nor heed the fatherland if it commands against God (Sermo 62, 5, n. 8).

The best service to the fatherland is to lead it to the true worship of God and to make it part of the City of God. The best regime is that which best suits the concrete needs of the people; yet the more reasonable the people, the greater the share they must have in governing the City (De lib. arb., I, 6, n. 14). Augustine paints a fine portrait of the good prince (De civit. Dei, V, 24), but warns that both the succession of empires and the internal order of states are directed by Providence according to its mysterious decrees (De civit. Dei, V, 19).

If there were no injustice, there would be no war, no need for vast empires; humanity would consist of many small states, happy in their peaceful neighbourhood. Remove justice, and states are nothing more than bands of robbers (ibid., IV, 15). War may therefore be necessary. It is an evil to be mitigated by justice toward the enemy and by the aim of securing peace (Epist. 189, n. 6). Blessed are the peacemakers who, with their word, slay war (Epist. 229, n. 2).

c) The Two Cities. — Beneath visible divisions there exists another, deeper and invisible division among men: that of the two cities. The City of God gathers all who love God to the point of despising themselves, while the earthly city is composed of those who love themselves to the point of despising God (De civit. Dei, XIV, 28). The birth and progress of the City of God constitute the design of Providence through the ages, while its end in the harmony of paradise shall be endless. Here below the two cities are mingled, and some goods are common to both. The Church has the task of promoting the City of God. The state must do nothing to hinder it; indeed, for the sake of the temporal common good it must foster the virtues belonging to the City of God, and for the sake of the eternal good of its subjects it must help them to become part of that same city (Epist. 155, 3).

