TRADE UNIONISM AND TRADE UNION. - These are forms of professional organization which at present, in the various languages, are usually called: sindacati, syndicats, sindicatos, trade unions, gewerkschaften.

I. GUIDING THREAD FOR A HISTORICAL INVESTIGATION OF SYNDICALISM

The organization of the population into professional groups has certain characteristic elements that can serve as a guiding thread for a historical investigation: from the structural standpoint, in the fact that the group is formed of persons who carry on the same productive activity or related activities, and precisely insofar as they carry on that activity, independently of the renewal of individual members; from the functional standpoint, in the fact that the group fundamentally tends toward the defense and the economic-social strengthening of its members, insofar as they belong to a determined category or group of producers.

Professional associationism is a phenomenon that recurs in the most varied epochs and in the countries of the most diverse civilizations. Thus one has an experimental confirmation of the natural tendency toward it, as a particular manifestation of the complex social nature of man. It follows that the prohibition of the said associationism, proclaimed by the guiding principles of the French Revolution and by the legislations inspired by them, constitutes in history a parenthesis rather than a tradition, and it likewise follows that such a prohibition is to be considered, at least in general, contrary to the law of nature, excessive and dangerous. However great the economic, juridical and political importance of professional associations may be, it is necessary that controls and limits be placed upon them (insofar as they have limited aims, albeit intensely pursued) by a higher political authority, guardian of the general interest of the collectivity at a given moment and at the same time in its future projections, and in particular it is necessary that anarchoid unbridling be checked (cf. in Roman law: Lex de collegiis restituendis novique instituendis; Lex Julia etc.) and that the tendency toward the formation of closed bodies also be checked, exclusivistic because of their privileges without corresponding functions, in conflict with social progress (cf. the suppressive legislations against the degenerate medieval "guilds").

II. EMERGENCE AND MATURATION OF CONTEMPORARY TRADE UNIONISM

Confining ourselves to a very rapid outline of the events closest in time, it is well known how the craft guilds, after a period of splendor, went into decline. The decline, already notable in the 14th century, continued thereafter without interruption. The economic environment underwent radical transformations, both through the expansion and shifting of the principal economic, productive and commercial centers — owing in particular to the discovery of the countries of America and the formation of great colonial empires — and through a marked concentration of capital; both through the establishment and the rapid and intense development of machinism and, more generally, the adoption of new technical means of production, following remarkable inventions and discoveries; and through the intense grouping of masses of workers, ever more numerous, around new industries, in conditions of pure wage labor, together with a growing specialization and division of labor. And while greater freedom in public life was increasingly invoked, the guilds on the contrary stiffened into closed, privileged bodies, without corresponding functions of public utility. Their narrow and backward regulation of productive activity was a serious hindrance to progress. Hence there came first sporadic measures of reform, and then others of suppression, the latter culminating in France with Turgot's Edict (1776) and, after various vicissitudes of that Edict, in the famous revolutionary resolutions of 4 August 1789. On 15 June 1791 the Constituent Assembly went to the extreme, prohibiting any professional association as contrary to the fundamental principles of the Revolution (cf. the law that takes its name from the constituent Le Chapelier).

Even in this excess, French legislation served as a model for some decades for the other European countries. In a regime of economic liberty almost without limits, trade unions being prohibited and public authority absent, individual workers in reality found themselves in a situation little short of servile, according to a phrase of Leo XIII in the encyclical Rerum novarum (1891), and this also because of the undercutting competition of the less costly labor of women and children. The class struggle thus went on fermenting in an environment saturated with social inequalities and deepening ever further the rifts.

