Ecclesiastes

Liber Ecclesiastes

Introductions

Enciclopedia Cattolica Ecclesiastes

Fourth of the didactic books of the Old Testament, in 12 chapters, "a philosophical masterpiece of satire, irony, good sense and, whatever it may seem and whatever may be said, of religion and true piety" (Buzy). In the Hebrew canon it is part of the kethubhîm or "writings," and it is the fourth of the 5 "scrolls" or méghilâh, which in Jewish liturgy is read on the feast of Tabernacles (v.). In the Greek version of the Septuagint and in the canon sanctioned by the Council of Trent (v. VULGATE), it is among the poetic or sapiential books, as already among the Fathers, who together with Proverbs and the Song attribute it to Solomon (St. Jerome, Comm. in Eccl., 1, 2 : PL 23, 1063).

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Haydock introduction to the book

This Book is called Ecclesiastes, or the preacher, (in Hebrew, Coheleth) because in it Solomon, as an excellent preacher, setteth forth the vanity of the things of this world, to withdraw the hearts and affections of men from such empty toys. (Challoner) --- Coheleth is a feminine noun, to indicate the elegance of the discourse. It is very difficult to discriminate the objections of free-thinkers from the real sentiments of the author. It is most generally supposed that Solomon wrote this after his repentance; but this is very uncertain. St. Jerome (in chap. 12:12.) informs us that the collectors of the sacred books had some scruple about admitting this; and Luther speaks of it with great disrespect: (Coll. conviv.) but the Church has always maintained its authority. See Conc. v. Act. 4. Philast. 132. (Calmet) --- It refutes the false notions of worldlings, concerning felicity; and shews that it consists in the service of God and fruition. (Worthington)

Douay 1582/1609 the argument of the book, Douay 1609-10

KIng Salomon a diuine Preacher, wherof this Booke is called This booke called Ecclesiastes, teacheth to contemne this vvorld. Because felicitie consisteth not in anie temporal thing: but in the eternal sight of God. Ecclesiastes, exhorteth al such as haue lerned the principles of good life, to contemne this world: because al thinges therin are vaine, and insufficient to geue repose to mans soule: shewing that true felicitie, which al men desire, consisteth not in natural knowlege, gotten by witte and industrie; nor in worldlie pleasures, much lesse in carnal; nor in riches; nor in auctoritie or dominion; nor in anie other temporal thing; as diuers diuersly thinke: but only in the true seruice of God, by flying from sinne, and doing good workes, as in the meritoricus cause, and essentially in the clere vision of God: the proper end, for which man was created. And so this Booke conteyneth three principal parts. First this diuine preacher confuteth al their opinions, that imagine a false felicitie in humane, Diuided into three parts. worldlie, or temporal thinges: to the beginning of the 7. chapter. In the rest of that chapter, and three folowing, he teacheth that true felicitie consisteth in the eternal fruition of God: and is procured by declining from vices, and embracing vertues. In the two last chapters, he exhorteth al to beginne spedily to serue God, and to perseuere therin to the end of this life.

Cornely Introductio specialis (1897), Latin

II. De libro Ecclesiastae. S 14. — De libri Ecclesiastae argumento , divisione , fine.

205. — Alter liber Salomoni attributus est « Ecclesiastes , qui ab Hebraeis Coheleth appellatur », cuius autem completa hebraica inscriptio est: couvw2 qoo mrrq2 nop "1 (bíuara DaOonewkeTos viob A«vià faexe "Ico, Verba Ecclesiastae, filii David, regis Ierusalem). De vocabuli nop etymologia et significatione moderni interpretes multa disputarunt; alii ex lingua arabica eius originem derivantes aut cum Schultens inscriptionem verterunt « liber poenitentiae filii Davidis », aut cum Doederlein « verba senzs filii David » etc. ; alii in linguae hebraicae ambitu remanentes CoAeleth cum Grotio designare putarunt « collectorem », « ut intelligamus redactas in hunc librum varias sapientium opiniones de beatitudine!. Quibus explicationibus haud dubie erroneis opinio illorum modernorum aliquantum praestat, qui propter femineam nominis KoAeleth formam substantivum aliquod (moon) supplendum putant, ut Salomo semet ipsum sap?entiam concionantem appellet. Qua in interpretatione illud quidem rectum est, quod radici KaAa/ significatio concionandi attribuitur, at nomen Koheleth, quum in toto libro pro masculino adhibeatur, supplementum istud femineum non admittit?. Illaque communis et antiquitus tradita explicatio retinenda videtur : « é&xXsetaocác, inquit S. Hier., graeco sermone vocatur qui coetum i. e. ecclesiam congregat, quem nos nuncupare possumus concionatorem, eo quod loquatur ad populum »23. Probabilis quoque altera est sententia, quae radici KaAal sensum c/lamandi sitribuens nec quidquam supplens Salomonem tenet semet ipsum, simili modo quo S. Ioannem B., vocem clamantem (cfr Ioan. 1,23) appellare*.

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Titulo igitur suo (Verba concionatoris) liber noster declaratur esse concio ad populum habita, atque titulo consentiunt libri stylus et indoles. Licet enim poeticis libris adnumerari soleat, Ecclesiastae tamen stylus prosaicus potius est et humilis, quam poeticus et sublimis; insertae autem sunt sententiae multae atque integrae quoque pericopae, quae parallelismo poetico conscriptae pro totidem carminibus didacticis iure habentur quibusque inter poeticos liber locum meretur. Integrum autem opus in exhortatione magis, quam in doctrinae expositione versatur. Quamvis enim forma exhortatoria non ubique praevaleat at.

que interdum meditationem piam vel soliloquium potius, quam concio 155 nem, legere tibi videaris, omnia tamen eo diriguntur, ut auditorum animi et voluntates ad certam tenendam et sequendam sententiam permoveantur, ideoque indole sua integrum opus oratorio generi addicitur.

