Apocalypse

Apocalypsis B. Joannis Apostoli

Introductions

Enciclopedia Cattolica Apocalypse

A prophetic book that closes the New Testament.

The title consists of the first Greek word of the text (Ἀποκάλυψις Ἱησοῦ Χριστοῦ), which does not occur again afterward. The customary form in the codices is Ἀποκάλυψις Ἰωάννου, with various additions in the minuscules and in the versions (Clementine Vulgate: Apocalypsis sancti Ioannis apostoli). The term ἀποκάλυψις (17 times elsewhere in the New Testament: Lk. 2:32, and 13 times in St. Paul, 3 times in 1 Pt.; ἀποκάλυψις: 26 times in the New Testament) means "revelation" of a hidden reality (mystery) and often has an eschatological sense; here it means: "manifestation of Jesus Christ as sovereign and judge" (cf. 1 Cor. 1:7; 2 Thess. 1:7; 1 Pt. 1:7-13; the verb has the same sense: Lk. 17:30).

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Haydock introduction to the book

Though some in the first ages[centuries] doubted whether this book was canonical, and who was the author of it, (see Eusebius, lib. 7, History of the Church, ch. XXV.) yet it is certain much the greater part of the ancient fathers acknowledged both that it was a part of the canon, and that it was written by St. John, the apostle and evangelist. See Tillemont, in his ninth note upon St. John, where he cites St. Justin Martyr, St. Irenaeus, St. Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, St. Cyprian, St. Athanasius., Eusebius, St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, St. Augustine, etc. It was written in Greek to the churches in Asia[Asia Minor], under Domitian, about the year 96[A.D. 96] or 97, long after the destruction of Jerusalem, when St. John was banished to the island of Patmos, in the Aegean Sea. It is by some called the prophecy of the New Testament, and the accomplishment of the predictions of all the other prophets, by the first coming of Christ at his incarnation, and by his second coming at the end of the world. As to the time when the chief predictions should come to pass, we have no certainty, as appears by the different opinions, both of the ancient fathers, and late interpreters. Many think that most things set down from the fourth chapter to the end, will not be fulfilled till a little time before the end of the world. Others are of an opinion, that a great part of them, and particularly the fall of the wicked Babylon, happened at the destruction of paganism, by the destruction of heathen Rome, and its persecuting heathen emperors. Of these interpretations, see Alcazar in his long commentary, the learned Bossuet, bishop of Meaux, in his treatise on this book, and P. Alleman, in his notes on the same Apocalypse, tom. xii, who, in his preface, says, that this in a great measure may be now looked upon as the opinion followed by the learned. In fine, others think that St. John's design was in a mystical way, by metaphors and allegories, to represent the attempts and persecutions of the wicked against the servants of God, the punishments that should in a short time fall upon Babylon, that is, upon all the wicked in general; the eternal happiness and reward which God had reserved for the pious inhabitants of Jerusalem, that is, for his faithful servants, after their short trials and tribulations of this mortal life. In the mean time we meet with many profitable instructions and admonitions, which we may easily enough understand; but we have no certainty, when we apply these predictions to particular events; for as St. Jerome takes notice, the Apocalypse has as many mysteries as words, or rather mysteries in every word. Apocalypsis Joannis tot habet sacramenta quot verba....parum dixi, in verbis singulis multiplices latent intelligentiae. (Ep. ad Paulin. t. iv., p. 574. Edit. Benedict.) (Witham) --- In the first, second, and third chapters of this book are contained instructions and admonitions which St. John was commanded to write to the seven bishops of the churches in Asia. And in the following chapters, to the end, are contained prophecies of things that are to come to pass in the Church of Christ, particularly towards the end of the world, in the time of antichrist. It was written in Greek, in the island of Patmos, where St. John was in banishment by order of the cruel emperor Domitian, about sixty-four years after our Lord's ascension. (Challoner) --- This is the last in order of the sacred writings, and contains, in twenty-two chapters, revelations, as the name imports, extremely obscure it must be acknowledged, yet undoubtedly of the utmost importance to the Christian Church, if we may judge from the dignity of the author, who was the beloved disciple, or the grandeur and majesty of the ideas, which pervade every chapter of the work. Being a sealed book, or a hidden mystery, in the beginning of the Church, when nothing of this important prophecy had yet been fulfilled, it is no wonder we are deprived of the usual lights which we have hitherto followed in expounding the Scripture, viz. the works of the fathers. So little was it indeed understood at that time, that by many it was long considered as a reverie, and an extravagant composition, though the most learned always looked upon it as an inspired work. One reason, which may have led the faithful to class this among the apocryphal works, was the number of fables and illusions published by the misguided piety of the ignorant. We know at least, that on account of the heresy of Cerinthus, which was filled up with illusion and fanaticism, this book was not circulated among the faithful: a few copies were kept with care in the archives of the Churches, to be perused only by the bishop, or such as he thought not likely to abuse it. With regard to the interpretation of it, it will not be expected that it should be attempted in a work of this kind. We shall therefore only give a short account of the principal commentators, and their plans, that the enlightened reader may consult their works, if he wish to enter deeper into the subject. But it should never be forgotten, that the connection of sublime and prophetical ideas which compose this work, has at all times been a labyrinth, in which the greatest geniuses have lost themselves, and a rock on which most commentators have split, the great Sir Isaac Newton not excepted. Hence Scaliger's praise of Calvin; Calvinus sapuit, quia non scripsit in Apocalypsim. 1. The fathers living before the accomplishment of the events, have of course given us no interpretation. Those, therefore, who have written on it at all, have explained it in a mere moral sense, and drawn from it useful parables and instructions. None of them have given a regular systematic explanation. It must, however, be observed, as a circumstance of some moment, that many of them, particularly Sts. Augustine and Jerome, thought the Apocalypse contained prophecies regarding the whole time of the existence of the Church of Christ, till its triumphant state in the new Jerusalem. 2. Among the moderns we have abundant interpreters of the Apocalypse in all the reformed Churches. It has indeed grown into a mania among them, the only difference being their respective degrees of absurdity. This has been to all of them the common quarry, whence they have hewn the stones to cast at their mother Church. For to this day they have continued to disgrace themselves and Christianity, by depicting the Church of Rome as the scarlet w---e[whore] of Babylon, popery the beast, and the pope antichrist. We must, however, except Grotius and Hammond, who have given historical interpretations, and some few others. 3. Among Catholic expositors stands eminently conspicuous the learned bishop of Meaux, Bosseut. This light of the Galican Church has improved upon and filled up the outlines which Grotius had only sketched. The first three chapters, according to him, regard only the Churches of Asia, to which they are addressed; the other chapters, to nineteen, have been fulfilled in the persecutions which the Church endured under the pagan emperors. The last three are merely allegorical of the triumphs which the Church finally gained over her persecutors. 4. Du Pin has taken a wider range. The last three chapters regard the final judgment, and the establishment of the Church in heaven. And all the chapters between the first three and last three, are mere general descriptions of persecutions, fall of tyrants, heresies, etc. which shall happen in the Church; represented under the various figures which the rich imagination of St. John supplied. This system certainly removes all difficulties at once, by saving the trouble of comparing each figure with corresponding historical facts; but substitutes a vague and indeterminate sense, which we do not expect in prophecy. 5. Calmet does not vary a great deal in the outlines with Bossuet; but their applications of the text to the history are in many points widely different. He conceives the intermediate chapters between the first three and last three to have been fulfilled in the general persecution begun by Diocletian, in 303[A.D. 303], and the destruction of Rome, in 410, by Alaric. The last three chapters give the triumph of the martyrs at that period, as well as many things, which are to take place at the coming of antichrist, and the dissolution of the world. 6. Conceiving that all the above commentators had too much contracted the time for the accomplishment of the prophecy, by limiting it to the establishment of Christianity, Monsieur de la Chetardie established a new system upon the supposition that the Apocalypse includes the whole history of Christ's Church upon earth. In doing this, he had the authority of St. Augustine, and other fathers. Observing, therefore, upon an attentive perusal of this work, that there were seven seals, seven trumpets, seven vials, and that at the opening of each seal a new revelation was made, he ingeniously concluded, that the history of the whole Church was divided into seven periods or ages, and that to each period belonged one seal, one trumpet, and one vial. Six of these periods he conceives to be already accomplished, the seventh yet remains concealed in the womb of futurity. 7. Ingenious as is this system of Chetardie, it was not adopted, since Calmet, who wrote after him, preferred his own, which resembled that of Bossuet. It has, however, been renewed by the late bishop Walmsley, under the name of Signor Pastorini, who has taken up the idea and general outline from Chetardie, but illustrated the same with his own interpretation and application to historical facts. The erudition with which the latter author has clothed this system, and the striking aptness of his comparisons of the words of the prophecy to the events which have passed, have gained a very general approbation, and he is almost exclusively followed in the interpretation of this sealed book. How far he has succeeded in his explanation of the seventh age of the Church, cannot be determined by us, since it is shut up in the dark recess of futurity. Posterity will decide. To him we refer the English reader for any further information on the subject, convinced that his researches will be amply gratified, his education wonderfully improved. For, says the illustrious prelate Bossuet, "notwithstanding the obscurities of this book, we experience in its perusal an impression so sweet, and at the same time so magnificent, of the majesty of God; such sublime ideas present themselves of the mystery of Jesus Christ, such noble images of his victories and his reign, and such terrible effects of his judgment, that the soul is quite moved and penetrated. All the beauties of the Scriptures are collected in this book. Whatever there is melting, lively, and majestic in either the law or the prophets, acquires in this book an additional lustre." O truly adorable truths contained herein! of which God is the plentitude and eternal source; of which Jesus Christ is the prophet, the teacher and master; truths which have the angels for servants and ministers; the apostles and bishops for witnesses and depositaries; and all faithful souls, ver. 3.[chap. 1:3.?], for children and disciples. Let us prepare our hearts to hear Jesus Christ arisen from the dead, discovering to us the mysteries of his kingdom, and the truths of the gospel of his glory. Let us hear his warning voice, and prepare for his speedy coming by a strict observance of every duty. Happy, thrice happy that Christian whom the death of sin, and the sleep of tepidity shall not render deaf to this voice!

Douay 1582/1609 the argument of the book, Rheims 1582
THE ARGVMENT OF THE APOCALYPSE OF S. IOHN. 7 paragraphs

THAT vvhich the old Testament foretold of Christ him self, the Apostles could report the fulfilling thereof in the nevv Testament, by vvay of an historie, euen from his Conception to his Glorification. But of his Church, they could not doe the like: because in their time it did but beginne: being to continue long after them, euen to the end of the vvorld, and then at length to be glorified, as Christ her Spouse alreadie is, Herevpon God vvould haue S. Luke to report in the Actes of the Apostles, the storie of the Churches beginning. and for the rest of it to the end, (that vve might receiue this benefite also by the Apostles handes) he vvould S. Iohn to tell vs of it in this booke by vvay of a prophecie.

Of vvhich booke S. Hierome saith: Hier. ad Paulin. The Apocalypse of S. Iohn hath as many sacrament or mysteries, as vvordes. Yea more then that, In euery vvord there are hid manifold and sundrie senses. Therfore it is very litle that can here be noted, in respect. Yet to giue the good Catholike (vvhose comfort is here) some litle helpe, the booke may be deuided into fiue partes.

The first (after the Pro••me) conteineth seuen Epistles from Christ novv in glorie, Ca. 1. 2. 3. to seuen Churches of Asia, 1 part. or (for, these he maketh al one) to the seuen Bishops of those Churches: meaning no to those only, but to al his Churches & Bishops throughout the vvorld: saying therefore in euery one of them, to al in general: He that hath an eare, let him heare vvhat the Spirit saith to the Churches. As also in euery one he exhorteth vs to fight manfully (in this spiritual vvarfare of ours against sinne) for the victorie, and in euery one accordingly promiseth vs a revvard in heauen. But before this, in the beginning of euery one, be partly commendeth, partly reprehendeth, and exhorteth to penance. Vvhere this is much to be noted, and feared, that among so many, he reproueth somevvhat in al, saue only in tvvo, vvhich are the second & the sixt. In the beginning also of euery one, he taketh some peece out of the apparition going before, to frame thereof his slyle agreably to the matter of eche Epistle.