The most effective impulse toward a new associationalism and a protective labor legislation must perhaps be found, at least as far as the working-class environment is concerned, less in political and trade-union doctrines, not always clearly formulated and even less well understood, than in a certain vivid sense of justice, strong and naturally welling up in the depths of consciences, toward an order that would better balance the relations among the human factors of production. Unfortunately the prohibitive laws drove workers to extra-legal acts of self-defense and toward theories of radical subversion, and when those laws were abolished (beginning in 1824 in England) the trade-union movement would already be largely channeled toward paths diverging from an orderly social collaboration. Meanwhile, amid heated debates, economic-social and political-juridical theories diverging from one another were developing. Left-wing extremists saw in the trade union a cell of the new society, which through a heroic class of producers and the myth of the general strike (Sorel) was to replace the State with a federalism of economic organisms. The opponents of the extreme right, on the other hand, dreaded the irruption of an authoritarian revolutionism, oppressive of individual liberty, almost a new form of feudalism. In between stood the more realistic theories (though these too variously shaped), directed toward an action of immediate economic protection of workers and the promotion of reforms (v. LEGISLAZIONE SOCIALE), sometimes combined with cooperative action (guildism) and with mutual-aid action, which, in time, came to take on more pronounced autonomies of their own.

The reconstruction of professional institutions has always been one of the cornerstones of the doctrine and practice of modern social Catholicism. It is in the Papal State that (after the restrictive measures of Pius VII in 1800-1801) the universities and corporations of those practicing trades or any branch of commerce are re-established on new foundations (with the motu proprio of Pius IX of May 1852). Notable is the report by L. Bottini (La questione operaia e la corporazione cristiana) at the VII Catholic Congress (Lucca 1887), and even more so the Social Week of Assisi (1911), entirely devoted to the subject.

For the official magisterium, the references in important encyclicals and in numerous documents and speeches from Leo XIII to Pius XII are salient. A synthetic perspective is found in the so-called Codes of Malines (ch. 3, 4, 7) and of Camaldoli (art. 67 suppl.). The most recent formulation is that contained in the final declaration of the XXIV Social Week, also devoted to professional organization (Genoa 1951). A trade-union organization, it says among other things, is expressed directly by the professional categories; having as its reason for being the pursuit of their interests in harmony with the requirements of the common good; endowed with its own initiative and its own responsibility; in a relationship of independence with regard to political parties and of autonomy with regard to the State, it implies, by the very fact of its existence, an organic-pluralistic conception and conformation of coexistence, founded on a consideration of the person and on the recognition of his fundamental rights in the political-social field. Those who carry on any professional activity have from nature itself the right to associate. The objectives of the trade-union organization are concretely realized in the pursuit of the interests proper to the category by which it is expressed. The trade-union organization, when circumstances permit or require it, can carry on activities that contribute to the elevation of the working classes, such as, for example, mutual aid, recreation, assistance, moral education, religious formation. In protecting its own interests or in pursuing its own objectives, the trade-union organization must inspire its action by the principle of collaboration: this is demanded by the very natural sociability of men, by the vital interdependence among the various moments and sectors of economic life, and is in conformity with scientific-technical progress.

Having affirmed collective bargaining as the normal means through which the trade unions pursue the interests of their respective categories, and the strike as another means, in regimes of economic freedom, when attempts at settlement have first been tried, and within the limits of the requirements of the common good, the independence of the trade unions from political parties is likewise affirmed, without excluding relations of collaboration with them. The State recognizes the trade-union organization insofar as it has arisen as a free association, and therefore, with respect to the State itself, within the sphere of its competences, it is by its nature autonomous. In order to safeguard its own interests effectively and better contribute to the realization of the common good, the trade-union organization, in accordance with the concrete conditions of place and time, should be present in the structure of the State in a continuous manner and in organic form.

In coherence with its own vision of life, it would be desirable that Catholics establish trade-union organizations of Christian inspiration. Historical circumstance may permit or require that Catholics insert themselves into non-confessional trade-union organizations, on condition that the fundamental principles of coexistence are respected. In this hypothesis Catholics must create associations of workers, invested with the task of imparting religious-moral formation, so as to inspire and orient their action also in economic-social problems.