Quodnam autem est concionis ARGUMENTUM? « Salomon , inquit O/ympiodorus, quum a Deo certam rerum omnium (àv óvrov) scientiam accepisset, in tres classes eas distribuit, in morales, naturales, intelligibiles (si; z0uxx x4i guctxx xai vonrz), et morales quidem docuit in Proverbiis, naturales in Ecclesiastae concionibus, intelligibiles in Canlico Canticorum ». Simili ratione alii Patres Origenem seculi argumenta trium librorum salomonicorum distinguere solebant. Erraret vero, qui eorum verba ita interpretaretur, ut Ecclesiasten scientiam physicam tradidisse putaretur. Etsi enim de coeli, solis, terrae, elementorum elc. mutationibus nonnulla tradat, recte tamen iam monuit Olympiodorus , ab eo « rerum naturalium ratione ozter delibata vanitates praesentis vitae ob oculos poni », atque S. Basi/ius « Ecclesiastes, inquit, physiologiam a/tngit (£s1t£2:) nobisque rerum mundanarum vanitatem patefacit, ne putemus res fluxas futilesque esse dignas, quae expetantur, quibusque animi curas impendamus »*. Profecto Ecclesiastes de rebus physicis agere eo sensu apte dicitur, quod intimam earum, ut ita dicamus, naturam, i. e. earum vanitatem et inanitatem , manifestat. At unam tantum eamque negativam argumenti partem describunt, quicunque de sola rerum vanitate loquuntur; totus enim liber completum quendam exhibet tractatum de summo bono, quo homo Zac :n terra frui potest. Omnibus enim illis, quas homines expetere solent, quoniam in iis beatitudinem suam sitam esse arbitrantur, reiectis ostendit concionator noster, felicitatem summam, qua ?n Aac terra homines frui possunt, praeprimis Dei timore mandatorumque eius observatione contineri atque bonorum illorum, quae Deus ipse (1ustis velut praemia) secundum providentiae suae ordinem concedit , fruitione quieta. et pia. Inquietum igitur illud studium, quo homines iis quae possident non contenti semper maiores opes, voluptates, honores quaerunt, ac si in earum possessione sita esset beatitudo, improbat Ecclesiastes, quietum et ptum earum rerum, quas Deus ipse concedit, usum non tantum permittit sed commendat. Quoniam enim secundum sapientissima sua consilia Deus iis, qui Legem erant observaturi, res externas, divitias scilicet aliaque ad corpus perlüinentia promiserat, mirum non est, quod earum moderatum et pium usum Ecclesiastes a summae felicitatis, quam homo in hac terra adipisci queat, definitione non excluserit. Altior enim ille perfectionis gradus, qui omnibus omnino rebus externis, divitiis, voluptatibus, honoribus renuntiare nos docet, ut in Domini N. pauperis, despecti, dira patientis sequela summam felicitatem iam hac in terra quaeramus, novo foederi erat reservatus (cfr infra n. 219,6 p. 181 sq.).

« Quomodo philosophi solent disputationes suas in physicam, ethicam, logicamque partiri, ita et eloquia divina aut de natura disputare (solent), ut in Genesi et in Ecclesíaste, aut de moribus, ut in Proverbiis et in omnibus sparsim libris, aut do logica, pro qua nostra theoricen sibi vindicant, ut in Cantico cant. et in Evangeliis ». Jn Eccle. 1,1 M. 23,1063) etc. (Cfr supra 198 p. 133).

206. — Onpo autem, quo argumentum hoc exponitur, ille non est, quem in docta aliqua argumentatione aut in oratione ad omnes rhetoricae artis regulas composita sequi solemus; neque enim secundum graecorum latinorumque rhetorum praecepta diiudicanda et definienda sunt scriptorum hebraicorum opera. Namque sicuti carmina eorum didactica haud raro in singula fere disticha aut tristicha separata dissolvi possunt, ita etiam poeticae nostrae concionie sententiae arcto nexu logico non semper coniunguntur. Uti facere fere solet, qui de re aliqua ex tempore dicere iubetur, noster quoque concionator varias de felicitate in hac terra consequenda sententias illo proponit ordine, quo animo eius sese offerebant nonnullis interdum insertis, quae etsi ad arzumentum minus pertineant, illa tamen in occasione ei videbantur esse opportuna. Quin etiam nonnulla ita proponuntur, ut multi interpretes illa inter se pugnare censerent ac censeant. Inter Patres iam non defuerunt, qui « sapientem hunc Ecclesiasten modo e sua ipsius persona, modo ex alterius, qui res mundanas attonitus admiratur, persona loqui » dicerent, aut « Salomonem in libro nostro quasi tumultuantis turbae suscepisse sensum, ut ea per inquisitionem diceret, quae fortasse per tentationem imperita mens sentiret, atque tot quasi in se personas diversorum suscepisse, quot sententias quasi per inquisitionem moveret », aut eum « quasi errorem humanum et consuetudinem, qua se ad fruenda huius saeculi bona homines invicem hortentur, inducere atque *ocwmomoizv facere more rhetorum et poetarum... et aliquem Epicurum inducere loquentem vel Aristippum et Cyrenaicos et ceteras pecudes philosophorum » !. Quibus exaggeratis nonnulli recentiores interpretes heterodoxi in nostro libro iustum dialogum viderunt aut inter iuvenem ingenii fervidioris acriterque continuo invehentis in vanitatem et perversitatem omnium rerum, quas explorando assecutus erat, interque doctorem prudentem, qui animam iuvenis mitigare praeceptisque salutaribus imbuere studet?, aut inter Iudaeum sophistarum graecorum disserendi rationi addictum illorumque more fallacibus conclusiunculis utentem, qui sub Salomonis persona in scenam prodeat, interque alium Iudaeum de ratione vitae recte sentientem et antiquo gentis suae more per sententias docentem? etc. Omnes autem limites transgressi videntur interpretes illi, qui aut ordinem ullum in libro inveniri negarunt, aut ut ea, quae inter se pugnare putabant, explicarent, genuinum librum a iunioribus scriptoribus interpolatum dixerunt?. At quicunque librum vel obiter legerit, facile nobiscum fatebitur continuum in eo esse sermonem, qui etsi nonnullis, quae arcto logico nexu non adnectantur, interdum interrumpatur, nusquam tamen ab interlocutore intercipitur, ita ut ne minimum quidem dialogi vel dialogismi vestigium reperiatur. Quare illi quoque, qui verum dialogum in nostro libro vident aut sententiam illam antiquam de Salomone duplicem personam gerente admittunt, nullo modo ea, quae ab una persona proferuntur, ab alterius personae sermonibus secernere possunt, nisi arbitrariae interpretationi indulgere velint. Qui autem non obiter tantum librum legerit, sed diligens studium ei impenderit, certum quoque ordinem ei non deesse deprehendet, licet, uti iam diximus, accuratum illum contextum, quem ex. gr. in orationibus ciceronianis admiramur, frustra quaerat. Neque veras quoque in eo inveniet contradictiones, sed satis apte omnia, quae videntur pugnare, inter se conciliabit (2129 p. 178 sqq.).