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616, 617, 618, 619, 620, 621, 622, 623, 624, 625, 626, 627, 628, 629, 630, 631, 632, 633, 634, 635, 636, 637, 638, 639, 640, 641, 642, 643, 644, 645, 646, 647, 648, 649, 650, 651, 652, 653, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 659, 660, 661, 662, 663, 664, 665, 666, 667, 668, 669, 670, 671, 672, 673, 674, 675, 676, 677, 678, 679, 680, 681, 682, 683, 684, 685, 686, 687, 688, 689, 690, 691, 692, 693, 694, 695, 696, 697, 698, 699, 700, 701, 702, 703, 704, 705, 706, 707, 708, 709, 710, 711, 712, 713, 714, 715, 716, 717, 718, 719, 720, 721, 722, 723, 724, 725, 726, 727, 728, 729, 730, 731, 732, 733, 734, 735, 736, 737, 738, 739, 740, 741, 742, 743, 744, 745, 746, 747, 748, 749, 750, 751, 752, 753, 754, 755, 756, 757, 758, 759, 760, 761, 762, 763, 764, 765, 766, 767, 768, 769, 770, 771, 772, 773, 774, 775, 776, 777, 778, 779, 780, 781, 782, 783, 784, 785, 786, 787, 788, 789, 790, 791, 792, 793, 794, 795, 796, 797, 798, 799, 800, 801, 802, 803, 804, 805, 806, 807, 808, 809, 810, 811, 812, 813, 814, 815, 816, 817, 818, 819, 820, 821, 822, 823, 824, 825, 826, 827, 828, 829, 830, 831, 832, 833, 834, 835, 836, 837, 838, 839, 840, 841, 842, 843, 844, 845, 846, 847, 848, 849, 850, 851, 852, 853, 854, 855, 856, 857, 858, 859, 860, 861, 862, 863, 864, 865, 866, 867, 868, 869, 870, 871, 872, 873, 874, 875, 876, 877, 878, 879, 880, 881, 882, 883, 884, 885, 886, 887, 888, 889, 890, 891, 892, 893, 894, 895, 896, 897, 898, 899, 900, 901, 902, 903, 904, 905, 906, 907, 908, 909, 910, 911, 912, 913, 914, 915, 916, 917, 918, 919, 920, 921, 922, 923, 924, 925, 926, 927, 928, 929, 930, 931, 932, 933, 934, 935, 936, 937, 938, 939, 940, 941, 942, 943, 944, 945, 946, 947, 948, 949, 950, 951, 952, 953, 954, 955, 956, 957, 958, 959, 960, 961, 962, 963, 964, 965, 966, 967, 968, 969, 970, 971, 972, 973, 974, 975, 976, 977, 978, 979, 980, 981, 982, 983, 984, 985, 986, 987, 988, 989, 990, 991, 992, 993, 994, 995, 996, 997, 998, 999, 1000, 1001, 1002, 1003, 1004, 1005, 1006, 1007, 1008, 1009, 1010, 1011, 1012, 1013, 1014, 1015, 1016, 1017, 1018, 1019, 1020, 1021, 1022, 1023, 1024, 1025, 1026, 1027, 1028, 1029, 1030, 1031, 1032, 1033, 1034, 1035, 1036, 1037, 1038, 1039, 1040, 1041, 1042, 1043, 1044, 1045, 1046, 1047, 1048, 1049, 1050, 1051, 1052, 1053, 1054, 1055, 1056, 1057, 1058, 1059, 1060, 1061, 1062, 1063, 1064, 1065, 1066, 1067, 1068, 1069, 1070, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1074, 1075, 1076, 1077, 1078, 1079, 1080, 1081, 1082, 1083, 1084, 1085, 1086, 1087, 1088, 1089, 1090, 1091, 1092, 1093, 1094, 1095, 1096, 1097, 1098, 1099, 1100, 1101, 1102, 1103, 1104, 1105, 1106, 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110, 1111, 1112, 1113, 1114, 1115, 1116, 1117, 1118, 1119, 1120, 1121, 1122, 1123, 1124, 1125, 1126, 1127, 1128, 1129, 1130, 1131, 1132, 1133, 1134, 1135, 1136, 1137, 1138, 1139, 1140, 1141, 1142, 1143, 1144, 1145, 1146, 1147, 1148, 1149, 1150, 1151, 1152, 1153, 1154, 1155, 1156, 1157, 1158, 1159, 1160, 1161, 1162, 1163, 1164, 1165, 1166, 1167, 1168, 1169, 1170, 1171, 1172, 1173, 1174, 1175, 1176, 1177, 1178, 1179, 1180, 1181, 1182, 1183, 1184, 1185, 1186, 1187, 1188, 1189, 1190, 1191, 1192, 1193, 1194, 1195, 1196, 1197, 1198, 1199, 1200, 1201, 1202, 1203, 1204, 1205, 1206, 1207, 1208, 1209, 1210, 1211, 1212, 1213, 1214, 1215, 1216, 1217, 1218, 1219, 1220, 1221, 1222, 1223, 1224, 1225, 1226, 1227, 1228, 1229, 1230, 1231, 1232, 1233, 1234, 1235, 1236, 1237, 1238, 1239, 1240, 1241, 1242, 1243, 1244, 1245, 1246, 1247, 1248, 1249, 1250, 1251, 1252, 1253, 1254, 1255, 1256, 1257, 1258, 1259, 1260, 1261, 1262, 1263, 1264, 