IV. TRADE UNIONISM IN ITALY

Throughout the 19th century and then at the beginning of the 20th, culture spread, political suffrage widened, civil liberties increased, and the confessional and mutual-aid movements developed. Furthermore, an economy of higher wages, which makes saving possible; the concentration of large urbanized masses and therefore in continuous contact; the spread of new social doctrines and institutions — all lead to the formation of a class consciousness, understood as the rethought, deeply felt and practically operative idea of the lower multitudes, of being called to compose a homogeneous part, with its own special functions in the social body, and of possessing the right and the corresponding forces to translate that purpose into concrete, vital and lasting reality (G. Toniolo).

In Italy the new workers' organizations arose late, because the new large-scale capitalist economy was realized late and extended with difficulty, and this for various causes, among which the foremost were the political struggles for national unity, which absorbed a great part of public and private energies, and the poverty of raw materials. Depressed wages, lack of education, the severity of the penal code are elements that contributed at first to hindering the formation of an orderly professional movement. But then this movement went on spreading and consolidating more and more, unfortunately however mostly in forms divergent from a well-understood national interest, and in this class egoisms, weaknesses of governments, and lack of understanding on the part of the educated classes bear their share of responsibility; economists were wedded to the doctrine of laissez-faire and laissez-passer, and jurists were too attached to the rigid private-law doctrines of Roman law, no longer suited to the new political-economic environment.

Before 1860 the relatively more numerous nuclei of societies are found in Emilia, until then part of the Papal State; they have a certain religious character; similar societies with the purpose of mutual aid are also found in Turin. The first resistance association seems to be that of the typographical compositors, having the purpose of opposing wage reductions (Turin 1848). In 1856 the Associazione artistico-vetraria, the first producers' cooperative, was constituted at Altare (Genoa).

Mazzini as early as 1842 wrote on the «necessity of the special organization of Italian workers» and in 1861 he proposed an organization of workers that from the art college would rise, through the communal and regional mastrati, up to the grand national council, that is, to the representation of the regions in the Artisan Association of Italy. In that year the movement took on a more decided development. Against the Mazzinian ideology, national in character and based on collaboration, and the incipient socialist movement, whose principal standard-bearer in Italy was the Russian Bakunin (between 1864 and 1874). Mazzini was aware of the danger that was arising; the government was not. The article to the Italian workers is a most severe indictment of that International (London 1864) whose first steps he had followed with a certain sympathy, albeit distrustful. While Garibaldi launched the famous phrase: «the International is the sun of the future», Mazzini again opposed to the internationalist doctrine and action the denial of God, of the fatherland, of private property. In practice, however, the Mazzinian movement did not have much importance.

A characteristic of the Italian movement is given by agricultural workers. In Italy in fact, an eminently agricultural country, the workers of the land begin relatively early to organize in comparison with other countries. Some Mantuan organizations date from 1884. The Fasci siciliani were constituted in large part by peasants. The first, that of Catania, was inaugurated on 1 May 1889 and had a clearly socialist character. The movement (rather disorderly) was strongly fought and proved ephemeral. But the leagues in other regions of Italy were not short-lived. In Romagna the republican propaganda joined with the socialist one. In 1900 the Postellanza dei contadini mezzanari was constituted at Forlì and in 1901 other organizations arose at Ravenna and Cesena. In the same year the 1st National Congress of the workers of the land was held at Bologna and the National Federation was constituted.

Another movement of particular importance is that of the Camere del lavoro. People began to speak of them in Italy in 1888 and in 1890 the statute of the first Chamber, which arose at Milan, was drawn up. Thus there was a kind of territorial community of workers. The municipalities give subsidies, while on the other hand the Segretariati del popolo arise, under the care of the Christian-social movement, which oppose the monopolistic attempts of the organizations of a socialist character. The battle would then always remain joined, principally as regards the right of representation, invoked, albeit as a minority, by the white organizations, in organs of the public administration.