Inter varias, quae propositae sunt, huius libri pivisioNEs eam praeferendam ducimus, quae duas praecipuas partes praeter epilogum (12,9-14) statuit9. Quarum prior (1,2-7,1), quamvis nonnulla praecepta tradat, integra fere in rerum humanarum vanitate demonstranda et inculcanda versatur, altera (7,2-12,8) autem, quid factu sit opus, si felix hac in terra agere velit, homini praecip:t, licet.ipsa quoque .rerum vanitatem demonstrare non plane omittat. Quemadmodum S. Paulus in plerisque epistolis eum ordinem tenet, ut in priore parte doctrinam exponat, in altera praecepta tradat , neque tamen ordini isti ita inhaeret, ut data occasione expositioni doctrinarum praecepta inserere atque praeceptis immiscere doctrinas omittat, eadem fere ratione Ecclesiastes suam concionem distribuit, at pro severa argumentatione paulina solutam illam per sententias docendi et demonstrandi rationem adhibuit. Quare in analysi, quam pro more subiicimus, accuratum omnium sententiarum nexum indicare non potuimus.

deret, Salomonem esse libri auctorem. Quibus nondum contentus in priore opusculi sui editione statuit, alterum interpolatorem zcelotam, cui libri doctrina displicuisset, nonnulla verba sparsim inseruisse, quibus primo auctori contradiceret librumque eius contemtui et risui exponeret. At non tantum in Innsb. Theol. Zeitschrift 1886. p. 556 sq. sed maxime in altera versionis suae germanicae editione (cfr Innsbr. Theol. Zeitvchrift 1887. p. 203) interpolationes has, quae revera cum inspirato libri charactere vix ac ne vix quidem conciliantur, plerasque retractavit atque sola foliorum permu- . tatione ordinem restituendum esse tenuit. Sagacitatem et diligentiam, qua librum nostrum in novum ordinem redegit, admiramur quidem, sed novo ordini proposito praeferimus illum, quem Ecclesia per undeviginti fere saecula solum cognovit *.

(a) Foliorum ordinem in nonnullis codicibus antiquitus esse perturbatum iure colligi videtur ex diverso ordine, quo quorundam librorum (praesertim Ecclesiastici) capita in alexandrina versione sunt disposita; at omnes codices et versiones a corrupto aliquo exemplari ita derivari, ut primitivus ordo et contextus, a «quo ipsa libri doctrina dependet, prorsus intrerierit, difficile aliquis sibi persuaserit. Secundum Bickell liber noster non est conscriptus nisi €. a. 205. (l. c. p. 98), at c. a. 130., quo anno translatus est Ecclesiasticus, Ecclesiastes graecus jam diu videtur fuisse in canone alexandrino (Eccl. Prol.); pauci igitur tantum anni inter libri compositionem et translationem interiacent (saltem secundum Bickell), atque paucis istis annis perturbatus est eius ordo, inepte restitutus atque multis glossis interpolatus In aliis libris sacris, in quibus ordo alexandrinus a massorethico vel vulgato dissentit, vix quidquam ad contextum restituendum videmus mutatum, in nostro autem, etiamsi hostilem illum interpolatorem seponamus, tot sunt mutata et transposita, ut novum factum sit opus! Namque secundum Bickell hac ratione, si a minoribus nonnullis transpositionibus abstrahimus, textus est disponendus : 1,1-2,11; 5,9- 6,7; 3,9. 12. 13. 10. 11. 14 -22; 4,1- 8; 2,12 b. 17-26. 12a. 13-16; 3,1-8; 8,6- 14. 16 8. 17 a. 16 b. 17 b; 9,1-3; 8,15: 9,11-18; 10,1; 6,8-12. Atque haecest prior libri pars , qua eorum bonorum, quae absoluta esse putantur, inanitas demonstratur. Sequitur altera pars, qua bonum relativum commendatur : 74 -6; 6,9; 7,7-10. 13- 19. 11. 12. 21.20; 4,9-17; 5,11-8; 10,16 -20; 11,1- 3. 6. 4. 5; 7,23- 29, 8,(-45 10,2- 14 a. 15. 14 b; 9,3-10; 11,7-10a; 12,1 a; 11,10 b ; 12,1 b-8. Evidens est, suppositam foliorum permutationem, praesertim si quaterniones admittuntur, novo ordini stabiliendo non sufficere, sed in singulis paginis istius codicis quam plurimas praeterea admitti transpositiones. Interpolationes hoc loce transcribere, quas in priore editione auctor statuit, opus non est, quoniam plerasque revocavit. :

(Man. bibl. IT. p. 108 sqq.) praeter prologum (1,2-11) et epilogum (12,8-14) quatuor sccliones distinguit (1,12-2,26 vanitas vitae; 3,1-5,19 homo non est suae sortis dominus; 6,1-8,15 beatitudo non est sita in divitiis et fama; 6,1-8,15 praecedentium inquisitionum summa et recapitulatio). Si vero hanc divisionem communiter hodie receptam dicit, a vero aberrat, quum neque inter catholicos, quos nominavimus, neque inter protestanticos multi eam teneant; ex his eam tenent Haevernik, Keil, Vaihinger, Zoeckler, Koenig; at quatuor quidem partes, sed alias (sc. 1,2-3,22; 4,1- 6,12 ; 7,1-9,16; 9,17-12,8 aut 1,3-2,26; 3,1-5,19; 6,1-12,8; 12,9,14) Koester, Ilahn, Bernstein etc. distinguunt; Delitzsch , Schmidt, Starke, Stier etc. tres, Vilmar septem, Hosenmüller tredecim faciunt. Cfr Schaefer l. c. p. 172; Motais 1. c. p. 130; Zoeckler Das Hohelied u. der Prediger. p. 106 sq.

in PRIORE PARTE (4,2-06,12 (7,1]) vanitatem rerum mundanarum demonstrat, ut nimium earum. studium reprimat hominemque ad quietum piumque earum rerum, quas Deus ei dedit, usum adducat.

1. Praemissa generali consideratione de rerum omnium vanitate (1,2. 3), quae iam elucet ex mutabilitate et inconstantia quum creaturarum omnium (1,4-8) tum fatorum hominis (1,9-11),

2. praeprimis ad suam ipsius experientiam provocat (1,12- 3,22) , ut thesin suam demonstret.

«.) vanam esse sapientem rerum humanarum investigationem , quia scientia ista, quum res, quas perversas esse cognovit, corrigere nequeat, auget dolorem (1,12-18),

B.) vanas esse delicias, quas omni modo quaesivit, etsi cum sapienlia earum usus coniunctus sit*, quia omnes sunt transitoriae et caducae (2,1 - 11).

b.) Accuratius dein inquirens, cur nec sapientia nec stultitia (i. e. deliciarum usus) hominem felicem reddant, invenit

«.) sapientiam quidem infinities praestare stultitiae, at quoniam tandem aliquando sapiens, sicut stultus, mori debet, eam: quoque esse transitoriam (2,12-17),

£.) multo magis autem vanum esse, magno cum labore opes congregare in utilitatem haeredis, qui qualis futurus sit ignoratur (2, 18-23).