1265, 1266, 1267, 1268, 1269, 1270, 1271, 1272, 1273, 1274, 1275, 1276, 1277, 1278, 1279, 1280, 1281, 1282, 1283, 1284, 1285, 1286, 1287, 1288, 1289, 1290, 1291, 1292, 1293, 1294, 1295, 1296, 1297, 1298, 1299, 1300, 1301, 1302, 1303, 1304, 1305, 1306, 1307, 1308, 1309, 1310, 1311, 1312, 1313, 1314, 1315, 1316, 1317, 1318, 1319, 1320, 1321, 1322, 1323, 1324, 1325, 1326, 1327, 1328, 1329, 1330, 1331, 1332, 1333, 1334, 1335, 1336, 1337, 1338, 1339, 1340, 1341, 1342, 1343, 1344, 1345, 1346, 1347, 1348, 1349, 1350, 1351, 1352, 1353, 1354, 1355, 1356, 1357, 1358, 1359, 1360, 1361, 1362, 1363, 1364, 1365, 1366, 1367, 1368, 1369, 1370, 1371, 1372, 1373, 1374, 1375, 1376, 1377, 1378, 1379, 1380, 1381, 1382, 1383, 1384, 1385, 1386, 1387, 1388, 1389, 1390, 1391, 1392, 1393, 1394, 1395, 1396, 1397, 1398, 1399, 1400, 1401, 1402, 1403, 1404, 1405, 1406, 1407, 1408, 1409, 1410, 1411, 1412, 1413, 1414, 1415, 1416, 1417, 1418, 1419, 1420, 1421, 1422, 1423, 1424, 1425, 1426, 1427, 1428, 1429, 1430, 1431, 1432, 1433, 1434, 1435, 1436, 1437, 1438, 1439, 1440, 1441, 1442, 1443, 1444, 1445, 1446, 1447, 1448, 1449, 1450, 1451, 1452, 1453, 1454, 1455, 1456, 1457, 1458, 1459, 1460, 1461, 1462, 1463, 1464, 1465, 1466, 1467, 1468, 1469, 1470, 1471, 1472, 1473, 1474, 1475, 1476, 1477, 1478, 1479, 1480, 1481, 1482, 1483, 1484, 1485, 1486, 1487, 1488, 1489, 1490, 1491, 1492, 1493, 1494, 1495, 1496, 1497, 1498, 1499, 1500, 1501, 1502, 1503, 1504, 1505, 1506, 1507, 1508, 1509, 1510, 1511, 1512, 1513, 1514, 1515, 1516, 1517, 1518, 1519, 1520, 1521, 1522, 1523, 1524, 1525, 1526, 1527, 1528, 1529, 1530, 1531, 1532, 1533, 1534, 1535, 1536, 1537, 1538, 1539, 1540, 1541, 1542, 1543, 1544, 1545, 1546, 1547, 1548, 1549, 1550, 1551, 1552, 1553, 1554, 1555, 1556, 1557, 1558, 1559, 1560, 1561, 1562, 1563, 1564, 1565, 1566, 1567, 1568, 1569, 1570, 1571, 1572, 1573, 1574, 1575, 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, 1580, 1581, 1582, 1583, 1584, 1585, 1586, 1587, 1588, 1589, 1590, 1591, 1592, 1593, 1594, 1595, 1596, 1597, 1598, 1599, 1600, 1601, 1602, 1603, 1604, 1605, 1606, 1607, 1608, 1609, 1610, 1611, 1612, 1613, 1614, 1615, 1616, 1617, 1618, 1619, 1620, 1621, 1622, 1623, 1624, 1625, 1626, 1627, 1628, 1629, 1630, 1631, 1632, 1633, 1634, 1635, 1636, 1637, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1641, 1642, 1643, 1644, 1645, 1646, 1647, 1648, 1649, 1650, 1651, 1652, 1653, 1654, 1655, 1656, 1657, 1658, 1659, 1660, 1661, 1662, 1663, 1664, 1665, 1666, 1667, 1668, 1669, 1670, 1671, 1672, 1673, 1674, 1675, 1676, 1677, 1678, 1679, 1680, 1681, 1682, 1683, 1684, 1685, 1686, 1687, 1688, 1689, 1690, 1691, 1692, 1693, 1694, 1695, 1696, 1697, 1698, 1699, 1700, 1701, 1702, 1703, 1704, 1705, 1706, 1707, 1708, 1709, 1710, 1711, 1712, 1713, 1714, 1715, 1716, 1717, 1718, 1719, 1720, 1721, 1722, 1723, 1724, 1725, 1726, 1727, 1728, 1729, 1730, 1731, 1732, 1733, 1734, 1735, 1736, 1737, 1738, 1739, 1740, 1741, 1742, 1743, 1744, 1745, 1746, 1747, 1748, 1749, 1750, 1751, 1752, 1753, 1754, 1755, 1756, 1757, 1758, 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, 1763, 1764, 1765, 1766, 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, 1773, 1774, 1775, 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, 1784, 1785, 1786, 1787, 1788, 1789, 1790, 1791, 1792, 1793, 1794, 1795, 1796, 1797, 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805, 1806, 1807, 1808, 1809, 1810, 1811, 1812, 1813, 1814, 1815, 1816, 1817, 1818, 1819, 1820, 1821, 1822, 1823, 1824, 1825, 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829, 1830, 1831, 1832, 1833, 1834, 1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, 1839, 1840,