Between 1900-1906 a crisis of method and general direction revealed itself in the Italian workers' movement. To the division of the Socialist Party into two factions, the reformist and the revolutionary, there had followed division also in the workers' movement. The Segretariato centrale della resistenza, constituted in 1902, had ceased to function; then, after the Congress of 1905, it passed into the hands of the opponents of the reformist method. The reformist organizations then founded (1 Oct. 1906) the Confederazione generale del lavoro, which subsequently had the most important part in the general movement (as, for example, on the occasion of the occupation of the factories, following the very serious metallurgical conflict of 1920). It was constituted by the Federazioni nazionali di resistenza (of industry or of trade) and by the Camere del lavoro which were on the line of class struggle. The adhering organizations had as a rule functional and patrimonial autonomy, «governing themselves as free bodies with a democratic constitution» (art. 45 of the Confederate Statute), save for the right of confederal control. A convention linked the Confederation of Labor with the National League of Cooperatives and with the Federation of Mutual Aid Societies («triplice rossa») and a pact of alliance linked the Federation itself with the Socialist Party.

Among the other national organizations that preceded the Fascist regime, and which were then, like the C.G.L. too, swept away by it, mention should be made of: the Unione sindacale italiana, the old syndicalist organization dissident from the Confederazione generale del lavoro, with anarchoid tendencies; the Unione italiana del lavoro, constituted in 1918 after the Unione sindacale expelled the proponents of the war against the Germans. The workers' movement in Italy has in fact had minorities favorable to the war, such as the Camera sindacalista of Parma and the Unione sindacale milanese founded by Filippo Corridoni: the Confederazione italiana dei lavoratori, arisen in Rome in 1918, for the coordination of Christian trade unionism which had a notable tradition (previously the movement was headed by the Unione sociale fra i cattolici italiani [v.], dissolved in 1919). The «triplice del lavoro bianca» was constituted by the alliance proclaimed between the said organization, the Confederazione cooperativa italiana and the Confederazione mutualità e assicurazioni sociali. In Jan. 1922 the Confederazione nazionale delle corporazioni sindacali (Fascist) arose, which was then unblocked, with parallel confederal organizations of employers and of workers being constituted for the great branches of production (agriculture, industry and transport, commerce, credit and insurance, and another confederation of professionals and artists).

Since it is not possible to follow all the organizational systems and their related developments, it may be said in general terms, at least as far as Italy is concerned, that individual workers join category associations (of the first degree) for variously determined sectors (so-called trade-union classification); the associations then federate and confederate (into bodies of the second or third degree, that is, having as members not individual workers but bodies of the first or second degree). At the apex of the complex system there are thus the great confederations, representing, through the intermediate bodies, the workers of all categories. In this way there exist in Italy the Confederazione generale italiana del lavoro (of a social-communist tendency) and the new Confederazione italiana dei sindacati dei lavoratori, apolitical and non-confessional, with the adherence also of Catholic workers, who, for purposes distinct from but coordinated with those more properly trade-union, of economic defense, that is, for ethical, cultural, etc. purposes, group together in the A.C.L.I. (Associazione cristiana lavoratori italiani [v.]).

In Italy the movement of company executives, that is, of the whole body of highest-grade employees, constituting a kind of general staff in the contemporary economic system, is also highly efficient. The relevant category organizations are united in the Confederazione italiana dei dirigenti di azienda (C.I.D.A.).

Among employers, organization does not attain integral unity on the model of the above-mentioned confederations for workers; it stops at the great branches of production, that is, Confederations of agriculture, of commerce, etc. Of pre-eminent importance is the Confederazione generale dell'industria italiana (born and reborn between the two wars, 1919 and 1944, coordinating movements that go back to the last two decades of the past century). While it groups category confederations, the Associazione sindacale tra le aziende del credito (Assicredito) groups directly individual firms and companies. A place of its own is held by the Confederazione della municipalizzazione, constituted among the federations of municipalized and equivalent undertakings. A movement parallel to the A.C.L.I., for employers and executives, is that of the U.C.I.D. (Unione cristiana imprenditori dirigenti): v. OPERE ADERENTI ALL'AZIONE CATTOLICA, II. U.C.I.D.

Artisans and categories of free professionals also have their own organizations (for the latter v. ORDINI E COLLEGI PROFESSIONALI).