€.) Unde eius conclusio : melius est bonis a Deo concessis sapienter frui? (2,24-96). Quam conclusionem duplici consideratione confirmat :

(a) Non tria distinguenda sunt Ecclesiastae experimenta (sapientia, deliciae, sapientia cum deliciis coniuncta), sed duo tantum : sapientia et sapientia una cum deliciis. Sicut enim 1,12- 14 experientiam priorem in genere proponit atque 15-18 accuratius explicat, ita etiam 2,1. 2. alteram prius proponit ac dein 3-11 explanat. In 2,3 relinquimus Vulgatam et sequimur textum hebraicum, quem S. Hieron. quoque in Commentario expressit cuiusque sensus est : Proposui corpus meum vino (synecdochice pro : deliciis) lactificare, ita tamen ul cor meum retineret sapientiam, et tradere me stultitiae (i. e. deliciarum fruitioni), donec viderem etc.

(b) In 2.25 Vulgata et textu massorethico relictis sequimur Alex., Syr., Hieron. (Comnm.), «qui pro *2272 legerunt 321972 el vertimus : « quis enim comedit et fruitur sine eo (sc. Deo) »

«.) Omnibus hac in terra assignatum est certum tempus a Deo (3, 1-8); atqui hunc providentiae ordinem omni suo labore homo invertere non potest (3,9); ergo a curiosa eius pervestigatione homo abstineat, atque quiete et pie fruatur iis, quae a Deo ipsi concessa sunt (3,10-13); f.) Deus de omnibus aliquando iudicabit (hinc inutile est homini in providentiae ordinem, quem non intelligit, curiose investigare); hac in terra differentia inter iustum et iniustum non apparet. immo vix inter hominem et bestiam *. ldeo sua sorte contentus fruatur bonis, quae Deus ei concessit, et omittat inquisitionem eorum, quae cognoscere non potest (3,16 - 22). |

3. Hucusque Ecclesiastes ex inconstantia et futilitale rerum illarum, quae bonae putantur, argumentatus fere est; in altera hac sectione auditores suos ad eandem conclusionem practicam adducit consideratis calamitatibus, quibus homines hac in terra subiecti sunt (4,1-6,1).

a.) Varias igitur proponit calamitates (4,1-16) : a.) inferiorum, qui a potentioribus opprimuntur (4,1 -3), f.) eorum, qui aut nimio labore aliorum invidiam provocant aut pigritia sua sibi ipsi nocent (4,4-6)?,

1-) eorum, qui ab aliorum societate se retrahunt, ut calamitates effugiant (4,7 - 12),

8.) ipsorum regum, qui aut ab aemulo e throno deiiciuntur, aut etiamsi initio regni sui ab omnibus amentur, postea tamen gratiam populi amittunt (4,13 - 16).

b.) Ex abrupto in digressione quadam? Ecclesiastes nonnulla inserit de levitate in cultu divino vitanda (4,17-5,6), et de Deo timendo qui innocentium oppressores sit iudicaturus (5,7. 8).

c.) Atque ad thema reversus proponit calamitates, quas divitiae et opes ipsae praesertim avaris afferunt (5,9- 16), nam a.) eis non prosunt, sed curas eorum augent (5,9-11),

8.) subito interdum pereunt atque a moriente sunt relinquendae (5, 12-16).

(d) In fine 4,5 Vulg. immerito addit : « dicens », ac si v. 6. sequerentur verba stulti. Sunt enim, uti recle S. Hieron, (in Comment.) adnotat, auctoris ipsius verba; nam infelicitati quum illius, qui nimio suo labore invidiam provocat, tum stulti, qui se ipse perdit , opponit felicilatem sapientis, qui mediam viam tenet.

(e) Internus nexus digressionis cum praecedentibus in eo videlur esse, quod levitas illa, qua homines erga reges suos agunt, Ecclesiastae graviorem illam levitalem in mentem revocaverit, qua homines in cultu divino interdum duci'se sinunt, quum victimas quidem offcrant, sed Legem non observent (4,17), atque vota quidem faciant, sed vanis excusationibus a religiosa eorum impletione se liberare conentur (5,1-6). Ad thema autem revertitur praecepto addito de Deo velut summo rege et oppressorum iudice timendo (5,7. 8) : ita enim duos ullimos versus interpretandos censemus (ava, eminentissimus; plur. maiest. sicul Onb5N ete.).

«.) bonis a Deo concessis tamquam donis divinis esse utendum (3, 11-19),

8.) atque conclusionem confirmat infelicitate eius descripta, qui in aliorum tantum utilitatem laborat (6,4 - 7,4 (6,12])

In ALTERA PARTE (7,2 [1] — 12,7) Ecclesiastes positiva tradit praecepta, quibus homo eo adducitur, ut sorte sua contentus iis, quae Deus dedit , quietus fruatur. Quae praecepta aphoristico quodam modo pleraque proponuntur, ita ut accuratus nexus inter singulas gnomas et singula praecepta vix ac ne vix quidem inveniatur.

1. Prima praecepta docent in omnibus rebus finem esse respiciendum et ex

€o omnia diiudicanda , ideoque ea non esse praeferenda, quae in praesenti iucundiora esse videantur (7,2- 11).

2. A quibus transit ad sapientiam commendandam (1,12-8,1), quippe quae b.) omnia, adversa et prospera, velut dona Dei recipit (7,14. 13), c.) in omnibus extrema esse vitanda monet (7,16-19), d.) hominem etiam in adversis confortat; etenim si ex ipsius peccato exoriuntur, in sapientia invenit remedium; si alii eum persequuntur, sapientia eum verba illorum contemnere docet (7,20-23); e.) demum diligentius inquirentem (7,24. 235) docet etiam periculosum esse mulierum consortium (7,26 -29), f.) quas ob causas celebrat sapientiam (7,30; 8,1).

3. Antequam sapientiam commendare pergat, praeceptum suum de sapienti vitae usu et fructu duabus novis rationibus confirmat (8,1-9,12).

a.) Ab obedientia regi Deo! praestanda praeceptisque divinis implendis, ne quid mali patiatur homo in die mortis, qui non sit in eius potestate, initium sumens (8,1-8) b.) demonstrat non omnia quidem mala statim puniri nec omnia bona statim praemiari, ita ut eadem videatur esse sors iustorum et peccatorum, at certum esse futurum de omnibus iustum iudicium (8,9-14); quare melius esse concludit, sapientem hac de re securum frui bonis a Deo concessis, quoniam providentiae ordinem a Deo stabilitum intelligere nequeat (8,13 - 17).

. €.) Similis est altera ratio. Omnia incerta esse monet in hac vita; quare quum iustus et iniustus iisdem malis saepe in terra affligantur, eadem ratione moriantur, in altera autem vita homo operari non amplius possit (9,1-6), exhortatur lectores, ut bonis a Deo datis ita fruantur, ut bona opera non negligant (9,7-10), idque eo magis, quia

(f) Quisnam rez sit intelligendus dissentiunt interpretes; plerique moderni intelligunt regem hominein, at quid sibi velitin hoc contextu , non apparet; S. Afieron. intellexit regem Messiam , al suam sententiam nulla ratione probabilem reddidil; rectius intelligitur rex Deus, nam quin 8,5 sqq. de praecepto divino agatur, vix est dubium, quare de Deo praecipiente eliam praecedentia aplius explicantur. Ceterum adnota 8,2 vertendum esse : « Ego (dico) : 0$ regis observa , idque propter iuramentum Dei » (sc. Deo praestitum). S. Hieron. hanc esse communiorem versionem concedit (in Comment.), sed novam suam praetulit, quia « putavit de illo rege nunc dici, de quo David ait : Domine, in virtute tua laetabitur rex » etc, providentiae ordinem a Deo stabilitum mutare nequeant (9,11. 12).