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time of the final judgment (Epist. 197, nn. 1-2). At the resurrection, bodies will be formed from their original elements, but perhaps arranged differently (Enchir., 89). The beauty of the bodies of the just will be wonderful. Those bodies will possess the qualities of agility and incorruptibility (Sermo 244, 6-8).

The existence of hell is affirmed by Jesus Christ (De civit. Dei, XXI, 17-27) and is eternal (Enchir., 67-69; De civit. Dei, XXI). The error of the “merciful” is contrary to the most manifest texts (De octo Dulg. quaest., q. 1, n. 14). The Church does not pray for the damned; if someone, while maintaining the eternity of punishment, nevertheless asserts that at certain times it is mitigated, Augustine, without adhering to this opinion, does not condemn it (De civit. Dei, XXI, 24, n. 3). In hell, there is real fire, but its punitive intensity is not the same for all (ibid., 16).

Heaven is the homeland of the just, angels and men. All form the single, most happy heavenly City, in the same beatific vision of God. In this vision, the perfection of the virtues is fulfilled with the perfection of the image of God in the human soul. The mind sees the divine essence, Truth itself. Some have thought that Augustine confused the intelligible with the sensible when he grants that the blessed see God even with the eyes of the body; but the meaning of this assertion is that the intellect, in the object grasped by the senses, knows how to see, beyond the sensible, God revealed through the sensible, just as here below we know how to perceive life by looking with our eyes at a living body (De civit. Dei, XXII, 29, n. 6). The endless activity of the blessed will be the vision, love, and praise of God: “Videbimus, amabimus, laudabimus” (Sermo 254, 6, n. 8).

Bibl.: E. Portali, s. V. in DThC, I, cols. 2443-53; A. Lehaut, L'éternité des peines de l'enfer dans s. A., Paris 1912; H. Eger, Die Eschatologie Aug., Greifswald 1933.

IV. PEDAGOGY

The pedagogy of St. Augustine follows and derives as a corollary from his doctrine on the ultimate end and illumination. Since man’s supreme interest and duty consist in attaining possession of God, everything in education must tend to direct man toward the love of God and the use of the means provided by Providence for this purpose; and since the knowledge of truth is accomplished within the soul by virtue of the illumination that God diffuses there, the principal and in some sense the only Teacher, the educator must ensure that the disciple finds within himself, by gently consulting the truth, what is taught to him.

When A. directs all education toward the salvation of the soul and the attainment of the Supreme Good, he does nothing more than systematize in a coherent theory what Christianity taught in a more popular way and succeeded in putting into practice. It is true that some pagan philosophers, from Plato to Marcus Aurelius, had spoken noble words about the end of man, but in too vague and esoteric a manner to exert any influence on the course of culture, which had remained at a superficial level that the decline toward the end of the 4th century had worsened considerably. Rhetoric appeared as the supreme art (cf. H.-I. Marrou, *Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique*, Paris 1938, pp. 166-75).

In the letter of the Bishop of Hippo to the young student Dioscorus, who had questioned him on various literary matters, the contrast appears between the culture of the time and that which A. promotes (*Epist.* 118). The true science to be acquired is that of the Supreme Good; the means are those which Christian faith teaches. Consequently, the Christian eager for culture must first deepen his faith so as to gain an understanding of it to the extent permitted here below and to defend II. For this reason, the study of Holy Scripture is indispensable. Yet it is not the only one to pursue: it itself requires knowledge of philosophy, theology, and the liberal disciplines (*De Ordine*, II, 5, no. 17). Moreover, the Christian must instruct himself in the sciences that serve the common good of society (*De doctrina christiana*, II, 42, no. 63; II, 39). Even rhetoric, kept in its proper place, is to be cultivated; but lessons in eloquence can be found in the Christian writings of St. Paul, Cyprian, and Ambrose (*ibid.*, IV, 21, no. 50). A. takes care to observe the cadence of clauses. Nothing could be more legitimate than to give to words all the force and clarity they can possess. Yet one can never sufficiently reproach that kind of instruction which A. himself had received at Madaura, in which the imagination of boys was filled with the obscenities of mythology, as if one wished to ennoble bad morals by placing them among the gods.

The other fine arts can form part of Christian culture and thus enter into the education of youth, but they must be subjected to the same rule: for example, the pleasure taken in the singing of the psalms must not prevent one from attending to the words (*Confess.*, X, 3, no. 50). In this way, culture—and the education that brings it about—was given a rational, elevated, and solid direction.

At the same time, the pupil was admonished to contribute to his own formation through a bold activity. Truth does not come to us from outside, but we must find it within ourselves, in the light of the subsistent Truth. For the perception of higher truths it is necessary that the soul be well disposed, that it seek purely the true, without concern for vanity or worldly interest, but with perfect and sincere sincerity (Contra Academicos, I, 3; De moribus Ecclesiae, 17). It is natural, indeed, that the effort to learn be accompanied by prayer, that is, by invocation of the interior Master, as we find in the Confessions.

A. stands at the opposite pole from Rousseau in his appreciation of our natural tendencies; he knows that not all are good and that original sin has inclined us to evil from childhood. He therefore sees no salvation for man except in an education illumined by the Catholic faith and sustained by the grace of Christ (cf. Eph. 26, 101, 118).

Bibl.: P. Ballerini, Il metodo di s. A. negli studi, Milano 1773; F. X. Eggersdorfer, Der hl. A. als Paedagogen, Freiburg in Br. 1907; H.-I. Marrou, S. A. et la fin de la culture antique, Paris 1938; C. Boyer, S. A., Milano 1947, pp. 221-39.