V. LEGAL REGULATION OF PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS

At first, after the French Revolution, the professional association was generally considered an unlawful juridical fact (criminal and at least civil). Nevertheless the movement increasingly asserted itself clandestinely or with de facto tolerance, and in England the Trade unions and in France the Syndacats developed (from the grouping of the compagnons around their own secretary or syndic).

Once the phase of legal prohibitionism and of State non-intervention in the sphere of the economic activity of private individuals was overcome, legislation developed more and more, especially after the First World War, with regard to the collective or trade-union regulation of the economic relations of labor. Not only is the professional association considered a lawful activity and therefore productive of juridical effects, but the system of registration or recognition of trade unions also became common, as persons under private law, and, in some countries, even as persons under public law, participating in State functions (especially the multiform administrative one) and with normative powers (through specific acts, such as collective contracts, applicable to all the categories of those concerned, members and non-members) and of representation, albeit in modest proportions, in various and numerous bodies.

Thus an interesting evolutionary cycle unfolds, still in the course of development or settling, which from the most open initial hostilities of the first half of the last century between State and trade unions now arrives at a mutual direct collaboration. The trade unions, in contact with reality, have greatly attenuated, at least in their methods of struggle, except when they become more or less unconscious instruments of political parties, their revolutionary activity, not to mention those that have always kept away, by program, from subversive ideologies; the State, on the other hand, in realistic contact with social life, has recognized in professional associations entities to be used in the discharge, direct or indirect, of its own functions.

The order that is thus being formed includes multiple relationships: between members and trade unions, between opposing trade unions (of employers and of workers), between competing trade unions (in one and the same economic category, where a plurality of trade-union organizations is in operation, rather than unity); between trade unions and the State. In authoritarian States - whether of a corporative character (Fascist Italy, Spain, Portugal) or of a collectivist character (Russia) - only those trade unions that conform to State policy, of which they in practice become instruments, may operate.

The juridical order of professional associations in Italy was inspired, before Fascism, by liberal principles. In practice, freedom of association, including trade-union association, was recognized, with the correctives of social legislation, including trade-union legislation, so long as one remained in the speculative field, except for repressing criminal action or the attempt at criminal action. Labor relations were regulated by ordinary civil law, with the correctives of social legislation.

As regards freedom of professional association, the idea was taking root of a special recognition of professional associations and leagues, an obvious and practically opportune idea, but one not realized, especially because of the opposition of the socialist trade unions (alien to orderly legal action, fearing the bridling of their own activity with the consequent juridical responsibility) and because of the weakness of the liberal governments. Two bills (1902) were noteworthy, the first relating to the labor contract and the second to the prevention and settlement of agricultural strikes, opening the way to the recognition of associations and leagues as juridical persons, with the capacity to contract and to act in court. Other projects followed, elaborated on the initiative of the Higher Council of Labor. Although in effect a recognition in law did not materialize, a recognition, at least de facto, came about through the appointment of representatives of certain associations to consultative bodies of the public administration, beginning with the aforementioned Higher Council.

Only with a decree issued by the last liberal cabinet (Facta) on 29 Oct. 1922, no. 1529, was the registration of professional associations finally regulated, distinguished into associations of industrial and agricultural employers, and of landowners, and into associations of merchants directed to the protection of collective interests in the resolution of problems inherent in the relations between capital and labor, and into associations of workers and of employees of private firms, directed to the protection of professional interests and to the economic improvement of the members. The decree, however, had no application whatsoever for lack of the implementing regulation and above all because of the political upheaval brought about by Fascism also in trade-union matters with the establishment, through successive stages, of the so-called Corporative State.

Although by formal principle the trade-union or professional organization was considered free, in effect non-Fascist trade unions had no possibility of life, inasmuch as only the legally recognized trade union (that is, the Fascist trade union) and subject to State control had the right to represent legally the entire category of employers and workers for which it was constituted, to protect, before the State and the other professional associations, their interests, to stipulate collective labor contracts binding on all those belonging to the category, to impose contributions on them, and to exercise, with respect to them, functions of public interest (Carta del lavoro, declaration III).