After this admonition to Pastors and their flockes: Ca. 4. to the 8. the second part folovveth, 2. vvherein the Church and vvhole course thereof from the beginning to the end, is expressed in the opening of a booke in Gods hand, and the seuen seales thereof, by Christ, for the vvhich, he seeth praise sung novv in heauen and earth, not only to the Godhead, as before, but also (after a nevv manner) to Christ according to his Manhod. And here, vvhen he is come to the opening of the last seale, signifying Domesday, he letteth that matter alone for a vvhile, and to speake more fully yet of the said course of the Church, Ca. 8. to the 12. he bringeth in an other pagent (as it vvere) of seuen Angels vvith seuen Trumpets. The effect of both the Seales & Trumpets, in this: That the Church beginning and proceding, there should be raised against it, cruel persecutions, and pestilent heresies: and at length after al heresies, a certaine most blasphemous Apostasie, being the next preparatiue to the comming of Antichrist: After al vvhich, Antichrist him self in person shal appeare in the time of the sixt seale, and sixt trumpet, persecuting and seducing (for the short time of his reigne) more then al before him. The Church notvvithstanding shal still continue, and vvade through al. because Christ her Spouse is stronger then al these aduersaries, vvho also straight after the said sixt time, shal in the seuenth, come in maiestie and iudge al.

Of the vvhich iudgement, 3. differring yet a vvhile to speake at large, C. 12. 13. 14. he doth first in the third part intreate more fully of the Deuils vvorking by Antichrist and his companie against the Church, that the iustice of Christ aftervvard in iudging, may be more manifest.

At length, 4. therefore in the fourth part he commeth to the seuen last plagues, C. 15. to the 21. the seuenth of them conteining the final damnation of the vvhole multitude societie or corps of the vvicked, from the beginning of the vvorld to the end. Vvhich multitude, in the Gospel and first Epistle of this same S. Iohn (as also in the other Scriptures commonly) is often called Mundus, 1 Io. 2, the vvorld, Apoc. 17. and here he calleth it partly, Meretricem, a vvhore or harlot, because vvith her concupiscence she entiseth the carnal and earthly men avvay from God: partly, Ciuitatem Babylon, the Citie of Babylon, because it maketh vvarre against Hierusalem the Citie of God, and laboureth to hold Gods people captiue in sinne, as it vvas shadovved in Nabuchodonosor & his Babylonias, leading and holding the Ievves vvith their Hierusalem, in captiuitie, vntil Cyrus (in figure of Christ) deliuered them. But vvhether al these seuen plagues should be vnderstood (as the seuenth) of Domesday it self, it is hard to define. More like it is, that the first sixe are to goe before Domesday: but vvhether corporally and literally, (so as Moyses plagued Egypt) or rather spiritually, it is more hard to define. Yet it seemeth more easie, to vnderstand them corporally, as also the plagues vvherevvith Elias and his fellovv shal in the time of Antichrist plague the vvicked (vvhich peraduenture shal be the same last plagues) vvhere of vve reade in this booke c. 11. v. 6. But not content to haue described thus the damnation of the vvhole adulterous & blouddy societie, he doth also expresly report of their three grād Captaines damnation, vvhich are these, Antichrist, and his False prophet, and the Deuil him self the author of al this mischiefe.

Finally, 5. on the other side, C. 21. 22. in the fifth part he reporteth the vnspeakeable and euerlasting glorie, that the Church after al this suffering, shal by Christ her glorious Spouse be assumpted vnto. And so he concludeth the booke.

Cornely Introductio specialis (1897), Latin

8 1. — De Apocalypseos origine apostolica et divina. 235. — Unicus liber propheticus, quem in N. T. canone habemus, in antiquissimorum codicum inscriptionibus et subscriptionibus appellatur 'AzoxzXudis 'lozvvov (Apocalypsis S. Ioannis. Fu/d.), in iunioribus ' AnoxXodig ?Iodvvou. «09 OtoAoyos, aut voU CoXAdyou xai EómyyeMocov, aut ro "ÁmocdAou xai Ej«yyeMccou (Apocalypsis S. Ioannis Apostoli et Evangelistae. Am:at.)!. Auctor autem ipse sese appellat « Iesu Christi servum loannem, qui testimonium perhibuit verbo Dei et testimonium Iesu Christi, quaecunque vidit », paulloque post addit » se in insula Patmo fuisse propter verbum Dei et testimonium Iesu Christi ». Porro gravissimis monitis, quae vaticiniis suis in epistolis ad septem ecclesias asiaticas datis praemittit, virum se prodit, qui non tantum ecclesias illas optime cognovit sed maxima quoque in eis gavisus est auctoritate?. Quod auctoris de se ipso testimonium clarissimum est ; nullum enim est dubium, quin Evangelistam et Apostolum Ioannem dicere sese voluerit. Alter enim Ioannes, qui nullo epitheto indiguit, ut ab homonymis sese distingueret, in primitiva Ecclesia non claruit; rectissime etiam iam monuit Arethas, eodem modo, quo Apocalypseos auctorem, Apostolum in Evangelio et in prima epistola verborum suorum, utpote testis ocularis, veritatem asserere?; neque ullius Ioannis, qui ob Christi confessionem ab imperatore aliquo romano in insulam Patmum sit relegatus, praeter Apostoli, memoriam nobis conservavit antiquitas4.

Mirum ergo non est, quod antiqui Patres atque integra Ecclesia unicum N. T. librum propheticum eidem auctori attribuerit, cui quartum Evangelium et tres epistolas debemus. Attamen 3. iam saeculo dubitatio quaedam a S. Dionysio M. de apostolica Apocalypseos origine mota effecit, ut in nonnullis ecclesiis orientalibus e canone removeretur, longe maiore tamen numero ecclesiarum orientalium et omnibus occidentalibus antiquam fidem retinentibus; scrupuli enim, qui in Hispania saec. 7.

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sese manifestaverunt, vix exorti a Concilio Toletano a. 633. suppressi ConxELY INTROD. III. — 44 sunt?. Saec. 16. Erasmus antiquam dubitationem de origine apostolica et canonicitate Apocalypseos recoquere coepit?, eam ob causam gravi censura ab Universitate Parisiensi notatus ; sequacem habuit Lutherum, qui et apostolicam originem et propheticum characterem libri negavit , at neinter suos quidem multos invenit, qui ipsum sequerentur?. Lutherani enim et reliqui Protestantes ea, quae in Apocalypsi de Antichristo et de Babylone magna traduntur, ad summum Pontificem et Ecclesiam romanam applicare se posse rati magno cum zelo libri authentiam et canonicitatem defenderunt. Exorto demum rationalismo, qui vaticinia nulla agnoscit, Apocalypseos authentia novos invenit adversarios, qui Dionysii Alex. vestigia prementes internis libri nostri characteribus nixi Evangelium quartum et Apocalypsin eidem auctori non deberi statuerunt. Atque alii quidem, praesertim Neotubingiani, ut Evangelii quarti auctoritatem destruerent, Apocalypsin Ioanni Apostolo attribuerunt, alii admissa Evangelii authentia Apocalypsin reiecerunt eamque aut Ioanni presbytero aut loanni Marco aut Ioanni nescio cui impostori adscripserunt?. Recentissime demum « critici » eo pervenerunt, ut opus nostrum, cuius unitas non minus ex tota dispositione quam exlingua et stylo apparet, varias in partes discerperent variisque auctoribus attribuerent. Alii quippe iudaicam quandam apocalysin a christiano auctore retractatam , alii nostrum librum ex duobus iudaicis duobusque christianis opusculis coagulatum, alii in opus quoddam christianum iudaicas particulas receptas dixerunt etc.?. Contra quos omnes Apocalypsin & S. Joanne Apostolo et Evangelista compositam esse documentis historicis demonstrabimus, neque quidquam in toto libro inveniri ostendemus, quo auctoris de se ipso testimonium Jabefactetur, nedum destruatur.

6. Erasmus in Apoc. 22, 21 omnia dubitationis argumenta affert. neque ullum solvens monet, « inter gemmas quoque nonnihil esse discriminis et aurum auro esse purius; ita etiam in sacris rebus aliud alio esse sacratius ».

sola ex cunctis N. T. libris immediato Christi discipulo cum aliquo iure attribuitur. Quibuscum Sch:icegler, Davidson, Renan, Hilgenfeld aliique, qui Evangelium Ioanni auctori negarunt, fere consenserunt. — Ioanni presbytero multi Apocalypsin attribuerunt (Bleek, Credner, Ewald, Schenkel ctc.), pauciores Ioanni Marco (Hitzig, Weisse etc.), paucissimi ignoto cuidam Palaestinensi (Hausrath etc.). Cfr Holtzmann Einl. Ed. 2. 1886. p. 134.

236. — Secundum disertum S. Irenaei testimonium Apocalypsis non diu ante eius aetatem, sed « ipsius fere saeculo ad finem imperii Domitiani », ergo c. a. 95. visa est; in primis igitur apostolicorum Patrum scriptis vestigia eius quaerere non licet. Verum inde a medio saec. 2., i. e. quinquaginta fere annis postquam scripta est, testimonia, quibus eius origo apostolica et canonicitas demonstrantur, revera abundant. Praeprimis insigne est S. Iustini M. testimonium; etenim in sua disputatione cum Tryphone, quam in una ex septem ecclesiis, quibus Ioannes Apocalypsin transmisit, Ephesi nimirum, habuit et scripsit, « apud nos, inquit, vir nomine Joannes unus ez Christi Apostolis, in Apocalypsiipsi data fideles annos mille Ierosolymis transacturos esse asserit »!. Eodem tempore S. Melito Sardensis, alterius igitur ex septem ecclesiis quibus transmissa est Apocalypsis episcopus, « de Apocalypsi Ioannis » librum conscripsit; licet autem in titulo appellatio « Apostoli » non sit addita , Melitonem tamen Apostolum pro auctore habuisse elucet ex Eusebii hac de re silentio, quippe qui maxima cum sollertia et sollicitudine antiquorum dubitationes de Apocalypseos auctore collegit ?. Quibus tertiae quoque ecclesiae, Smyrnensis, addi licet testimonium ; urgere quidem nolumus allusiones , quas in S. Polycarp: M. epistola ad Philippenses invenisse aliqui sibi videntur?, at in epistola, quam Smyrnensis ecclesia anno post S. Polycarpi mortem nondum elapso de eius martyrio conscripsit, evidentissimam habemus allusionem; verba enim, a quibus S. Martyr ultimam suam precationem inchoavit, Kópi 6 Oc ó mavroxpxvop hausit ex illo libro, in quoipsi a Domino per Apostolum « corona vitae » erat promissa *. Non longe a Laodicea, quae etiam una est ex septem ecclesiis, distabat Hierapolis, cuius episcopus fuit S. Papias, Polycarpi amicus et loannis Apostoli discipulus : iam

Andrea et Aretha Caes., qui uterque Apocalypsin interpretati sunt, testibus Papias nonnulla de Apocalypsi scripserat, in quibus eius divinam originem asseruit. Etsi vero disertis verbis non tradant, Papiam Apocalypsin auctori Ioanni Apostolo attribuisse, id tamen pro certo eos habuisse ex toto contextu apparet*. Neque minoris auctoritatis est S. Irenaei testimonium , quippe qui S. Polycarpi Smyrnensis discipulus etiam earum ecclesiarum fidem nobis tradat, quae primae Apocalypsin acceperant. Atqui non tantum « Ioannem Domini discipulum » , quo nomine, quum alterum loannem discipulum Domini prorsus ignoret, semper Apostolum designat, auctorem Apocalypseos esse asserit, sed etiam de numero bestiae, num 666 an 616 sit, disserens ad testimonium illorum provocat, « qui facie ad faciem Ioannem viderant », atque tempus accurate indicat, quo Apostolo erat data*. Eius igitur testimonium quoque, quamvis non ante finem saec. 2. sit scriptum, ad primam saeculi partem pertinet. Demum addamus Apollonium presbyterum ephesium, Irenaei aequalem, qui teste Eusebio acerrimus Montanistarum adversarius contra eos etiam « testimoniis ex Ioannis Apocalypsi usus est »; Apostolum autem Ioannem intelligi ex verbis Eusebii apparet, etenim « ab eodem Ioanne, inquit, Ephesi mortuum resuscitatum esse refert Apollonius »*. Quae testimonia satis demonstrant integro saeculo 2. in ecclesiis Asiae, quibus Apostolus Apocalypsin transmiserat et in quibus exeunte saec. 1. aut ineunte saec. 2. vitam suam finivit, communem et constantem fuisse fidem de apostolica libri nostri origine. Aliarum iam ecclesiarum testimonia audiamus.

3. S. Polycarpus, si in inscriptione suae epistolae ad Philipp. Deum vocat zavzox2i- :oox, ad 2 Cor. 6, 18 respicere potuit, licet appellatio haecin Apoc. frequentior sit; altera autem allusio, quae affertur (Philipp. 8 utuncot y2vout8a tiic ozopovis a3:03 cír. Apoc. 1,9; 3,10) nimis est vaga.