4. Ne quis vero ex eo, quod sapiens ipse providentiae ordinem nec cognoscere nec mutare possit, sapientiam inutilem nec ullius pretii esse concludat, ad sapientiam commendandam revertitur (9,13- 10,90).

a.) Atque primum quidem parabola quadam sapientiam praestare fortitudini docet (9,13-16), neque esse mirandum monet. quod in paupere non aestimetur, siquidem unus peccator$ multa bona destruere possit atque stultitia parva (apud multitudinem) plus valeat, quam sapientia et honor (9,16 - 10,1).

b.) Deinde sapientiam cum stultitia comparans ostendit, a.) sapientem aptum esse ad res agendas, dum stultus ubique suam stultitiam prodat? (10,2. 3.),

£.) sapientem nec ob superioris iram nec ob eius errores (si stultum praeferat) tranquillitatem animi amittere, quia scit mansuetudine! impediri multa peccata (10,4 - 7);

1.) stultum, quia nihil praevideat, multis exponi periculis, sapientem autem omnia praevidentem sibi reddere omnem laborem faciliorem (10,8-11);

$.)sapientis verba esse gratiosa, stulti verba insipientia (10,12 - 14); t.) stultos reges et principes terram suam perdere, dum beata sit terra, quae a sapientibus gubernetur (10,15-20).

5.) Ad finem demum adducens concionem suam a.) omnibus praecipit sapientem rerum et temporis praesentis usum, ob incertitudinem temporis futuri et horae mortis (41,1-8) , b.) praesertim autem iuvenes exhortatur, ut vita quidem sua fruantur (11,9. 10), sed semper coram oculis habeant creatorem suum neve unquam senectutis et mortis venturae obliviscantur (12,1 - 7), c.) atque concionem concludit denuo asserta rerum mundanarum vanitate (12,8).

In LiBRI EPILOGO concionem suam commendat praeceptaque, quae de rebus fruendis tradiderat, comprehendit et explicat hoc epiphonemate : « Deum time et mandata eius observa; hoc est enim omnis homo; et cuncta , quae fiunt, Deus adducit in iudicium » (12,8-14).

907. — Ex analysi tradita satis, opinor, elucet, in libro hoc nec dialogismum quendam, nedum iustum dialogum, inveniri nec de eadem re varias sententias contrarias proponi et refutari nec de ea in utramque partem disputari. Omnia enim, si ex ipsius auctoris persona dicta

(g) Rectius S. Hieron. in Comment 9,18 : « «nus peccans », quam Vulg. « qui in uno peccaverit v.

(b) S. Hier. in Comm. 10,3 (cum plerisque modernis) « et dicit : omnis insipiens est », sed rectius, ni fallor, vertitur : « e£ dicit omni, quod insipiens ipse sit » (omnibus stultitiam suam manifestat).

(i) 10,4 ND'YO a S. Hier. vertitur hoc loco curatio, in Comm. sanitas, sed rectius Prov. 15,4 intellexit mansuetudinem (qiio NEZ" V. lingua placabilis).

supponantur, inter se apte cohaerent atque argumentum, quod sibi tractandum proposuerat auctor, clare explicant et explanant. Ex eadem autem analysi iam facile colligitur, quis fuerit Aucronis riNIs. Erroneas esse atque fundamento carere eorum modernorum interpretum sententias, qui auctorem dixerunt Iudaeos sub Persarum iugo degentes consolari voluisse atque a rebellione retinere, aut iis explicasse, quibusnam peccatis regnum iudaicum ad interitum sit adductum eto. !, demonstratione non indiget. Quae enim auctor docet, omnibus temporibus omnibusque hominibus conveniunt, nec ullum in toto libro invenies vestigium, ex quo cum aliqua verisimilitudine definias, quis fuerit rerum iudaicarum status eo tempore, quo liber conscriptus est, - nisi quatenus ex indiciis satis claris auctorem ipsum cognosci concedas; si vero Salomon libri est auctor, clarum est illos fines, quos moderni operi attribuunt, parum apte esse confictos. Erronea quoque est finis descriptio a Pineda indicata : « Finis Salomonis peculiaris, inquit, in hoc libro videtur esse aliorum peccatorum et potissimum impietatis et idololatriae supplex confessio et gravis detestatio, qua tum Deo quoad fieri posset verissima scelerum poenitentia satisfaceret, tum etiam populum, cui errandi et ad vanissimam idolorum superstitionem deficiendi auctor exstiterat, ad veram religionem verumque de rebus humanis et de voluptatibus sensum revocare conaretur »?. Peccatorum enim confessionem nemo facile in nostro libro invenerit, neque apparet, ubinam Salomon « potissimum impietatem et idololatriam » suam detestetur populumque « ad veram religionem » revocet.

Neque satis complete finem describere videntur SS. Patres iunioresque interpretes, qui cum S. 4ugustino « totum istum librum ad nihil aliud deputatum dicunt, nisi ut eam vitam desideremus, quae vanitatem non habet sub hoc sole, sed veritatem sub illo, qui fecit hunc solem », aut cum S. Gregorio Nyss. « eorum, quae hic dicuntur, finem esse putant, mentem supra sensum erigere et ut quiescat efficere, relictis omnibus, quae magna et praeclara videntur in rebus, ad ea porro assurgere eaque sola desiderare, «uae sensus non possunt attingere ». Similis quidem etiam fuit sententia S. Hieronymi, qui « sanctae Blaesillae Ecclesiasten legit, ut eam ad conteinptum istius saeculi provocaret », et Laetam monuit, ut filiola eius «in Ecclesiaste consuesceret ea, quae mundi sunt, calcare »?. At solam priorem libri partem prae oculis habuerunt, qui hac ratione eius finem describunt, neque ad conclusiones practicas attenderunt, quas auctor ipse quum in priore tum in altera parte ex sua doctrina deducit, neque distinxerunt inter finem auctoris, qui opus suum lectonibus sub vetere oeconomia constitutis proxime destinavit, et inter utilitatem, quam nos Novi Testamenti gralia ad maiorem perfectionem vocatis ex eius doctrina haurire possumus