VI. LEGAL DISCIPLINE OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE ITALIAN CONSTITUTION

The new Constitution did not give prominence to trade unions, which would instead have risen to great importance if a system of political representation for economic-social categories in the Senate of the Republic had been adopted, as had been proposed by some.

The freedom of trade-union organizations (art. 39) is a very generic principle, which is found enunciated in constitutions of the most varied orientations. This principle, in the current democratic order, must be understood in the sense of: a) freedom of constitution and dissolution, of individual joining and withdrawal, with the possibility of a plurality of unions for the same economic-professional category (of workers and of employers), all having the same rights; b) freedom with respect to the State, by which they may be subjected only to the obligation of registration in local or central offices, a registration that confers legal personality (of private law, albeit with subjective public rights). Another aspect of freedom is that with regard to the parties, which would tend to use the unions as pawns in their political game. The guarantee of independence in this sense remains, as is obvious, entrusted to the correctness of the governing bodies and to the sensitivity of the members; nevertheless a legal defense may be found in the internal (statutory) order, which must be on a democratic basis, as a condition for registration. The statute must therefore provide for the elective nature of offices and the sovereignty of the assembly; it may possibly also contemplate and regulate the referendum, with the exclusion in any case of influences external to the collectivity of the members. The drafting of the specific bill for the application of the constitutional principles was very laborious, also in relation to collective contracts (having binding effect for all the members of the categories concerned, if stipulated through a unitary organ of the registered unions, and in relation to the exercise of the right to strike, art. 40). This bill, presented on 4 Dec. 1951 (no. 2380), is now under examination by the Chamber of Deputies. It should be noted how it respects the autonomy of the unions, beginning with the position of their own statute (and related regulations), whose norms constitute the so-called trade-union law of the unions, which is inserted into trade-union law understood in a broader sense, that is, also comprising the state legal norms (trade-union law of the State). From a strictly legal point of view, it is the State itself that recognizes the union as a legal person (by administrative act, according to the aforementioned bill, of constitutive ascertainment). But from a political-sociological point of view, the opinion may be considered correct according to which, in a certain manner, it is also the union that recognizes the State, inasmuch as, by filing an application for registration (which is a legally free act and which implies, if granted, recognition as a person), the union declares that it is inserting itself, for all purposes, into the order specially established in the matter by the State, with the consequent duties as well as rights.

VII. INTERNATIONALISM IN THE TRADE UNION FIELD

Under the influence of Marxism in the political field, workers already in the last century united, organizing socialist internationals with alternating fortunes and orientations, with a character, analogous to the internal motives of the various countries, now markedly revolutionary, now one of reformist progressivism. In the trade-union field there are numerous single-trade organizations (or trade federations), dependent on higher confederal bodies, such as, at present, the old World Federation of Trade Unions (W.F.T.U.), with a communist tendency, and the very recent International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (I.C.F.T.U.), political and non-denominational. As regards the Christian trade unions, after attempts dating back to 1900-1908, in 1920 the International Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (I.C.C.T.U.) was established, still active (headquarters in Utrecht). Company managers too have for some time had their own organization, and so have certain categories of employers. To be noted here in particular is the movement of Christian-social employers (U.N.I.A.P.A.C.: Union International des associations patronales catholiques, with headquarters at The Hague).

From the juridical standpoint it is to be noted that the principle of trade-union freedom is proclaimed in the so-called International Labor Charter, inserted in the Peace Treaties of 1919-20 (cf. art. 427 of the Treaty of Versailles and subsequently art. 1 of the Philadelphia Declaration of 1944), a principle specified and developed in the appropriate conventions approved at the International Labor Conferences of San Francisco (1948) and Geneva (1949), with a special protection. At these Conferences, alongside the delegates of the governments, there are also those of the most representative organizations of each adhering country, both of employers and of workers (v. ORGANIZZAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE DEL LAVORO). It should be added that the international declaration of the rights of man (U.N., 18 Dec. 1948) also provides for the right of every individual to found trade unions and to join them for the defense of his own interests (art. 23, no. 4). In greater detail the Convention for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms (Assembly of the Council of Europe, 25 Aug. 1950) provides, beyond the aforementioned right, also for its exercise, in the sense that it may not be subject to limitations other than those provided by law, which constitute measures imposed, in a democratic society, by national security, by reasons of public safety, of defense of order and prevention of crimes, of protection of health or morals, or of the rights or freedoms of others. Legitimate restrictions may be imposed in the exercise of the right on members of the armed forces, of the police, or of the State administration (art. 13).