231. — Antiochenam ecclesiam cum asiaticis tempore S. Ignatii M.

intime fuisse coniunctam, S. Martyris epistolae nos docent; illa autem iam medio saec. 2. certum fert Apocalypsi testimonium. S. TAeophilus enim, septimus episcopus antiochenus, « contra Hermogenis baeresin librum scripsit, in quo testimoniis utitur ex Ioannis revelatione desumtis ». Quod opus interiit, at in superstitibus ad Autol. libris non desunt vestigia, quibus eum libro nostro usum esse demonstratur!. Cum antiochena cohaesit ecclesia Syriae orientalis, quae saec. 2. versionem Peschito sibi adornavit. In qua hodie quidem Apocalypsis deest; eam autem in primitiva editione non defuisse S. EpAraem? opera demonstrant, ex quibus etiam constat eam Ioanni Apostolo fuisse adscriptam ?.

Ex Asia in Africam transeuntibus prima nobis occurrit alexandrina ecclesia, ad quam, ut Clementis Alexandrin: verbis utamur, « statim a Petro et Iacobo, Ioanne et Paulo, sanctis Apostolis, nonnulli veram doctrinae sanctae traditionem conservantes venerunt, ut semina illa à maioribus accepta et apostolica spargerent »?. Iam vero Clementem sine ulla haesitatione Apostolo Ioanni Apocalypsin attribuisse non tantum ex eo elucet, quod non semel de Ioannis in Patmum relegatione loquatur, sed etiam eius allegationibus diserte demonstratur; velut « apostolicam vocem » enim atque ab Ioanne dicta nostri libri verba allegat*. Origenes autem tantum abest, ut vel minimam dubitationem de Ioanne Apostolo auctore Apocalypseos aut ipse habuerit aut ab aliis audierit, ut eo in loco, in quo aliorum scrupulos de 2. Petri et de 2. et 3. Ioannis commemorat, eam Ioannis Apostoli esse velut rem ab omnibus admissam supponat. In sola Praefatione tomi I. in Ioan. sexies Apocalypsin una cum reliquis libris sacris affert, eius auctorem nunc foannem, nunc filium Zebedaei, nunc Apostolum appellans; prae ceteris autem insigne est aliud eius testimonium , in quo Matth. 20,92. explicat : « Calicem biberunt et baptismate baptizati sunt Zebedaei filii, quoniam Herodes lacobum loannis fratrem gladio interemit, Romanorum autem imperator, uti perhibet traditio, loannem veritatis verbum testimonio suo comprobantem in Patmum insulam relegavit. Quae autem ad martyrium suum pertinent, a quo damnatus fuerit, praetermittens loannes ipse tradit in Apocalypsi his verbis : Ego Ioannes frater vester...; et in insula quidem Apocalypsin videtur spectasse » 5.

Ab Oriente in Occidentem nos convertamus. Romanam fidem nobis exhibet S. Hermae Pastor, ex quo ante medium saec. 2. Apocalypsin iam in auctoritate fuisse apparet; etenim si Ecclesia ibi velut mulier aut velut sponsa atque Ecclesiae adversarius sub figura magnae bestiae nobis repraesentatur, imagines hae sine ullo dubio ex Apocalypsi haustae sunt9. Verum eodem tempore Ioanni Apostolo auctori eam Romae esse attributam luculenter nos docet fragmentum Murator.?. Gallicanae ecclesiae testem unum iam citavimus S. Irenaeum Lugd.; alterum paullo antiquiorem habemus epistolam ecclesiarum Viennensis et Lugdunensis, quae plena est allusionibus ad nostrum librum eumque, id quod maximi est momenti, diserte sub titulo Scripturae allegat. Cum Romanis et Gallicanis consentiunt Afri. Etenim secundum Tertullianum « Apostolus Ioannes in Apocalypsi ensem describit ex ore Dei prodeuntem, bis acutum », etc, atque « etsi Apocalypsin Ioannis Marcion respuat, ordo tamen episcoporum ad originem recensus in Ioannem stabit auctorem »9. S. Cyprianus quoque nullam agnovit inter Evangelia apostolicasque epistolas et inter Apocalypsin differentiam auctoritatis , quum medium inter evangelica et apostolica testimonia textum Apocalypseos afferat, atque etiam Ioanni, utique Apostolo, auctori eam attribuit 0.

Quibus immerito opponitur Cazus, S. Irenaei discipulus, quem Apocalypsin nostram Cerintho adscripsisse nonnulli moderni ex male intellecto Eusebii testimonio concludunt; nihil aliud enim asserit Eusebius, nisi Cerinthum, teste Caio, per revelationes (9v &moxaXójecv) velut a magno Apostolo conscriptas portenta quaedam quasi ab angelis sibi ostensa de Chiliasmo propagasse, genuinae igitur Apocalypsi Ioanneae apocrypham opposuisse !!. Hac enim ratione verba esse intelligenda evidens est; nam Eusebius, quem antiquorum de Apocalypsi dubitationes diligentissime collegisse diximus, hoc in loco de Apocalypsi loannis sermonem esse adnotasset, si id probabile habuisset. Alio autem in loco de Caii canone loquens epistolam ad Hebraeos quidem ab eo non esse admissam tradit, de Apocalypsi autem reiecta tacet; atque Photius quoque solam ep. ad Hebr. a Caio non agnitam esse refert '*. Quomodo etiam fieri potuit, ut Caius, presbyter romanus et discipulus Irenaei, librum in romana ecclesia eo tempore ad publicam lectionem adhibitum et a magistro suo loanni Apostolo attributum haeretico Cerintho adscriberet? Quidnam Irenaeus docuerit, Caii condiscipulus S. Hzppolytus nos docet : quem de Apocalypsi opus hodie deperditum conscripsisse multis testimoniis constat; in suo tractatu autem de Antichristo eam frequenter allegat, Ioannem eam in insula Patmo vidisse asserit, auctoremque ita alloquitur : « O beate Ioannes, Apostole et discipule Domini, quid vidisti et audisti de Babylone? » !?

Testimonia, quae hucusque attulimus, omnia medio saec. 3. sunt antiquiora, neque ullus usque ad illam aetatem invenitur scriptor orthodoxus, qui in apostolica aut divina Apocalypseos origine asserenda haesitaverit. Ex tota autem illa aetate adversarii authentiae aut canonicitatis neminem ad suas partes trahere possunt, nisi solos Alogos, qui omnes S. Ioannis libros respuerunt, et Marcionitas , qui divinam potius quam apostolicam originem videntur negasse. Quapropter Eusebius unanimi antiquitatis consensu considerato Apocalypsin « si videbitur, libris N. T. communiter receptis » (coi; óuoAoyoupévot)) adnumerandam dixit !*,

238. — At eodem in loco Eusebius tertiae quoque librorum classi, quae « spurios » (robe vdou;) complectatur, Apocalypsin « si visum fuerit » adnumerari posse censet, « quippe quam nonnulli respuant, alii inter *& 6p.oAoyoUp.eva referant ». Revera inde a medio saec. 3. orthodoxi nonnulli doctores eam Ioanni Apostolo abiudicare coeperant suaque auctoritate effecerant, ut in nonnullis ecclesiis neque ad publicam lectionem amplius admitteretur neque in canone recenseretur. Etenim nimium allegoricae interpretationis studium ab Origene invectum episcopi quidam aegyptiaci, inter quos praecipuus erat Nepos Arsinoensis, insectati in alterum extremum illapsi erant, atque etiam symbolicas descriptiones, quae in Apocalypsi frequentes leguntur, ad literam interpretantes chiliasmo crasso et carnali originem dederant. Quem errorem magna quidem cum caritate, at magno simul cum zelo impugnavit S. Dionysius M., Origenis discipulus, utque facilius eum impugnaret, Apocalypseos, cuius testimoniis abusus erat Nepos Ars., originem apostolicam in dubium vocavit eamque pio cuidam viro apostolico, loannis homonymo, adscribere maluit. Cui novae sententiae stabiliendae quum antiquorum scriptorum) testimonia inservire non possent, argumenta ex libri inscriptione, dictione styloque conquisivit, de quibus infra (239) erit agendum; magna tamen cum modestia omnia proposuit nec librum ipsum prorsus reiicere ausus est !.

S. Dionysii sententia, quamvis in alexandrina ecclesia non praevaluerit nec ullum in Occidente invenerit sectatorem , in nonnullis ecclesiis orientalibus, maxime in Palaestina et Syria, recepta est. Eusebius Caes. enim dubius videtur haesisse, magis tamen in eorum opinionem inclinasse, qui librum Apostolo abiudicant, atque omnium primus « loannem presbyterum », quem in Papiae textu quodam detegere sibi visus est, reliqui autem omnes ante eum et plerique post eum prorsus ignorarunt, in hac controversia nominavit ?. S. Cyrillus Ier. quoque in recensendis N. T. libris Apocalypsin omittit?, neque eam agnoscunt canones apostolici, qui in Syria collecti creduntur*; magni demum antiochenae ecclesiae interpretes, S. Chrysostomus et Theodoretus nunquam ea usi sunt*. Quibus si S. Gregorium Naz. eiusque amicum S. AmpAilochtum addiderimus, de quorum tamen genuina sententia non satis constat, praecipuos testes enumeravimus, quos apostolicae et divinae libri originis adversarii citare possunt. Quocirca ab exaggeratione excusari non possunt Junzlius, qui de Apocalypsi « apud Orientales admodum dubitari » asseruit, et S. Hzeronymus, qui ulterius progressus « Graecorum ecclesias Apocalypsin non suscipere » dixit?.

quo cfr Introd. gener. Ed. 2. n. 67. p. 197 sq.). Ceterum Eusebius alibi (Demonstr. evang. VIII. M. 22,605) Apocalypsin sub Ioannis nomine sine haesitatione allegat.

Re enim vera tantum abest, ut graecae ecclesiae Apocalypsin non susceperint, ut longe maior numerus iuniorum Patrum graecorum, S. Dionysii Alex. sententia non obstante, eam pro divina adhibuerit atque Ioanni Apostolo adscripserit. Alexandrinae ecclesiae tres insignes testes citamus S. Dionysio iuniores : S. A/hanastus M. sine ulla haesitatione nec ulla dubitatione expressa eam in canone recenset eiusque testimoniis, addito interdum Ioannis nomine, velut divinis contra Arianos utitur?; atque eadem ratione Didymus Alez. et S. Cyrillus Alex. ex Apocalypsi velut ex libro inspirato atque ab Ioanne Apostolo conscripto argumenta sua desumunt difficultatesque ex ea contra dogma catholicum ab haereticis prolatas eadem cum sollertia, qua reliquas Scripturisticas, explicant?. Quibus, ut aliarum quoque ecclesiarum aegyptiacarum fidem cognoscamus, S. Nzlum Abb. adiungimus !9. In Palaestina et Syria S. Cyrillus leros. quidem eam in canone suo omisit, at S. Methodius Tyr. eam addito Ioannis nomine non semel pro auctoritate allegat, atque S. Epzphanzus non tantum Alogos ob eam reiectam carpit, sed ipse quoque eius testimoniis utitur !!. In Syria orientali eadem aetate eam a S. Ephraemo adhibitam esse supra iam diximus; ex Cappadocia autem praeter S. Gregorium Naz. iam nominatum testes citamus S. Basilium, S. Gregortum Nyss., atque S. Basilii in sede caesariensi successores Andream et Áretham , qui eam commentariis illustrarunt !*. In Concio Trull. demum Ioannis Apocalypsis cum reliquis N. T. libris sollemni iudicio ab universa ecclesia orientali recepta est !3, lunioris ecclesiae occidentalis testimonia afferre supersedemus, quia nemo unquam dubitavit, quin inde a saec. 3. in toto Occidente unanimi consensu eius origo apostolica et canonicijtas sit agnita. Itaque historicis documentis totius antiquitatis christianae authentia Apocalypseos demonstratur, neque quisquam loannem Apostolum eius auctorem esse negare poterit, nisi omnem historicam demonstrationem negaverit atque destruxerit. Frustra enim ad scrupulos medio saec. 3. Alexandriae exortos provocatur, quippe qui dogmaticis dumtaxat opinionibus originem suam debent. Si Montanistae atque maxime Chiliastae nostri libri revelationibus non essent abusi, nemo in tota antiquitate Ioanni Apostolo eas abiudicare esset ausus !4,

239. — Priusquam ulterius progredientes inquiramus, num forte ob internas rationes Apocalypsis non obstantibus historicis documentis Ioanni Apostolo sit abiudicanda, non abs re erit in tempus inquirere, cui antiqui testes originem eius attribuunt. Quam quaestionem paucis hoc loco absolvemus, quia praecipua testimonia alibi iam attulimus !. Etenim se revelationes has vidisse, quum « in insula, quae appellatur Patmos, propter Verbum Dei et testimonium Iesu Christi » degeret, S. loannes ipse tradit, neque ulla est dubitandi ratio, quin visae statim literis sint traditae?. Tota igitur quaestio est de Apostoli exsilio, quod Domi!iani tempori adscribendum esse supra (57) demonstravimus.