8c debemus. Arctioribus quoque limitibus finem circumscribunt, qui putant auctorem « reprimere voluisse inquietam hominum contentionem, qua in corradendas divitias, conquirendas voluptates et adipiscendos plausus praecipites feruntur; monere tamen simul, ne innocua oblectamenta, etsi fluxa et fugacia,, sibi prorsus denegent et vitam sibi molestiorem reddant », aut qui tenent eum docere voluisse, veram huius vitae felicitatem in moderato et pio rerum mundanarum usu inveniri*. Quae omnia, etsi ad finem auctoris perlineant, integrum non exprimunt, nisi coniungantur. Sicuti enim supra iam innuimus, consilium eius est docendi, quomodo homo , ut ad eam beatitudinem , quae hac in terra obtineri potest, secure perveniat , vitam suam debeat ordinare. Quam ob causam ostendit omnia huius terrae bona per se esse caduca et imperfecta nec eorum immoderato usu unquam hominem felicem reddi; nihilominus ad imperfectam illam huius vitae beatitudinem earum usum sapientem et moderatum conferre, dummodo homo illud semper bene teneat animo semperque intueatur, de omnium illarum rerum usu aliquando Deo iustissimo rationem esse reddendam ideoque virtutem pietatemque praeprimis esse sectandam. « Deum time et mandata eius observa ; hoc est enim omnis homo » 5.

8 15. — De origine libri Ecclesiastae.

908. — Salomonem esse concionatorem, qui in hoc sermone populum sibi subiectum doceat, omnes nullo excepto interpretes consentiunt; alteram vero quaestionem, num ipse quoque Salomon, Davidis filius et successor, librum hunc conscripserit, hodie unanimi fere consensu negant interpretes heterodoxi, quibus accedunt aliqui quoque catholici!; fictione enim quadam poetica auctorem aiunt personam

Salomonis assumsisse, eadem fere ratione, qua auctor libri Sapientiae Salomonem loquentem inducit, atque scriptores graeci et latini orationes a se compositas antiquis ducibus et regibus attribuerunt. Interpretes autem illi, quamvis in salomonica libri origine neganda consentiant, in tempore tamen, quo scriptus sit, definiendo quam maxime dissentiunt, ita ut a divisione regni davidici usque ad ipsius Christi netatem vix saeculum invenias, cui unus alterve librum non attribuerit?. Neque id est mirum ; quamprimum enim testimonia , quae sola ad historicas quaestiones diiudicandas certum momentum afferunt, negli* guntur etspernuntur, arbitrariis coniecturis, praeiudicatis opinionibus, miris inventis campus latissimus patet. Antiquae igitur sententiae, a qua primus recessit Grotius, inhaerendum esse arbitramur, atque pro certo asserimus Salomonem libri Ecclesiastae esse auctorem 5.

Librum igitur exortum dicunt Nachtigall tempore intermedio inter Salomonem et Ieremiam... tou sex REUEGU uio seyn S A. 975-588. a. Chr. Paulus, Schnidt, Iahn inter Manasse et Sedeciam. . . . 699 -588 Grotius, Kaiser, Eichhorn brevi post exsilium, tempore stein, Hengstenberg aetate Persarum... ..... 538-333 Keiltempore Artaxerxis I. .......... sss 465-421 Haevernick, Weber, Zoeckler post medium saec. 9. . . . 450 - 400 Rosenmüller inter Nehemiae et Alexandri M. aetatem. . 450-333 E:scald centum circiter annis ante Alexandrum M. . . .. 430. Staehelin, Davidson , Elster, Vaihinger ultimo Persarum tempore. 44er o9 EA XR EU n 9 hn 430 -330 Gerlach 0.8... ... lees Sw YsixSR 400. Delitzsch Darii Colomanni actate. ......... 335-333. Burger, Bergst eo anno, quo Alexander Palaestinam occupavit. «ese or n don vh m moo 333 E. Maier 6.8. x o hu ee ees 300 De Wette, Schrader, Knobel, Bleek, Cornili ultimo Persa-

Boettcher €. à... ce eee eher 210

Hitzig, Bickell, Driver sub initiis Ptolemaei V. Epiph. . . 204 Reusstempore Antiochi IV. Epiph. . . . . . . . . 176-163 Vatke, Hartmann tempore bellorum machabaicorum . . . 175-134 Leimdórfer, Kónig actateAlexandrilamnaei. . . . . . . 101-78 Graetz tempore Herodis Magni. . . . . ws 40-4

Assertum autem nostrum unanimi et constanti antiquae synagogae et Ecclesiae catholicae traditione nititur atque claro libri de se ipso testimonio confirmatur. E

1. Usque ad Grotium primum salomonicae originis impugnatorem Iudaeos et Christianos Salomonem auctorem libri nostr) habuisse non negant quidem adversarii nostri, attamen plenum antiquorum testium consensum esse interdum addubitare conantur *.

Qui ut clarius eluceat, monemus a.) librum nostrum in canone semper medium locum inter duos alios libros salomonicos antiquitus occupasse aut saltem cum iisdem fuisse coniunctum. À Iudaeis enim palaestinensibus eo in loco recensitum esse Ecclesiasten non tantum testantur doctores thalmudici, sed etiam Patres illi, qui Thalmude anliquiores inde a 2. saec. catalogum palaestinensem librorum V. T. retulerunt : S. Meitto Sard., Origenes, S. Epiphanius, S. Hieronymus. Eundem locum librum tenuisse in catalogo Iudaeorum alexandrinorum iure colligimus ex antiquorum Patrum testimoniis, qui una cum versione alexandrina etiam librorum ordinem ab Alexandrinis receperant, SS. Athanasü , Cyrilli Ieros., Gregorii Naz. e&à Amphilochit, Augustini, Rufini, Innocentii I., Conciliorum Laodiceni (si genuinus est canon), Hipponens., Carthag. etc 9. — Quibus nihil opponunt adversarii nisi massorethicum librorum ordinem, secundum quem liber Iob medius inter Proverbia et Canticum positus est, Ecclesiastes autem inter Threnos et l. Esther legitur. At liturgico usui hunc ordinem deberi nemo ignorat; Massorethae enim quinque libellos, quos solos ex tertia canonis sui parte (ex Hagiographis) quotannis stalis diebus festis in coetibus suis sacris legere solent, in unum volumen coniunxerunt eoque ordine disposuerunt, quo secundum festorum sese excipientium ordinem praelegi debent".

b.) Disertis quoque rabbinorum et SS. Patrum testimoniis constat, Salomonem semper libri auctorem esse habitum. Nam teste S. Hzeronymo « Hebraei aiunt hunc librum Salomonis esse poenitentiam agentis »5; illa autem, quae antiquiores dixerant, repetierunt iuniores rabbini?, qui licet aliquando de Ecclesiaste in canone retinendo dubitaverint, de salomonica eius origine nunquam dubitaverunt. Neve obiicias secundum thalmudicos doctores « viros Ezechiae » Proverbia, Ecclesiasten, Canticum una cum Isaiae vaticiniis « scripsisse »; nam alibi iam ostendimus vocabulum scribendi? eo in loco non de libri origine sed de eius in canonem receptione esse intelligendum !9. — SS. Patrum autem testimonia adscribere supersedemus, siquidem de eorum consensu nemo dubitat, et nonnulli catalogi supra laudati Salomonem diserte nominant libri auctorem.