The Convention also provides for an international protection through a European Commission and a Court, likewise European, of human rights (art. 22 ff.).

BILL, H. Glotin, Etude histor. jurid. et économ. sur les syndicats profess., Paris 1894; A. Graziadei, Socialismo e s., Milan 1902; A. Baggiano Pico, L'organiz. profession. e la rappresentanza di classe, Turin 1903; A. Loria, Il movim. operaio, Palermo 1903; E. Leone, Il s., ibid. 1907; G. Prezzolini, La teoria sindacal., Naples 1909; E. Duthout, Vers l'organisation profession., Paris 1910; P. Boncour, Le fédéralisme économ. et le syndical. obligatoire, ibid. 1911; P. Louis, Hist. du mouvement syndical en France (1789-1910), ibid. 1911; S. e B. Webb, Democrazia industriale, Turin 1912; L. Duguit, Les transformations du droit public, Paris 1913; G. Borel, Matériaux pour une théorie du prolétariat, ibid. 1919; S. I. Henson, Nationals Guilds and the State, London 1920; E. Martin, St-Léon, Hist. des corporations des métiers, etc., Paris 1922; L. Einaudi, Le lutte del lavoro, Turin 1923; M. Viana, S., Bari 1923; A. O. Olivetti, Il s. come filos. e come polit., Milan 1924; U. Ricci, Dal protezionismo al s., Bari 1926; J. Sassenbach, Vingsting années de mouvement syndical intern., Amsterdam 1926; H. B. Bluter, Les relations industrielles aux Etats-Unis, Geneva 1927; A. Nasti, Lineam. di una stor. del movim. oper., Florence 1930; Bureau internat. du travail, La liberté syndicale, 5 vols., Geneva 1927-30; L. A. Miglioranti, Il s. in Inghilterra, Rome 1930; P. Sacerdoti, Le associaz. sindac. nel dir. publ. germanico, Padua 1931; G. Chiarelli, La personalità giurid. delle associaz. profess., ibid. 1931; M. Jacobsen, Die russisch. Gewerkschaften, Berlin 1932; id., Internat. Handwörterbuch des Gewerkschaftswesens, 2 vols., ibid. 1931-32; S. Panunzio, Stato. nazione e sindacati, Milan 1934; F. Pergolesi, Dir. sindac. comparato, Bologna 1934; S. e B. Webb, Le leghe operaie dal 1890 al 1920, Turin 1936; M. Turmann, Le syndicalisme chrét. en France, Paris 1936; A. Philip, Trade unionisme et syndical., ibid. 1936; G. Giacchero, Stor. del movim. sindac. europeo, Florence 1940; F. Pergolesi, Istituz. di dir. corporativo, Bologna 1940; G. Zanobini, Curso di dir. corporativo, 6th ed., Milan 1942; R. Rigola, Stor. del movim. operaio ital., ibid. 1946; E. Delleans, Stor. del movim. operaio, 2 vols., Rome 1946; G. Mazzoni, La conquista della libertà sindac., ibid. 1947; I. M. Sacco, Storia del sindacalismo, 2nd ed., Turin 1947; H. C. Nipperdey, Arbeitsrecht, Berlin 1949; S. e B. Webb, Il comunismo sovietico, I, Turin 1950, pp. 264 ff., 665 ff.; L. Riva Sanseverino, Il movim. sindacale crist. dal 1930 al 1939, Bologna 1950; W. E. Moore, Industrial relations and the social order, New York 1951; for informative data on the organization and activity of the various trade-union organizations see above all the proceedings of the sessions (statutes, congress reports, periodical bulletins, publications, various).

Ferruccio Pergolesi