Profecto S. Irenaeus tam asseveranter loquitur, ubi « sua propemodum aetate sub exitum scilicet imperii Domitiani » revelationes visas esse asserit, ut eum hac de re a magistro suo Polycarpo aliisque qui « facie ad faciem Ioannem viderunt », certam traditionem accepisse, non liceat negare. Accedit autem, quod ante saec. &. nemo alteram aetatem Apocalypsi assignaverit; quotquot enim de Ioannis exsilio vel de Apocalypseos origine loquuntur, aut diserte Domitianum nominant (uti Victorin. Petav.) aut eiusmodi verbis utuntur, quae de Domitiani tempore solo apte explicantur (uti Tertull., Clemens Alez. eic). Exeunte demum saec. 4. solus S. Epiphanzus a. Claudio imperatore Apostolum in exsilium missum refert; at nemo hodie est, qui Epiphanium hac in re errasse neget?. Duo demum sunt testes, qui de Nerone loquuntur; inscriptio nimirum syrvacae versionis a Lud. de Dieu editae, quae saeculo 6. adscribitur, et TAeopAylactus saec. 11. Notandum autem est, Domitianum, quia crudelitate sua Neronem imitabatur, ab ethnicis quoque scriptoribus interdum Neronem vocari ; quocirca facile fieri potuit, ut syriacus scriptor in errorem sit inductus *; Theophylactus vero hac in quaestione fide non est dignus, quoniam sibi ipse contradicit, uno in loco Neroni, altero in loco Traiano exsilium Apostoli attribuens?. Quae quum ita sint, omnes, qui facta historica ex historicis documentis diiudicant, nobiscum Domitiani aetate Apocalypsin visam et scriptam esse dicent 9.

Atque eo magis nobiscum consentient, quo certius sententia nostra internis libri characteribus confirmatur. Quicunque enim septem epistolas, a quibus Apocalypsis incipit, attente legerit, statum septem ecclesiarum asiaticarum descriptum videbit, qui nos cogit, ut eas satis diu post Iudae et 2, Petri epistolas scriptas dicamus. Eaedem quidem in Apocalypsi et in epistolis catholicis illis impugnantur haereses, at in epistolis sola semina systematum invenimus, quae in Apocalypsi iam magis videmus exculta et latius propagata. Moderni « critici » inter a. 68. et 70. Apocalypsin scriptam esse volunt; sed quis sibi persuadebit, duobus vix annis post Pauli mortem, qui tamdiu in Asia resederat, post priora vincula ecclesias asiaticas iterum visitaverat, illis Timotheum praefecerat, tam duris verbis indiguisse Ioannem, ut nonnullas ad meliorem frugem revocaret '? Adde quod primis Ecclesiae temporibus Apostoli singulis ecclesiis non unum solum sed complures praefecerint episcopos et presbyteros, qui communi consilio fideles rexisse videntur; Ephesi saltem a. 60. complures fuisse disertis verbis nos docet S. Lucas. Apocalypticae autem epistolae in uno solo auctoritatem omnem residere supponunt, quem Angelum ecclesiae vocant cuique soli curam ecclesiae commissam esse insinuant?. Quam administrationis mutationem paucis annis in omnes ecclesias asiaticas potuisse introduci quis crediderit? Similiter nomen « dominica dies » ususque apostolicorum scriptorum in coetibus praelegendorum ? nonne adultiorem Ecclesiae aetatem nos docent?

Ultimus, et calvo serviret Roma Neroni »; quem imitatus 4usonius De duodecim Caesaribus (M. 19,865) :

Frater, quem calvum dixit sua Roma Neronem ». Quum Nero et Domitianus primi essent Christianorum persecutores, eorum nomina facilius a Christianis confundi potuere.

Restat, ut internas istas rationes examini subiiciamus, quibus nixi nonnulli interpretes aut Neronis tempori Apocalypsin attribuunt aut brevi post Neronis mortem illam scriptam esse existimant. Rationalistarum quidem eorum, qui cum Renan non tantum annum et mensem, sed diem fere (quidni et horam?) , quo scriptus est liber, definire volunt !?, arbitrarias explicationes afferre et refutare operae pretium non est; infra (242) de eorum explicationis systemate pauca dicemus. Sed alii sunt interpretes maiore attentione digni, qui inscriptionem versionis syriacae et Theophylacti testimonium internis rationibus confirmare voluerunt. Etenim ex Apoc. 11,1. 2 elucere censent, Ilerosolyma et templum nondum esse destructa, quando Ioannes suam Apocalypsin vidit; iubetur enim templum et altare metiri. Quo argumento ut aliquid efficiatur, supponendum est de materiali templo eiusque atrio esse sermonem ; quomodo autem id demonstretur, non apparet. Nonne Ezechiel quoque et Zacharias virum viderunt templum metientem et sanctam civitatem , postquam iam diu erant destructa !!? Quemadmodum autem illos, ita S. loannem de ideali quodam templo, i. e. de Ecclesia, loqui manifestum est; in templum enim hierosolvmitanum soli ingrediebantur sacerdotes, at in templo ab Ioanne descripto totus populus adorabat "*.

Alterum argumentum ex Apoc. 17,10 desumunt, quo in loco quinque reges (imperatores) romani iam cecidisse, sextus nunc esse , septimus mox venturus nec diu mansurus dicuntur. [am vero si ab Iulio Caesare initium sumitur, sextus « qui nunc est » debet esse Nero; si ab Augusto initium sumitur, est Galba. Quae quidem verissima sunt; sed Victorinus Petav., qui primus illo in loco imperatores romanos vidit indicatos, initium sumsit a Galba et sextum esse Domitianum invenit, quem secutus est septimus Nerva, qui vix duobus annis imperium tenens non diu mansit? Incertum igitur est argumentum, quia incerta explicatio, atque multo incertius, quia nullatenus constat, num illo in loco reges an regna intelligenda sint. Terttum demum argumentum prioribus infirmius est; ex nomine enim bestiae desumitur (Apoc. 13,18), nam numerum 666 designare Neronem Caesarem dicunt'4, Nemo autem ignorat, quot aliae istius aenigmatis solutiones sint propositae ; quid igitur ex explicatione tam ambigua eruitur?

10. Renan L'Apocalypse. Introd. p. XXI. « Les personnes qui liront attentivement nos chapitres XV, XVI, XVII, reconnaitront, je crois, qu'il n'est pas un seul écrit dans le canon biblique dont la date soit fixée avec autant de précision. On peut déterminer cette date à quelques jours prés ». Reliqui interpretes scholae criticae, utpote eruditiores, modestius loquuntur.

mulieris septem collibus insidentis repraesentatur. Quod argumentum probabilitate sua non omnino caret.

240. — Quibus praemissis ad internos Apocalypseos characteres animum nostrum convertamus, ut quid ex iis de eius origine statuendum sit definiamus. Quod olim S. Dionysius magna cum modestia proposuit, id moderni multi interpretes protestantici, quamvis Doctoris alexandrini argumentis vix quidquam novi adiecerint, maxima cum certitudine asserunt, alium esse Apocalypseos, alium quarti Evangelii triumque epistolarum ioannearum auctorem !. At tantum abest, ut validissima argumenta historica, quibus loannem Apostolum et Evangelium et epistolas et Apocalypsin scripsisse demonstravimus, internis illis characteribus infirmentur, ut confirmari potius sint dicenda. Singulas adversariorum obiectiones percurremus eaque, quae nostrae sententiae confirmandae inserviunt, suis locis addemus.

1. Primum suum argumentum S. Dionysius ex libri inscriptione desumil ; etenim « Evangelista nullibi nomen suum adscribit nec in Evangelio nec in epistola semetipsum praedicat; at Revelationis scriptor in ipso statim exordio nomen suum praefigit » et saepius se nominat. Mirum quod moderni quoque eandem obiectionem repetant, etsi eam urgeri non posse optime videant?. Namque librorum historicorum auctores antiquitus numquam operibus nomen suum praefixisse, nemo est qui ignoret; e contra antiqui Prophetae omnes a nominis sui indicatione libros suos inchoarunt. Quem morem secutus S. Ioannes Evangelista in Evangelio suum nomen silentio praeterit, S. Ioannes Propheta illud Revelationi praemittit. Cur in prima epistola nomen suum tacuerit, diximus supra (228); in duabus minoribus autem illud dignitatis nomen ponit, quo inter Christianos asiaticos cognitus erat (232).

Quod si moderni nonnulli illa, quae Apoc. 18,20 et praesertim 21,40 leguntur, ab Apostolo scribi non potuisse asserunt ?, fastidiosiores sese exhibent iudices. Profecto quid S. Ioannem impediverit, quominus « Sanctos et Apostolos et Prophetas » ad gaudium de magnae Babylonis excidio exhortetur, . aut « duodecim Apostolos fundamenta novae lerusalem » vocet, equidem non video. Num forte ob modestiam suam Apostolus infidelem testem eorum, quae vidit et audivit, exhibere sese debuit? Et quid tandem laudis in eo est, quod una cum Sanctis et Prophetis etiam Apostoli gaudere debeant de Dei iudiciis? Ad alterum autem locum quod attinet, nonne etiam Paulus « Apostolos et Prophetas » fundamentum vocat Ecclesiae ( Eph. 2,20) seque ipsum « sapientem architectum, qui fundamentum posuit » (4 Cor. 3,10)? At, inquiunt, duodecim statuens Apostolos auctor Paulum ex Apostolorum numero excludit. Et quemnam S. Paulus, quum post defectionem Iudae et ante electionem Matthiae de « duodecim » loqueretur, duodecimum posuit *? Duodenarius Apostolorum numerus, qui duodenario tribuum (quamvis stricto sensu essent tredecim) numero correspondebat, terminus quidam, ut ita dicam, technicus factus erat (triumviri, decemviri etc); in nostro autem libro, qui tot symbolicos numeros habet, multo minus urgeri polest.

sive quarlum Evangelium Ioanni auctori attribuunt, utrumque librum ei attribuere nolunt.

2. Cum S. Dionysio linguae dictionisque graecae differentiam Evangelium inter et Apocalypsin quam maxime urgent. « Evangelium, inquit S. Doctor, et epistola non tantum emendate, quod ad graecum sermonem attinet, verum etiam elegantissime in tota orationis compositione scripta sunt; Apocalypseos vero dictio non admodum graeca est, sed barbarismis atque interdum soloecismis inquinata ». Quibus addunt moderni, terminos constructionesque, quibus frequenter utatur Evangelista, in Apocalypsi deesse, in Apocalypsi autem alia frequentari, quae in Evangelio desiderentur?.

Differentiam quandam dictionis elocutionisque inveniri non negamus, neque ex temporis, quo Evangelium et Apocalypsis scripta sunt, differentia eam explicandam esse censemus; eodem enim fere tempore, quum Apostoli vita iam ad finem vergeret, utrumque librum exortum esse S. Irenaeus cum reliquis antiquis scriptoribus testatur. Quocirca ad difficultatem solvendam haec adnotamus.