2. Continua autem haec et constans traditio testimonio libri ipsius confirmatur. Etsi enim in eius inscriptione Salomonis nomen taceatur, eius persona tamen tam clare describitur (Ecclesiastes, filius David, rex Ierusalem), ut ante Grotium nemo alium auctorem designari sit suspicatus. Porro in reliquo libro eadem ratione auctor se Salomonem esse prodit; repetit enim regem se esse Israel in lerusalem, sapientia se omnes superasse , qui antea fuerint in lerusalem, se domos aedificasse, vineas plantasse, coacervasse aurum et argentum, divitiis opibusque insignem fuisse etc., quae omnia Salomoni ita convenire !!, ut de alio intelligi non possint, in aperto est.

Quapropter etiam adversarii auctorem personam Salomonis induisse concedunt, at aut « piam fraudem » hanc esse contendunt, quae scriptoribus sit licita, aut interpolatori una cum inscriptione et epilogo omnes istos textus attribuunt, quibus auctor se Salomonem esse significat. At eiusmodi « piam fraudem » nos saltem sacris scriptoribus non esse licitam arbitramur, idque eo minus, quo facilius lectores in errorem inducantur. Neque ad eam excusandam quidquam valent exempla ab adversariis allata. Libri enim Sapientiae auctor nusquam se Salomonem esse dicit, sed dumtaxat Salomonem loquentem inducit, atque tanta est Sapientiam inter et Ecclesiastem differentia, ut Ecclesiastem Patres omnes Salomoni attribuerint, plerique vero Sapientiam ei abiudicaverint. Multo minus autem inscriptionis auctoritati infirmandae Psalmi nonnulli inserviunt, quos Davidi non recte inscriptos esse censent. Nam si daremus Psalmorum nonnullorum inscriptiones esse erroneas, nondum staret adversariorum argumentum; demonstrandum enim antea est, erroneas illas inscriptiones a Psalmorum istorum auctoribus ipsis esse additas, ut habeant simile exemplum; immo si id demonstraretur, nondum adesset similitudo requisita , quoniam non in sola inscriptione, sed etiam in reliquo libro Salomon auctor designatur. Quod si quis vero inscriptionem et omnes istos textus ab interpolatore additos esse ideoque nihil demonstrare asserit , vali- 'dis argumentis assertionem suam confirmet oportet, antequam nostrum consensum obtinebit ; secundum vetus enim adagium ea, quae gratis asseruntur, gratis negantur. Nullius demum valoris est tertium exemplum ex graecorum et latinorum scriptorum orationibus confictis desumtum; namque eundem morem scriptores sacros esse secutos nullo argumento probabile redditur, etsi omnino concedamus in orationibus, quas sacri scriptores referunt, ideas et sententias solas esse eorum , qui loquuntur, verba autem, quibus sententiae exprimuntur, auctoris esse ipsius. At quanta sit inter conciones in opere aliquo historico relatas et inter librum integrum confictum et ficto auctori attributum differentia, nemo non videt. Argumentum igitur nostrum ex inscriptione et indole libri desumtum manet integrum.

209. — Nostris autem argumentis et testimoniis historicis opponunt adversarii alia ex ipsius libri indole hausta, quibus constare putant, librum nostrum non posse Salomoni auctori attribui. o.

Átque 14. quidem contendunt auctorem libri, quamvis Salomonem se lingere voluerit, partes susceptas sustinere non potuisse, ita ut tamquam Pseudo Salomon satis facile dignoscatur. Namque a.) se fuisse (mmn fui 1,12) regem in Ierusalem auctor ait; Salomon igitur, qui usque ad mortem thronum occupavit, haec scribere non potuit; b.) sapientia opibusque Ecclesiastes asserit se superasse omnes, qui ante ipsum fuerunt in Ierusalem (vel potius : regnaverunt in Ierusalem m btw 5y 1,16; 2,7); quae iterum non potuerunt scribi a Salomone, quippe qui solum patrem Davidem habuit praedecessorem in Ierusalem; c.) quomodo porro Salomon, qui ipse erat rex , scribere potuit: « ego observo os regis » (8,2)? d.) Demum auctor ita loquitur, ac si stultum filium et successorem Salomonis iam regnare vidisset (2,12. 18 sq.), atque e.) tot et tanta de subditorum oppressione, iudicum iniustitia, insipientibus et servis ad dignitates evectis etc. conqueritur (3, 14; 4,4, 5,7; 10,5 sqq.), ut Salomon, si haec scripsisset, sese ipse contemptui exposuisset. Rectius igitur haec deceptori attribuimus inepto, qui Salomonem se fingere volens eius personam sustinere non potuit.

Quibus argutiolis nihil efficitur. Nam a.) quidquid dicunt, nunquam negare poterunt, hebraicum perfectum ita interdum adhiberi, ut praesens tempus non excludatur. Quod autem ad verbum nostrum "n attinet, illud non tantum significat fui (i. e. non amplius sum), sed etiam factus sum et adhuc sum. Num forte Psalmista, si conqueritur yx DN 215 nmn, dicere vult, se olim fuisse virum viribus destitutum, an potius se factum esse el nunc esse virum debilem (Ps. 88 (87), 5; cfr Gen. 32,11)? Recte igitur etiam nostro in loco transtulit A/ez : (6 'Exxànswocle dvóp wv Bxoüsue xtA. ; et quoniam prior haec phrasis arctissime cum sequente cohaeret, optime vertemus : « Ego Ecclesiastes, qium factus essem rex Israel, proposui etc. » b.) Non approbamus quidem eorum sententiam, qui ut secundam difficullatem effugiant, Salomonem cum reliquis Ierosolymorum incolis sese comparare respondent; de iis enim loquitur, qui fuerunt super (y) Ierusalem i. e. qui regnaverunt in Ierusalem, nec ulla est ratio, cur praepositionem nativa sua vi spoliemus. Monemus autem auctorem ne minimo quidem verbulo indicare, se de solis regibus israeliticis loqui; ante Davidem vero multi Chananaeorum reges lerosolymis sederant, nec quidquam obstat, quominus Salomonem , quem alius scriptor sacer « omnes reges terrae (utique ethnicos) divitiis et sapientia » superasse dixit (3 Aeg. 20,23), sese ipsum regibus ethnicis, qui antea lerosolymis regnaverant, eadem ratione praetulisse statuamus.

c.). Tertia difficultas prorsus disparet, sive admiseris nomine regis eo in loco designari Deum, sive cum Alex., Syr., Chald. et plerisque modernis interpretibus verteris : « Ego (dico) : observa os regis », quam interpretationem ipsa lectio mass. postulat !.