V. CONCLUSIONE.

In conclusion, one may say of St. A. what he himself said of the Platonists: that he found God and, having found Him, was able to explain the being of things, the certainty of truth, and the end of human life. Yet he was more fortunate than the Platonists, inasmuch as he knew Christ, the Incarnate Word, who showed men the humble path to follow in order to possess God and merited for them the grace to walk in II. Completely illumined by such light, he devoted every strength of his soul to spreading it through word and pen. He did not compose a Summa systematically ordered, but, writing as occasion arose, treatises and sermons for the faithful, replies to heretics, and letters to those who consulted him, he constituted a body of Christian, philosophical, and theological doctrine to which little was added for many centuries and which largely inspired the developments that followed.

Augustine’s writings thus exerted an extraordinary influence. Popes St Leo the Great, St Gelasius, and St Gregory fed upon them. The Middle Ages, until the introduction of Aristotelianism, were entirely Augustinian. Even the most independent and innovative current of St Albert the Great and St Thomas Aquinas ordinarily sought agreement with St Augustine, and it may be said that Thomism, when in points of great importance it corrects Aristotle, leans upon Augustinianism. We have seen how Augustine’s doctrine differs from that of the Protestants, who often appealed to him but abandoned him when he too manifestly contradicted them. The Jansenists took him as their sole master, but read him with a Protestant mentality. In modern thought the influence of Augustinian doctrine remains profound. Descartes in several points follows its inspiration. The spiritualist current that is recognised in Pascal, Malebranche, Gerdil, Gratry, and Blondel appeals to Augustine. Various themes preferred by modern philosophers are Augustinian: self-knowledge, the dynamism of the will, the insufficiency of the finite, and others. Theologians continually have the volumes of the great Doctor in hand. Christian piety is steeped in his ideas and often in his very expressions. He remains one of the greatest lights with which Providence illumines the path of the City of God during its earthly pilgrimage.

BIBL.:** To supplement the bibliography indicated in the course of the article, we refer to that contained in the following works: E. Nebreda, Bibl. august., Rome 1928; R. Gonzales, Bibl. agust. del Centenario, in Religion y Cultura, 15 (1931) pp. 460–500; I. I. Marrou, S. A. et la fin de la culture antique, Paris 1938; E. Gilson, Introduction à l’étude de s. A., 2nd ed., Paris 1945; and for works prior to 1903, the art. Augustin in DThC. Carlo Boyer

ICONOGRAPHY. A. is depicted with the vestments and insignia of a bishop, often at a writing desk or holding a book. In the course of the 15th century, his individual attributes appear: a child attempting to collect the sea in a small pit alludes to the most famous episode of the legend; a wounded heart, pierced by two arrows or blazing, which from the Baroque period onward became the saint’s preferred distinct attribute, symbolizes his love of God and neighbor, recalling a passage from the *Confessions*. The earliest effigy of St. A. is the fresco in the ancient library of the Lateran (late 6th century); beyond the Alps his images first appear in the 12th century with the fresco at Nonnberg (Salzburg) and in miniatures such as those in the Stuttgart Passional. While in German art, which offers in late Gothic two magnificent examples—the altarpiece by Michael Pacher in Munich and the statue by Nicolaus of Haguenau in the Isenheim altarpiece—the representations of the saint remain relatively scarce, Italian art abounds with them: he was painted alone by Botticelli (Florence, Ognissanti), Justus of Ghent (Paris, Louvre), and Niccolò Pizzolo (Padua, Eremitani); grouped with other saints in devotion by Fra Angelico, Cariani, Cima da Conegliano, Perugino, and Pinturicchio; as founder of his order by Bartolomeo Vivarini (Venice, SS. Giovanni e Paolo), Andrea del Sarto (Florence, Pitti), and Carletto Caliari (Vienna, Museum; Venice, Accademia). The most extensive cyclical representations of the legend are found in the reliefs of the ark of St. A. in San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro at Pavia (1361) and in the frescoes by Benozzo Gozzoli at San Gimignano (1363–65, church of the Augustinians); among the individual scenes, the vision of the mysterious child particularly attracts artistic imagination from 15th-century panels to the paintings of Rubens, Guercino, and Murillo.

— See Plates XXXIX–XLI.

BIBL.:** K. Kunstle, *Ikonographie der Heiligen*, II, Freiburg im Br. 1926, pp. 105–110; I. Errera, *Répertoire abrégé d’iconographie*, Wetteren 1929, pp. 284–95; I. Braun, *Tracht und Attribute der Heiligen in der deutschen Kunst*, Stuttgart 1941. Kurt Rathe

AGRAM. See ZAGABRIA.