à.) Elegantiam graecae dictionis Evangelii a S. Dionysio aliquantum exaggerari supra iam monuimus (60.3); nostro enim iudicio rectius loqui illi videntur, qui in toto N. T., si dictio spectatur, nullum librum Apocalypsi similiorem, quam quartum Evangelium, inveniri dicunt *. Verum quidem est, in eo Apocalypsin ab Evangelio et reliquis omnibus N. T. libris differre, quod multis scateat barbarismis et soloecismis, qui multis in locis rudiorem durioremque reddunt sermonem ". Iniustus autem esset, qui eos auctoris ignorantiae adscriberet; regulas enim graecae linguae ei ignotas non fuisse innumeri alii textus demonstrant?. Namque qui scripsit : sipvn dno & àv xat 6 Zv xai 6 dpyój.evoz xal dx tiv Érva mveupavov (Apoc. 1,4), praepositionem dxo postulare genitivum procul dubio non ignoravit, siquidem in secundo phraseos membro eum adhibuit; in priore autem eum adhibere noluit, quia tota expressio « & àv xat 6 7j» xal 6 ipyóptvoc » ei erat nomen proprium correspondens hebraico nm. Non paucis in locis appositionem suo substantivo recte apponit eundem casum idemque genus adhibens; quare si Apoc. 1,5. scrip- Sit : dnà "Incou Xpwrov, 6 i.a pxuc 6 mioxóc xvÀ, ob certam rationem ab regula optime ei cognita deflexisse dicendus est. Quaenam illa fuerit ratio, multis in locis difficile quidem est dictu; at ignorantiae immerito accusari Apocalypseos auctorem, hodie vel ipsi adversarii nostri plerique concedunt. Quare prima impurae graecae dictionis Apocalypseos causa in ipsa auctoris voluntate sita est, qui melius quidem scribere potuit, sed certas ob rationes noluit.

b.) In Apocalypsi scribenda S. Ioannes vaticinia V. T. continuo prae oculis habuit; « tota Apocalypsis, inquit rectissime Corn. a Lapide, plena est allusionibus ad V. T. locos, historias, figuras; maxime vero ad visiones Ezechielis et Danielis alludit ». Quapropter non est mirandum , quod in dictione quoque et lingua color quidam hebraicus sit manifestus, quodque hebraismi multo frequentiores in nostris visionibus sint, quam in evangelicis narrationibus?. Alteram igitur diversae in Evangelio et in Apocalypsi linguae causam ex exemplaribus desumimus, quae in Apocalypsi secutus est.

€.) Tertia causa demum ex diverso utriusque libri charactere derivatur. Alio modo loquitur propheta, alio modo historicus; ex pseudopropheticis autem et pseudoapocalypticis fragmentis, quae nobis conservata sunt, satis constat linguam illam, qua apocalyptici illi scriptores utebantur, impurissimam fuisse. Iam quid obstat, quominus S. Apostolum eadem lingua impura, quae in eiusmodi libris usitata erat, in suo quoque libro uti voluisse dicamus !??

d.) Quarto loco demum illud probe considerandum est, Apocalypseos stylum dictionemque, etsi rudior duriorquesit, in multis cum Evangelio quarto consonare !!. Non multum quidem similitudinis istius vestigia valere asserunt nonnulli adversarii nostri !?; at eo maior illis vis probandi inest, quo magis inter se utriusque libriargumenta differunt. Quare etiam alii ex adversariis nostris ex dictionis linguaeque singularitate certum argumentum non deduci concedunt '?.

heit der Rede kennt doch der Verf. und beobachtet die griech. syntactischen Regeln sehr gut. » — Si 2, 10 legitur : tjv yuvaixa $j Myovaa, recte habetur 1, 10 : ó; odAxtyjos Aeqoóars; si 3, 12 vic xatijg "IepovoxAJjp. fj xata6a(vouca , recte 3, 10 ix tfj; dpxe 105 mitpaspoU vic peAAoógre etc. Accurate quoque casus distinguit, cfr 2. 17 $íso aj: ToU uávva... xol Báo aot dijpov Acuxfjv xvÀ.

.. 13. Or. Reuss Gesch. des N. T. I. p. 159. « Der Verschiedenheit der Sprache kann angesichts der Eigenthümlichkeit des Gegenstandes kein entscheidendes Gewicht beigelegt werden.

3. « Ex utriusque libri charactere et scribendi ratione et libelli totius, quae dicitur, dispositione (£x *& x03 Éüouc Éxavépuv xal coU. xéw Xoyov tlBouc xal tZ, voU &i6A(ou. BueEavow?ic Aeyoóazc) non unum eundemque utriusque libri auctorem esse » coniicit Dionysius '^. Quae verba explicantes multo maiorem vehementiam, fervidius ingenium, luxuriosiorem imaginandi vim in Apocalypsi, quam in Evangelio, deprehendi monent moderni « critici ». Quid quod rabbinicam quoque eruditionem librum nostrum sapere contendunt, eamque pro certissimo argumento habent, illum non esse ab Apostolo Ioanne conscriptum, quippe quem Actus (4,13) et genuina eius scripta virum omni rabbinica cultura destitutum fuisse ostendant '5.

Diversum esse Apocalypseos characterem et dicendi genus ab Evangelio et epistolis Ioannis non magis negamus, quam utriusque libri linguam non plane eandem esse fatemur. At quomodo ex hac diversitate alium esse Evangelii, alium Apocalypseos auctorem colligatur, non intelligimus; in Evangelio S. Ioannes fidelem eorum, quae Christus egit et docuit, testem agens narrat ea, quae vidit et audivit, in Apocalypsi autem propheta sublimes visiones, quae ei exhibitae sunt, etiam fidelis testis describit. Quis vero unquam in historico libro etin libro prophetico eandem scribendi rationem exspectaverit? Num capita historica Isaiae eodem stylo, quo vaticinia, conscripta sunt? Num Balaam eodem dicendi genere utitur, ubi cum Moabitarum principibus colloquitur et ubi a Spiritu S. abreptus populo electo benedicit eiusque hostibus maledicit'*? Adde quod alio modo Spiritum S. in Videntem visionesque scribentem, alio modo in Evangelistam agere non inepte supponamus, nec quidquam in diverso utriusque libri charactere remanet, quod diversos esse auctores arguat.

Quae de rabbinica auctoris Apocalypseos eruditione obiiciuntur, ea refutatione vix indigent. Rabbinicam enim eruditionem in frequenti V. T. usu inveniunt rationalistae, at quomodo Ioannem Apostolum libros sacros sui populi ignorasse demonstrabunt? Eodem enim modo, quo Ioannes, etiam Petrus &v6pumoc dypdppatoc xol lóuovne ex. synedristarum sententia appellatur (Act. 4,13), nec dubitamus, quin Scribae et Pharisaei discipulos omnes Domini nec Ioanne nec Petro eruditiores vel doctiores habuerint. Nihilominus Petrum, Iacobum, Iudam, Matthaeum libros sacros V. T. nonignorasse eorum opera abunde demonstrant; atque Ioannes ipse num in Evangelio suo non satis frequenter, immo continuo, V. T. testimonia allegat aut ad ea alludit?

4. Alteram demum esse doctrinam in quarto Evangelio, alteram in Apocalypsi asserunt adversarii nostri moderni; difficile autem est hanc obiectionem refutare, quia inter senon consentiunt, quaenam tandem Apocalypseos et quaenam Evangelii sit doctrina. Ne longi simus, paucorum dumtaxat obiectiones proferemus. Evangelistam Iudaismum aversari, Apocalypseos auctorem eidem favere, asserit De Wette; in Evangelio et epistolis spiritualem quandam rerum eschatologicarum rationem praevalere, carnalem in Apocalypsi, eandemque relationem inter Evangelium quartum et Apocalypsin intercedere, quae inter Matth. 24 et inter Joan. 14,18 sqq. habeatur; ultionis cupiditate incensum esse Apocalypseos auctorem nec ullo modo prae oculis habuisse, quae tradat Evangelista (/oan. 3,16 sqq. 12,47); a genuinis Ioannis libris exsulare « pneumatologicas, daemonologicas, angelologicas » sententias Apocalypseos (1,4; 3,1; 5,6; 16,13; 42,7.9) *7. Alter rationalista genuinam doctrinam evangelicam (Matth. 24,44; Rom. 11,25) frustra in Apocalypsi quaesivit, atque integrum librum cum Domini verbis apud Marc. 13,32 pugnare invenit !?, Neotubingiani demum totam Apocalypsin iudaizare asserunt nihilque esse, nisi continuam Pauli doctrinaeque paulinae impugnationem !?.

Duo merito miraberis : nonnulli moderni interpretes, qui Apocalypseos doctrinam cum Evangelio quarto pugnare asserunt, huius suae sententiae patronum invocare S. Dionysium M. non verentur, quamvis luce sit clarius alexandrinum Doctorem de sola externa librorum forma verba fecisse. Qui fieri potuit, ut cum Evangelio pugnare statueret Dionysius librum, quem «a viro sancto et divinitus inspirato » scriptum esse asseruit ??? Neque minore admiratione dignum est, quod moderni rationalistae, qui quaecunque in Evangeliis non placent pro symbolis et imaginibus habent, omnia symbola omnesque imagines Apocalypseos carnali et materiali modo explicare velint. Quamprimum enim cum omnibus interpretibus christianis symbolicum hoc dicendi genus Apocalyseos agnoverint neque easdem doctrinas in omnibus libris iisdem plane verbis aut eadem cum ubertate proponendas esse concesserint, omnes eorum difficultates sua sponte evanescent. Paucis igitur ostendemus quam inepte doctrinae Apocalypseos cum aliis libris S. Ioannis pugnare dicantur.

Apovcalypsin iudaizare asserunt adversarii nostri, quia omnia, quae de Ierusalem, de duodecim tribubus etc dicuntur, de lerusalem Palaestinae capite deque antiquo populo iudaico intelligunt. Attamen nemo, opinor, dubitat, quin lerusalem novum, cuius duodecim portis tribuum quidem nomina, sed duodecim fundamentis nomina Apostolorum inscripta sunt (21,129.44), Ecclesia sit triumphans; quis ergo prudens dubitabit, quin 7,3-8 et 11,1 sqq. etc de eadem Ecclesia sive militante sive triumpbante verba fiant? Quae si quis negaret, alii non pauci textus (3,8 sqq.; 7,9 sqq. ; 21,14 etc) nobis remanerent, quibus auctorem de Ecclesia, quae solos Iudaeos comprehenderet, ne cogitasse quidem demonstraremus. Auctor Apocalypseos oppositionem inter veterem synagogam et inter Christi Ecclesiam certissime non statuit; at num forte Dominus in quarto Evangelio eiusmodi oppositionem docuit, ubi de ovili suo loquitur (Joan. 10,1 sqq.; cfr. 10,16)? — Spiritualem dumtaxat Christi parusiam in Evangelio doceri aiunt, visibilem in Apocalypsi. Scilicet nunquam legerunt, quae de reali resurrectione et Christi reditu docet quartus Evangelista (Joan. 5,298.29; 6,39.40; 11,24; 12,48; 1. loan. 92, 18.98; 443,17), nec quae de interno Christi adventu in animas fidelium tradit Apocalypsis (3,20). Num forte Paulus quoque, qui toties de visibili Christi parusia loquitur, quarto Evangelio contradicit (4 Thess. 4,12 sqq.; 2 Thess. 24 sqq.; 4 Cor. 15 etc.)? — Messiam ultorem ab Apocalypsi, salvatorem ab Evangelio praedicari contendunt. Quibus verbis si id solum asserere volunt. plura et accuratiora in Apocalypsi de futura peccatorum sorte et de hostium

Messiae poenis, quam in Evangelio quarto annuntiari, libenter assentimur; at siin Evangeliofuturum peccatorum iudicium ignorari aut negari arbitrantur, nec Evangelium nec epistolas intellexerunt; locis enim allatis, in quibus de Messia Salvatore sermo est, non tantum 7oan. 3,36; 5,22-99; 6,71; 8,44; 9, 39-44 similesque bene multos textus, sed omnes Domini sermones in quarto Evangelio relatos opponimus, in quibus indirecto modo se futurum iudicem manifestat. — Similiter quoque de angelis et daemonibus saepius et fusius in Apocalypsi, quam in Evangelio, sermonem esse concedimus, at eodem modo, quo in Apocalypsi, in Evangelio Angeli sunt Dei ministri (oan. 1,51; 12,29; 20,12.13), iisdem nominibus diaboli et satanae (Joan. 8,44; 13,27; 1 loan. 3,8; Apoc. 9,9.10) daemones appellantur, eadem potestas iis attribuitur (Joan. 129,91; 44,30; Apoc. 19,9; 13,14; 2,13), eadem crimina iis obiiciuntur (Joan. 8,44; 4 Joan. 3,19; Apoc. 2,13; 3,9), et sicut in Evangelio et epistola (4 Joan. 3,10; Joan. 8,38.41.44) peccatores diaboli sunt filii, in Apocalypsi (2,9) synagoga sunt satanae.

Diutius, quam opus erat, istis immorati sumus; paucioribus reliqua absolvemus. Universalitatem enim Evangelii, quae Matth. 24,14 et. Rom. 11,25 docetur, ab Apocalypsi non negari, sed asseri supra iam diximus; in Apocalypsi autem nec « de die », nec «de hora », qua Christus iudex sit venturus (Marc. 13,32), quidquam doceri manifestissimum est. Quid tandem de Pauli paulinaeque doctrinae impugnatione dicemus? Paulus ex numero Apostolorum excludi (Apoc. 21,44) et nomine Balaam velut seductor populi designari (Apoc. 2,14), eius autem asseclae sub Nicolaitarum nomine (Apoc. 2,6.15) damnari dicuntur. Quae num stultius an impudentius sint asserta nescimus; argumenta autem , quibus eiusmodi asserta cohonestent, non afferunt nostri adversarii.

Quibus reiectis plenam Apocalypseos cum reliquis libris Iohanneis consonantiam difficile non foret demonstrare ; ne vero longi simus, unam solam doctrinam, quae in Evangelio et in epistolis Ioannis primum locum tenet, paucis attingemus. 7'Àeologo Ioanni antiqui scriptores et codices Apocalypsin haud raro inscribunt, idque rectissime, quia tota in eo versatur, ut Verbum esse Deum (xai 0: 3» 6 Aovx) nos doceat. Quemadmodum quartum Evangelium historia est Verbi Dei inter homines versantis, ita Apocalypsis nescio annon historia Verbi incarnati in coelo gloriose regnantis recte appelletur. Illud certum est, vix alium in toto canone inveniri librum, in quo Christi divinitas clarius splendeat, frequentius asseratur, disertius describatur. Tres dumtaxat sunt N. T. libri, in quo Filius Dei « Verbum » appellatur : Evangelium S. Ioannis, eiusdem prima epistola et Apocalypsis (1,2; 19,13). Porro iidem tituli, qui Deo ipsi, Verbo incarnato tribuuntur; si « Dominus Deus dicit: Ego sum Alpha et Omega, principium et finis » (4,8), eodem modo loquitur Verbum incarnatum (21,6; 22,13); et si in quarto Evangelio omnia per Verbum creata dicuntur, in Apocalypsi Verbum « principium (4p43) crea turae Dei » (3,14) appellatur ; immo tam diserte et clare Christi divinitas in Apocalypsi asseritur, ut eam ob causam loannem eam scripsisse nonnulli rationalistae negent ?!. At alterum animadvertas velim. Verbum Dei in coelo gloriose regnans in Apocalypsi continuo sub figura Agni nobis repraesentai10 DE LIBRO PROPHETICO N. T. SEU DE APOCALYPSI.

tur ??; ex omnibus autem N. T. scriptoribus solus Ioannes nobis Baptistae verbaretulit Verbum incarnatum Agnum Dei appellantis, atque ea, quae de agno paschali dicta erant, ad Christum in cruce morientem applicavit (oan. 1,29.36; 19,36). Tantum igitur abest, ut ab Evangelio Apocalypseos doctrina dissentiat, ut plenior consensus inveniri non possit ?*.

23. Ipse Renan L'Antechrist. Introd. p. XXXII, quamvis Evangelium et Apocalypsin diversis auctoribus attribuat, similitudines has adesse concedit, inepte autem pergit : « Loin de nous la pensée de conclure de ces faits que la méme plume ait écrit ]e quatriàme Évangile et l'Apocalypse; mais il n'est pas indifférent que le quatriéme Évangile, dont l'auteur n'a pu étre sans lien quelconque avec l'apótre Jean, offre dans son style et ses images quelques rapports avec un livre attribué pour des motifs sérieux à l'apotre Jean ». Nos quoque ex his solis factis ad cundem auctorem non concludimus, sed illis utimur ad !llam sententiam confirmandam, quae historicis documentis extra dubium iam posita est, Apostolum videlicet Ioannem auctorem esse Evangelii et Apocalypseos.

The whole text at its source

Cornelius a Lapide English, machine translation

Notice of the Editor

This appendix is Lapide's own chronological synopsis of the entire Apocalypse, exhibiting in a single enumeration the order of the prophetic visions from chapter I to chapter XXII.

Continue reading 14 paragraphs

Just as the Prophets had various revelations, even concerning the same matter, at different times, and consequently do not always preserve the order of time, but narrate future things later and past things earlier, and vice versa: so also St. John does here from time to time, though more sparingly and rarely. For the Apocalypse is more connected, consequent and ordered than the prophecy of Isaiah, Jeremiah and the other Prophets. The reason for this is that the entire Apocalypse revolves around the sealed book which John saw in chapter v, and its seals. Wherefore some do not rightly judge that the order in the Apocalypse is greatly confused and disturbed: whose opinion moved Alcazar to devise a new interpretation, in which he would exactly preserve and defend the order and sequence of St. John, namely by explaining all things mystically and symbolically. I judge both these extremes to be less true, and to be avoided, and that the middle way should be followed, so that namely the order be preserved as much as possible, and the series of the text not be inverted, unless necessity or evident reason compels it; where however that compels, I shall not unwillingly admit hysteron proteron and inverted order. But this happens very rarely indeed, as the chronological order itself will soon make clear, namely only in four instances: first, in the seventh angel and the trumpet of the seventh seal, of which in chapter xi, verse 15, which ought not to be placed before the sealed book, as the other seals, but after it, and that from the nature of the matter, namely the consummation of the world which it brings about; whence properly in it there is no hysteron proteron, but the straight series and order of things to be done. Second, in the binding of Satan by Christ, which ought to have been placed at the beginning of the Apocalypse; and in his loosing at the time of Antichrist, which ought to have been placed at the beginning of chapter eleven: but here they are placed in chapter xx, for the reason I gave there. Third, in the narration of the death, resurrection and ascension into heaven of Elijah and Enoch; for their life is woven in at chapter xi, verse 7, when rightly it ought to be placed at chapter xix, before verse 11. Fourth, in certain visions which are interspersed here and there repeatedly concerning the heavenly glory of the Blessed, and concerning the judgment and punishments of hell of the reprobate, as appears in chapter vii, verse 15; chapter xiv, verse 14; chapter xv, verse 2. For these in their proper order pertain to the end of the Apocalypse; yet they are more often mentioned and repeated partly in the seals, partly in the sealed book: because the work of the Apocalypse is, through these and similar things, to animate the faithful, both present and future, to endurance and constancy in persecutions; and nothing animates them so much as the hope and consideration of heavenly glory and crown. Again, to terrify and strike down sinners, both present and future, especially at the time of Antichrist, when charity shall grow cold and iniquity shall abound, through the threat of divine judgment and the punishments of hell. For the serious and attentive consideration of these things especially deters and restrains the impious from sins. Receive therefore the chronological order of the entire Apocalypse.

First, in the first three chapters are recounted the seven epistles and admonitions of Christ to the seven bishops and Churches of Asia Minor.

Second, in chapters iv and v, St. John sees through a vision the book sealed with seven seals, in which were described or sealed those things which from the time of St. John until the end of the world were to happen, and especially those things which were to happen under the times of Antichrist: for the seven seals contain those things which were to happen partly completely, partly in their beginning before Antichrist; but the sealed book itself contains things to happen at the time of Antichrist. Moreover the seals begin to be opened in chapter vi, and are finished in chapter x, verse 8: for there, the seals already opened, the book is unsealed; wherefore from chapter eleven to the end of the Apocalypse, are recounted those things which were written or represented in the sealed book.

Third, in chapter six, in the first seal, by the white horse is signified the victory of the Apostles and preachers of the Gospel over paganism and the gentiles subdued and to be subdued to Christ. In the second seal, by the red horse are signified the ten persecutions of the faithful, through ten Roman Emperors up to Constantine. In the third seal, by the black horse is signified Arianism and heresies, which after the persecutions of the Emperors, under Constantine the Great began to assail the Church. In the fourth seal, by the pale horse is signified Mahomet and Saracenism, which even now persecutes the Church. In the fifth seal, the souls of the holy Martyrs come forth, asking for an end to persecutions and vengeance. In the sixth seal, John passes over to the final times: whence he sees the sun darkened, the moon reddened, the stars falling from heaven, etc. Wherefore henceforth until the end of the book he deals with the final times, namely with the time of Antichrist, as in chapter xi and onwards, or with the years adjoining to it, those immediately preceding it, as he does from this place of the sixth seal up to chapter xi.

Fourth, in chapter seven are marked the elect Jews and Gentiles, lest they be touched by the plagues of God and his seven angels, about to be sent forth into the world, that is, upon the impious. This marking pertains to the sixth seal, of which in chapter vi, verse 12: for it precedes the plagues which are contained in the seventh seal, and consequently will precede the Antichrist: understand this in an inchoate sense: for the Jews will begin to be converted and marked before the Antichrist, but they will be converted and marked fully and universally after the Antichrist.

Magog, and the Antichrist. For shortly before their slaughter Elias and Henoch will be slain, will rise again, and will ascend into heaven. Here also, namely in verse 15, chapter xi, he interweaves the seventh trumpet of the seventh angel and the seventh seal. For this alone among the seals will not pass through the times of the Antichrist, but rather will follow: for it will accompany the death, resurrection and ascension of Elias and Henoch; wherefore that, equally as the death, resurrection and ascension of Elias and Henoch, seems rightly to be placed in chapter xix, before verse 11: for it precedes the victory and judgment of Christ.

Fifth, in chapter eight and nine the seventh seal is opened, and there come forth seven angels sending forth seven plagues into the world, that is, upon the impious who are not marked. These plagues in general and briefly Christ foretold in Matthew chapter xxiv, verse 29; Mark chapter xiii, verse 24; Luke chapter xxi, verse 25; but John here sets them forth particularly and one by one. To this also pertains the destruction of Babylon, of which chapter xvii and xviii, Ribera thinks. But in chapter xvii, verses 16 and 17, I showed in that place that it is placed in its own order and sequence, and pertains not to the seals, but to the sealed book.

Sixth, in chapter ten, St. John sees an angel in glorious attire, swearing that there shall be time no longer, that is, that the end of the world is at hand: soon seven thunders resound and harmonize with him. Then, verse 8, the seven seals being now opened, he is commanded to devour the book before sealed, now opened. Wherefore here the seals end, and the first part of the Apocalypse, containing those things which will precede the Antichrist, concludes, and the second part begins, which is the book itself, or the matter of the book: therefore

Seventh, in chapter eleven he recounts those things which were contained in the book, which all pertain to the time of the Antichrist. And so chapter xi predicts that a great part of the Church and of the faithful will be delivered to the Antichrist, and that Elias and Henoch will contend against him. For these will be two heads and princes of the faithful resisting the Antichrist, and consequently will be as it were leaders of the holy war against the Antichrist, which he describes in the following chapters. Moreover, because in this chapter John began the history of Elias and Henoch, lest he be forced to make mention of them again in the following chapters, he completes it in this place, and treats of their death, martyrdom, resurrection, ascension into heaven, which all will happen later, whose proper place seems to be, that they be placed in chapter xix, before verse 11, namely before the battle which Christ is about to wage against Gog and Magog and the Antichrist.

Eighth, he describes the war of the demon with the faithful and the Church through the Antichrist, throughout chapter xii. Ninth, in chapter thirteen he describes the Antichrist, his customs and his precursor, under the form and symbol of two beasts.

Tenth, in chapter fourteen he describes the glory of virgins, who will generously resist the Antichrist. Then on that occasion he briefly touches upon the day of judgment, and the punishments of the reprobate in hell. Eleventh, in chapter sixteen and chapter fifteen he describes the seven final plagues. Twelfth, after these will follow the destruction of Babylon, of which he treats in chapter xvii and xviii, and thence the jubilation and exultation of the Saints, of which he treats at the beginning of chapter xix. Then he begins to narrate the final battle of Christ against the Antichrist, Gog and Magog, and he completes its narration in chapter xx. Where he traces back the origin of this battle to a higher point, and begins from the binding of Satan made a thousand years before by Christ, who will be loosed at the beginning of the reign of the Antichrist, but more at its end, when he will bring to him Gog and Magog and other nations. Soon after their slaughter, he describes Christ coming to the final judgment.

Finally in chapter twenty-one and chapter twenty-two he depicts at length and graphically the glory of the heavenly Jerusalem, prepared for the Martyrs and Saints who have contended generously, which they will receive as a prize from Christ on the day of judgment. From what has been said it is easy to see how correct and exact is St. John's sequence, and the order of things and time, and how rare and few are the hysterolagies in the Apocalypse.

Editor's Note

This little prooemial dissertation is editorial matter, added by the editor of the year 1891 at Peronne, drawn from Patricius On the Interpretation of Holy Scriptures (as his annotations acknowledge). It is not part of the original commentary of Lapide, but introduces the hermeneutical framework of the entire volume.

Introduction 24 paragraphs

1. A grave question is one which we undertake, concerning the spiritual sense of the Scriptures. For it is a matter of that sense, which the Holy Spirit, the author of Scripture, willed to underlie the Scriptures no less than the literal sense, which this one book has as its own particular property, shared with no other, which finally in the latter ages Lutherus first of all, then others among the Protestants, and commonly the moderns, who are called Rationalists, utterly reject, and deny that they recognize it in the Scriptures. These things, I say, sufficiently show in what place that question ought to be held.

2. Furthermore, what the spiritual or mystical sense is, and from what origin it is to be traced, is to be learned fully from the doctrine of the Fathers. Yet the usage of this name is twofold in their writings: one, by which it signifies that sense which is proper to the Scriptures themselves, of which we now treat; the other truly to designate those opinions which are indeed not at all subject to the Scriptures themselves, yet are certain consequences and inferences of those things which are said or narrated in the Scriptures, concerning which also we shall treat below. Yet this discrepancy of usage, which is found in the books of the Fathers, is the cause why this question, which otherwise would be sufficiently straightforward, if we held steadily in our mind a correct understanding of the spiritual sense, is so intricate and confused among authors, even among those who are heard to be most skilled in theological matters, whom you would wonder at, whether while they speak or while they dispute, calling the spiritual or mystical sense that which is plainly another thing, namely those consequences which we mentioned, or the literal sense itself referring to mysteries and such sublime things, and also transferred.

3. It ought therefore to be our care, that having first indicated the origin and laid bare as it were the source of the spiritual sense, and with the notions and names of things clearly distinguished from one another and accurately, we may have this question most lucidly, and avoiding the circumlocutions with which some, I know not by what scruple driven, stuff and entangle it, we may set forth the whole matter as simply as possible. Which also we shall safely accomplish, if we go that way under the guidance of Thomas, which he himself, following the Fathers, opened to us, expressing the sum of those things which we are about to treat in these few words most excellently: "The author of sacred Scripture is God, in whose power it is not only to accommodate words to signify, which man also can do, but also things themselves. And therefore when in all sciences words signify things, this science has as its own property that the things signified by words also signify something else. That first signification therefore, by which words signify things, pertains to the first sense, which is the historical or literal sense; but that signification by which the things signified by words again signify other things, is called the spiritual sense, which is founded upon the literal sense and presupposes it," I, Quest. I, art. 10.

4. By these words of Thomas we are taught that the spiritual sense can underlie the Scriptures for this reason, that through those things which are narrated or commemorated in them, other things were signified by God the author. From which also that consequence follows manifestly, that this spiritual sense is not so much proper to the Scriptures themselves as to those things which the Scriptures contain; yet it underlies the Scriptures, because the Holy Spirit, assigning those things to the sacred codex, willed also to assign that signification which he had put in those things, and which we should gather from the Scriptures equally as the literal sense. In a word, that the Scriptures can contain the spiritual sense, they have this from the very signification of types; but that they actually contain it, this is from no other source than from the counsel and will of the Holy Spirit. Yet with these things known beforehand, anyone easily understands that the spiritual sense can be regarded in two ways, as it underlies the Scriptures themselves, and as it underlies those things which are commemorated in the Scriptures, and therefore, although it is one and the same sense, yet for the sake of clarity it can be divided in thought and as it were held to be two senses, of which the former you would appropriately call the spiritual sense of words, the latter of things; the latter however is the origin and as it were the source of the former. Moreover, a particular discipline ought to be concerning each; we shall set down a few things concerning the consequent sense of the Scriptures.

Chapter I: Concerning the Spiritual Sense of Things, or Typology

5. All those things from which the spiritual sense of words or of the Scriptures themselves emanates, we call by the common name of types with Paul, Galatians IV, 24; and the signification of types itself, indeed the whole of this discipline, has the name typology given to it by more recent writers. Types are therefore either persons, or things, or actions, and those events and deeds which by a peculiar counsel and institution of God were conformed and directed to this end, that they might either prefigure certain future things pertaining to the very economy of the divine covenant, especially to Christ and His Church; or express and represent certain more sublime things, namely spiritual, heavenly and divine things, by means of ruder lineaments; or finally be norms and rules by which we might measure and fashion our morals. Whatever we gather at the same time from the writings of the Fathers which touches types in any way, it is easy to refer to that threefold kind; we shall therefore divide the types themselves into prophetic, anagogic and tropological, which names, although not always used by the Fathers themselves with the same constant meaning, we shall discuss singly concerning each kind, setting forth those things which are more necessary to know, and finally we shall say certain other things pertaining to this treatment of typology in general.

Article I: On the Various Kind of Types

I. On prophetic types.

6. The kind of types which are called prophetic extends more widely than the other kinds; for the whole economy of the old covenant was a foretelling of the new covenant, or a kind of foreshadowing. Wherefore very many examples of prophetic types can be drawn from the old covenant, whether they be persons, such as Adam, Melchisedech, Isaac and Ishmael, Moses; or things, such as the ark of Noah, the old law, victims and ceremonies, festival days, the cloud which led the Israelites, manna, etc.; or events and deeds, such as the expulsion of Hagar and Ishmael, the passage of the Red Sea.

It is clear that these types, since they were signs and symbols of future things, are to be held as foretelling announcements, not otherwise than the prophecies themselves are, from which they differ in this one respect, that these were uttered in words, but those in the manner in which we have spoken. They must, however, be altogether distinguished, as Thomas distinguished them, Quodlibet VII, article 15, to 1, and article 16, prophetic types from symbolic vaticinations, by which the prophets sometimes predicted future things, and of which the Scriptures exhibit a threefold mode. One of these was when God first represented to the mind of the prophet some image, usually monstrous and enigmatic, then opened its meaning, and finally the prophet narrated the whole matter to others, as is seen to have happened in Jeremiah I, 11-16; XXIV, 1-8; Ezekiel XXXVII, 1-11; Amos VII, 7-8; VIII, 1-2, etc. Another was when God commanded the prophet himself to do something, adding a declaration of the deed done, which the prophet would teach to others: such things we find in Isaiah XX, 2-4; Jeremiah XIII, 1-9; XIX, 1-11; Ezekiel IV, 1-8, etc. Finally, when the prophet himself pronounced those things which God had previously revealed to him, adding at the same time some symbolic thing or action, for the sake of illustration and ornament, such as are the prophecies of Ahijah, III Kings XI, 29; of Elisha, IV Kings XIII, 15; and of Agabus, Acts XXI, 11. For in none of these types is there any place for the prophets. But neither are these mere images hovering before the mind of the prophet, as is the first mode of symbolic vaticinations; nor are they actions otherwise causeless, nor looking to anything else than to represent by means of a kind of rude image to the eyes also those things which the prophet imparts to the ears of his hearers, as happens in the two latter modes.

II. On anagogic types.

7. The name anagogy more recent writers are accustomed to apply to that spiritual sense which concerns the eternal blessedness of men. But the Fathers did not define the use of this word within such narrow limits. For since any spiritual sense elevates the mind and soul of the reader to things higher than those which the words themselves taken in the obvious sense signify, the common name anagogy for the spiritual sense was sometimes made by the Fathers according to the meaning of the word. Yet sometimes and more properly they called by this name that spiritual signification which by its nature touches things more sublime than earthly and corporeal things, especially heavenly and divine things. Therefore those types to which this spiritual signification is peculiar are also called by their proper name anagogic types.

You will find some of these and their interpretation in the Book of Wisdom, such as the temple of Solomon, IX, 8, and manna, of which several significations are read in the book itself, XVI, 21-26; and more also in the epistles of Paul, such as the city of Jerusalem, Galatians IV, 25, the tabernacle and its parts and instruments, Hebrews IX, the priesthood of Melchisedech, ibid. VI, 20 seqq., the priesthood of Aaron, ibid. VIII, 1 seqq. Moreover, anagogic types are fewer than the others, especially because for the most part they can be numbered among prophetic types, and by the Fathers they have in fact been numbered to both simultaneously most frequently.

III. On tropological types.

8. The third kind comprises typological tropes, or moral types, whose spiritual significance is called tropology, a name indeed used by the Fathers and derived from the Greek word τρόπος, which among other things signifies custom and practice. A type of this kind was the manna, Wisdom XVI, 27; likewise, as Paul testifies in I Corinthians X, 5, those things which befell the Israelites in the desert. Furthermore, you will scarcely or not at all find anything of which the sacred writers have expressly made mention as a moral type of this kind, although it is possible to conjecture that this kind of types was quite widespread, both from those things which Paul speaks of concerning the deeds and events of the people of Israel journeying through the desert, for which there is no reason why we should not think the same applied to other things read in the Old Testament; and from the fact that, since the whole economy of the former covenant was in some way a prefiguration of the latter, which God made with us, it must be supposed that the customs which we ought to follow were also accounted for in that former covenant.

9. Yet we do not for that reason think that any matter assumed or proposed by the sacred writers as an example, although it be called a τρόπος by them, should be reckoned among the types of which we are treating, but only those to which we can gather from the very words of the writers themselves, or from elsewhere, that the form of a type was impressed by God. For not everything which can serve as an example (for instance, Paul proposing himself, Philippians III, 17; II Thessalonians III, 9, or the Thessalonians, I Thessalonians I, 7, as an example; or Christ washing the feet of his disciples, or bearing the cross, or even "suffering outside the gate," Hebrews XIII, 12) is a type, although every moral type is an example. For although God willed that all these things be examples of virtues, it must not be believed that he willed this in that peculiar and more sublime manner in which he himself so conformed and governed persons, things, and events, that a spiritual significance (beyond the literal) lay beneath them, which is proper to moral types.

What we say concerning the sacred writers must also be said, as is fitting, concerning the Fathers and the interpreters of Scripture, who if they bring forth some thing or person from the Old or New Testament, and propose it as an example, and from those things which are related of it in the Bible gather some moral sense, we shall not straightway pronounce that thing or person to have been a moral type, since such interpretations can be made even of other things which are not read in the Bible, namely of the deeds of saints or famous men, who assuredly were not types at all. But if it should please someone perhaps to call those things from which the Fathers and interpreters draw forth sentences and teachings pertaining to morals types, according to that notion in which whatever can serve as an example the Greeks call a τύπος, we do not object, provided that the distinction stands between these and those moral types of which this question treats, and which from the peculiar counsel and institution of God had a spiritual significance inherent in them.

Article II: In What Respect Types and Symbols Differ

10. This is the place where we should observe that types have sometimes been called symbols by the Fathers, and not inappropriately: for every type is indeed a symbol. Yet we would not fittingly give the name of type to every symbol. Wherefore, since God used not only types but also other symbols, and since types, but not all other symbols, are of that kind of things which oracles and prophecies are, which have something exceeding the nature, force and order of things, and which therefore ought not to be invented where there is no necessity to receive something of that sort in reality, we shall suggest certain indications and a rule by which we may more securely distinguish types from other symbols which God used or ordered to be used.

Therefore, symbols of past things are not necessarily to be held as types, which are properly held and called μνημόσυνα, or memorials, such as the rainbow, Genesis IX, 13; the feast of Passover among the Hebrews insofar as it was a memorial of their deliverance from servitude; the consecration of the Eucharist, which the Church calls the memorial of the Lord's death. Nor those things which God joined to his words in order to confirm or more fully illustrate some matter, which however he had already clearly and openly expounded, such as the portents which accompanied the covenant made between God and Abraham, the cloud which opened the temple constructed by Solomon: which symbols you might aptly call ἐπιδεικτικά. Nor those which might conveniently be called μεταστατικά, by which, that is, God used to signify something in such a way that, with words added, he seemed indeed to speak of the symbol, yet anyone could easily understand that the sense of the words pertained elsewhere, as was the serpent, to which God spoke in place of the devil, Genesis III, 14, the fig tree withered at Christ's command. Nor finally δεικτικά symbols, which portended something that would happen or was happening at the same time as they themselves were employed, such as the slaying of victims for sin and for trespass, which indicated that the penalties were remitted by the law.

11. On the other hand, we think that those symbols ought to be held as types which, just as they have none of the aforesaid characteristics, so also whether you consider their own nature or the things which they signified, you can easily understand that by the one God they are so confirmed, ruled and ordained to signify something, that between themselves and between the thing signified some likeness or analogy is perceived to intercede. Of this kind are certain men or events of human affairs or of other things employed as symbols by God; but also very many things and very many deeds, of which it suffices to have remembered one lamb, which was a symbol both of the exodus from Egypt and of Christ once to be immolated, each from divine institution and purpose: but of the former indeed nothing but a mere symbol, as it were of a past thing, which the Israelites themselves could have devised and instituted by their own effort; but of the latter also a type, as it were of a future thing, not yet fully known to men, which it directly and immediately prefigured, with no prediction interposed, by which it might be used for illustration.

12. In general, however, so that we may distinguish types from mere symbols, let this rule be derived from the nature of the spiritual sense of the Scriptures. Since in symbols nothing else is to be found except the signification of some one thing, hence when we know something which is read in the Scriptures to be a symbol, and yet the sense itself obvious and literal of the words by which it is commemorated conveys nothing of that kind, we shall hold for certain that it is not a mere symbol, but a type. For then it must be said that beneath the literal sense of the words there is also another sense, namely a spiritual one; but the spiritual sense in the words does not derive from mere symbols, in which, as St. Thomas teaches in Quodlibet VII, article 15, ad 1, article 16, this sense does not subsist, but from types alone, concerning which those things are said, is it derived. These can be examples. Matthew interprets as spoken of Christ returning from Egypt the words which Osee brought forth concerning the people of the Israelites reduced from that same Egypt; and so this reduction was a symbol of that return. But was it also a type? The very nature of the thing according to what we have just observed sufficiently teaches it; yet we shall learn this same thing if we apply this rule. For when you have examined those words, as in the book of Osee itself they are connected with the rest of the discourse, you will perceive that the obvious and literal sense offers nothing which touches upon Christ; therefore a spiritual sense will be hidden in those words, and so what the literal sense produces, the reduction, I say, of the Israelites from Egypt, is by no means a mere symbol: for the literal sense would certainly produce that; but a type of Christ returning from that region. In the same way you will recognize that the paschal lamb, the Psalter, Solomon, and other things were types of Christ, not bare symbols, concerning which the things in the Scriptures of the old covenant are so said that when accepted in the literal sense they pertain not at all to Christ, yet the writers of the New Testament received and interpreted them as said of Christ.

Article III: It is Proved that the Dispensation of the Prior Covenant was Adorned with Types

13. The nature and manifold form of types having been declared, it must now be demonstrated that these types, when the dispensation of the prior covenants obtained, were truly employed by God. No one of the Catholics doubts about this matter; indeed even from the Heterodox many were those who thought thus, among whom stand out Grotius, Cocceius, Glassius (Sacred Philology, book II, part I, tract. 1, sect. 1), Spencerus (On the Laws of the Hebrews Ritual, book I, cap. XI), and in more recent times J. Dav. Michaelis and J. Christoph. Blasche. Yet from the older Heterodox not a few, but in our age almost all, reject any types whatsoever, especially prophetic ones; or, if some of them sometimes seem to accept any, they nevertheless affirm that they were types according to the outcome, according to the event alone, and on account of some likeness which they had with those of which they are thought to be types, not however because God so conformed and directed them that they would prefigure those things. But both the Scriptures, and the traditions, and the opinion of both the old and new synagogue, and reason itself, we have found to favor us so much that it is necessary that our adversaries lose the case. Let arguments both from the Scriptures and from reason be at hand; for the rest see Patricius, vol. I, pag. 189-200.

Arguments Drawn from the Scriptures 7 paragraphs

14. Our opinion is defended by Scripture in more than one way. First indeed, the words of Paul are manifest, by which he expressly affirms that there were such types, which either prefigured future things, Rom. V, 14; Gal. IV, 24; Coloss. II, 17; Hebr. IX, 9; X, 1; XI, 19; or set forth heavenly, divine and other things more sublime than bodily and earthly things, Hebr. VIII, 5; IX, 23; or taught us to form our morals rightly, I Cor. X, 6, 11. But Peter also demonstrates quite clearly that what happened to Noah and his family when the flood came upon them was a type of baptism, calling it their antitype. But neither are the testimonies of the old covenant lacking. For the author of the book of Wisdom writes thus concerning the temple: "And thou saidst me to build a temple..... a likeness of thy holy tabernacle, which thou hadst prepared from the beginning," IX, 8, that is, a type of heaven. The Psalmist, beginning to sing of what happened to the Israelites in the desert, calls these things a parable (משָׁל) and riddles (חִידוֹת), Psalm. LXXVIII, 2, for no other reason surely than because they signified something other than what they were, just as parables signify something other than what they sound. Furthermore, the sacred writers speak of certain persons, things or events in such a way, and compare and explain all these things so that it is evident even to their adversaries (see Bauer's Sacred Hermeneutics § 8, near the end) that, even if those writers do not openly pronounce it, these same things were held by them as types, such as we have described, namely those which, not from any similarity which they might happen to have with other things, but, to speak with Peter, "by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God," Acts II, 23, signified those things.

15. But the writers of the New Testament not only acknowledge types among those things which constitute the economy of the divine covenants, nor only hand down to us persons, things, deeds and events as types, but they use those very things which are written concerning types, which cannot be understood in the literal sense as written concerning other things, in such a way that they are used as if they were not written concerning types, but concerning those things which were signified through types: which cannot be repeated from any other cause surely than that it was certain and indubitable to them that those things which were said or written concerning types were also said or written concerning the things signified through types; yet this could not happen otherwise than if it were equally certain to them that the force by which types signify something else was divinely imparted to types. We have indicated above (n. 11) some of the words of the ancient Scriptures which are used in this way by the writers of the New Testament. It is also helpful to observe that Christ himself used some of them in the same way. That noble saying of the Psalmist is: "The stone which the builders rejected, the same is become the head of the corner," Ps. CXVII, 22, which we read transcribed in Matthew, and in Mark, and in Luke, and in Acts, and in the first Epistle of Peter, and which, although the Psalmist speaks of himself, Christ nevertheless used as if it were said of himself: but how could this be, unless the Psalmist and those things which are narrated as having happened to him by those words were a prophetic type of Christ?

16. But what of the fact that the sacred writers not only accomplish what we have enumerated up to this point, but moreover draw the force of arguments either from types or from those things which are written concerning types, in order to argue or confirm something which pertains to things figured by these types? For thus Paul, Rom. IX, 27, when he mentions the gathering of the gentiles to Christ, also bids the Jews to hope, using the testimony of Isaiah, who nevertheless speaks of the Israelites being vindicated from the servitude by which the Assyrians pressed them, Isai. X, 22. The same Paul, in order to demonstrate that "the end... of the law is Christ unto justice to every one that believeth.... which.... is of faith," Rom. X, 4, 6, brings forth those things which Moses had said concerning the old law: "The word is nigh thee in thy mouth and in thy heart," ibid. 8 from Deut. XXX, 14. The same Paul argues that the Synagogue with the Mosaic laws was to be rejected by God, Gal. IV, 21-31, from those things which are narrated concerning Hagar and Ishmael in Genesis, and indeed from those very words by which God commanded Abraham to cast out both from his house, Gen. XXI, 10: "Cast out this handmaid and her son," etc. In the same way he defends the divine nature of Christ, Hebr. I, 5, namely by bringing forth those things which God had said concerning Solomon: "I will be to him a father, and he shall be to me a son," II Reg. VII, 14. But you would find other things of this kind in Paul. Christ himself used those words of the Psalmist, of which we spoke a little before, in order to prove what was to be expected by the Jews themselves not believing in him from him himself.

17. Finally, the scriptures themselves furnish another weighty argument for our position, which, although it could conveniently be reduced to some of those which we have set forth, is nevertheless better to pursue with particular consideration. Now these are the oracles of the ancient scriptures, whose fulfillment the apostles and evangelists establish in a different matter than that concerning which it is certain those oracles were issued in the literal sense, by using these forms of speech: "And the scripture was fulfilled, Then was fulfilled, That it might be fulfilled," and similar ones. This happens in these chapters of the New Testament: Matt. II, 15; XIII, 35; John XIII, 18; XV, 25; XIX, 36; Acts I, 16. For we must acknowledge a twofold fulfillment of these oracles: the first in that matter to which the literal sense pertains; the other in that which the writers of the New Testament say the oracle was fulfilled. Wherefore such oracles pertain to both matters. But who could determine how they might pertain to the latter, which their literal sense in no way concerns, unless he posit that the former matter was a type of the latter? Now in order that this argument of ours may retain its force, we must demonstrate that those locutions: "That it might be fulfilled, Then it was fulfilled," etc., in the very words themselves to fulfill, to be fulfilled, to be perfected, in these locutions mean exactly the same thing, namely that that very thing comes to pass or happens to which the cited oracle pertains, not however other things similar to these, concerning which nevertheless it was in no way uttered.

18. How much weight should be given to this position, no one fails to see, and so it is surprising that there have been and still are men most devoted to the Catholic faith who have called it into question either in deed or in word. For if the meaning of those words were otherwise, one would certainly doubt whether very many prophecies, which are brought forth by the apostles and evangelists on that account, truly pertain to Christ, or at least their significance would be destitute of the authority of Hebrew writers, which would confirm it, besides which it would be more absurd to have accommodated these oracles to those matters concerning which they were in no way issued, on account of some mere similarity which might happen to exist between those and those concerning which they were truly issued. Moreover we have many things by which to defend the truth of this position. For, as others have already observed, those locutions carry with them a certain energy by which we are compelled to receive them in a wholly different signification than as a simple form of comparison, and to announce a mere similarity of things. Furthermore we find parallels of those locutions in the Old Testament, and in these the very words are used which the Syriac interpreter of the New Testament constantly employed for the words to be fulfilled, to be perfected, employed in that manner which we seek, namely the words מלא, which is to be fulfilled "to be fulfilled," and שלם, which is to be perfected "to be perfected," or to be completed or to be finished, never in any other sense except that which we say underlies those locutions in the New Testament: for they signify that very thing to come to pass or to happen which was to come to pass or to happen, because it had either been foretold, or promised, or, in order that it come to pass, had been in some manner commanded or instituted. Read III Kings II, 27; VIII, 15, 24; II Paralipomenon VI, 16; XXXVI, 21; Psalm XX, 5, 6, in which is the word כלה, and Job XXIII, 14; Isaiah XLIV, 28, in which the word שלם is used. But also in the New Testament we read very many places in which no other meaning can be added to the word to be fulfilled and similar words except this one alone, since it is certain that those things concerning which they are said to be fulfilled had been foretold; from these it will suffice to have indicated a few in which what we affirm cannot be denied even by the Socinians themselves: Matt. II, 23; Luke I, 20; XXIV, 44; John XVIII, 9, 32; Acts III, 18; XIII, 33.

19. Our opinion has not much to fear from the authority of certain Syrian writers, who, writing in the Syrian language—that language which is nearest to the language of the apostles and of Christ himself—employed such formulaic expressions when they accommodated the words of Scripture to things other than those about which they were originally spoken; this, I say, has no weight by which anyone could prove that such use of those formulae was also proper to the speech of those who committed the New Testament to writing. For, besides the fact that none of those Syrian authors is so ancient that he did not flourish nearly three hundred years after the completion of the edition of the New Testament, at that time, namely, when it is to be believed that the speech of the Syrians had diverged more and more from the Syrochaldaic speech in which Christ and the apostles spoke, all Christians are, and all employ those formulaic expressions only when they bring forth testimonies of Scripture, from which it appears that those formulae ought not to be repeated by them as adopted from the manner of speaking, but from an altogether different cause; what this cause is, however, is easy to perceive. For those who handle the volumes of the Fathers with their own hands know that they sometimes spoke and wrote in the manner and mode of the sacred Writers and in the same formulaic expressions, for the confirmation of which matter the most abundant testimony is at hand, namely that of Augustine, writing thus: "So great is the force of custom even for learning, that those who have been nourished and educated in the holy Scriptures in a certain way marvel more at other locutions, and consider them less Latin, than those which they have learned in the Scriptures, nor are they found in the authors of the Latin language." *Doctr. Christ.* lib. II, cap. XIV. Since, therefore, Christian writers and the oracles of Scripture, as is known, accommodated them to other and diverse things, and sometimes wrote and even spoke in the very speech of Scripture itself, it was not difficult for it to happen sometimes that both occurred together, that is, that they accommodated the sense of the oracles to other things, and at the same time did this using that very formulaic expression which the sacred Writers were accustomed to use in transcribing and explaining the oracles; and this especially because the similarity of things suggested that formulaic expression, when in truth that had been done which was written in the oracle, that, I say, which the words of the oracle, separated from the rest of the discourse and the context of the book and taken apart, could sound, even if that had not been done about which it was issued and written. But all this is confirmed by the reason that this *καταχρηστικός* use of the verb *implere* is found, though rarely, among the ancient Christian writers, and indeed among those who wrote in Greek, namely among Clement of Rome, yet never among others; to whom on the contrary that notion of this verb which we defend was by no means unknown; for in Herodotus we read: "ποτὲ ἀποπλῆσαι τὸν χρησμὸν... τὸν περὶ τῆς ναυμαχίας ταύτης εἰρημένον," lib. VIII; but in Cicero: "Ne aut id profiteri videar, quod non possim implere." *Pro Cluent.* See Forcellini's Lexicon, v. *impleo*.

II. Reasons.

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