Ultimae duae obiectiones (d) et (e) falso nituntur supposito, auctorem res suae aetatis describere. Neque enim de suo successore neque de regno suo speciatim loquitur Salomon, sed generali prorsus modo de rebus illis, quae sub sole fleri solent. Velut verus sapiens res praesentes, eas quae longinquis in terris aut in vicinis regnis aut in populo suo geruntur, omnes complectitur, ut ex eis salutarem doctrinam deducat; sed de his in secunda obiectione erit dicendum.

2. Nam multas asserunt adesse allusiones historicas, quae librum recentiore aetate exortum esse doceant. Singulos quidem textus, quibus assertum hoc confirmare conantur, enumerare et examini subiicere opus non est; id unum autem adversarios nostros interrogabimus, num ipsi allusiones illas credant esse idoneas, quibus libri aetas cum aliqua verisimilitudine definiatur, neque quemquam futurum esse arbitramur, qui id asserere audeat. Profecto si praetensae illae allusiones quidquam valerent, tantus non esset adversariorum nostrorum in aetate illa definienda dissensus; quot enim interpretes, tot fere sententiae diversae; alius ex illis concludit ad ultimum tempus regni Iuda, alius ad tempus exsilii, alius ad aetatem Zorobabelis, alius ad aetatem Esdrae vel Nehemiae, alii ad epocham Persarum, alii ad Macedonum, vel Seleucidarum, vel Ptolemaeorum regnum, alii ad Romanorum et Herodis M. aetatem ; alii ex illis deducunt librum scriptum esse Ierosolymis vel saltem in Palaestina, alii eius originem quaerunt Alexandriae vel alibi in Aegypto?. Nonne multo maiore cum iure nos concludemus, Salomonem virum sapientissimum et a Deo edoctum res humanas eas describere, quae magis minusve omni tempore et omni in loco inveniuntur? « Nihil novi sub sole; nec valet quisquam dicere : ecce hoc recens est; iam enim praecessit in saeculis, quae fuerunt ante nos » (1,10). Quod si Salomon, ut sapientiam fortitudini praestare doceat aut populi levitatem depingat, parabolas proponit (9,13 sqq.; 4,13 sqq.), num inde licet concludere, eo tempore, quo liber est scriptus, illud quod in parabola narratur revera accidisse? Si defectus, quos Ecclesiastes reprobat, certo aliquo tempore in aliqua republica adfuisse probaretur, num ideo iam constaret, librum isti tempori esse attribuendum? Minime gentium , nisi simul probaretur, eos alio tempore alia in republica adesse non potuisse. [am vero omnia, quae in Ecclesiaste leguntur, eiusmodi sunt, ut magis minusve omni aetati et omni reipublicae conveniant; omni enim aetati et omni populo primarius huius libri auctor concionem hanc destinavit, ut omnes erudiret.

3. Pro ariete autem ad salomonicam Ecclesiastae originem impugnandam et evertendam utuntur adversarii lingua, qua conscriptus est liber. « Si Ecclesiastes, inquiunt, Salomonem haberet auctorem, actum esset de historia linguae hebraicae. Exsilio babylonico historiam linguae hebraicae in duas periodos distribui atque librum Ecclesiastae ad secundam pertinere certum est ». Nullum esse dubium aiunt alii, quin Ecclesiastae lingua diversa sit ab ea, quae Davidis et Salomonis aetate floruit; colorem enim aramaicum prae se fert, simillima est linguae Esdrae et Nehemiae etc?.

Obiectio haec nonnullis quoque catholicis interpretibus tam gravis visa est, ut Salomonem auctorem dicere haesitent atque saltem concedant Esdrae aetate librum salomonicum a iuniore scriptore esse retractatum *. Cum eiusmodi retractatione, quae solam externam libri formam eiusque linguam dictionemque attingit, optime quidem salomonica eius origo conciliatur, nec quidquam ex hac parte impedit, quin admittatur; at eam inutilem et superfluam esse arbitramur ad libri authentiam defendendam. Satis magnam quidem Proverbia inter et Ecclesiasten esse linguae differentiam negare in animo non est, quamvis eam non parum ab adversariis exaggerari putemus; quid quod aliqui eo usque progressi sunt, ut graecismos in libro nostro detegerent? At differentiae illius, quae revera adest, explicandae non desunt rationes probabiles.

The whole text at its source

Cornelius a Lapide English, machine translation
Introduction 47 paragraphs

Three things must be premised here in the customary manner: first, what and how great is the authority of this book, and who is its author; second, what is its matter, what its method, what its end and scope; third, what is its division, how many members and parts it has.

I. On the Authority and Author of This Book

The question is therefore posed first: what and how great is the authority of this book, and who and what kind is its author? I answer: The authority of this book is Canonical of Holy Scripture; for the Hebrews, equally with the Greeks and Latins, have always held this book in the Canon of the books of Holy Scripture, nor has there ever been any doubt about this matter; hence it has always been reckoned among the protocanonical books, as Canonical of the first class. This is evident from the Apostolic Canon, the last canon, from the Council of Laodicea and the Third Council of Carthage, and the Florentine and Tridentine Councils, Session IV; from St. Athanasius, St. Augustine, St. Jerome in the Galeatine Prologue, Innocent I, Gelasius and others who compiled the catalogue of Canonical books. I except a few heretics, whom Philastrius lists without naming in heresy 132, and James Christopol. in the Preface to the Song of Songs, and some Jews who, as St. Jerome testifies at the end of his Commentary, thought this book favored the sect of the Epicureans, and was written by Solomon when he indulged in Venus and the belly, whom Theodore of Mopsuestia followed, an apostate monk and master of Nestorius, who, seeing the vanity of the world, and especially the luxury which he as a monk had despised and as an apostate had resumed, condemned in this book, said that Solomon composed Ecclesiastes "when he had not received the grace of Prophecy, but only that grace of wisdom, which is another," as is related in the Fifth Synod of Constantinople, Action 4. These therefore objected to Ecclesiastes on four counts: first, that it seems to condemn the creatures of God, which are good, as vain, in chapter I; second, that in the same chapter it seems to teach the eternity of the world, when it says: "Nothing new under the sun"; and: "The earth standeth for ever"; third, that in chapter II it says: "There is nothing better than to eat and drink," which plainly seems to be beastly, Epicurean and voluptuous; and that Epicurus fell into this, Clement of Alexandria testifies, book V of the Stromata: "Hence," he says, "the mind of Epicurus was struck by this saying, when he did not understand it: Vanity of vanities" etc.; fourth, in chapter III, 19, it seems suspect of the mortality of the soul, when it says: "One death is of man and of beasts."

But I shall answer to each of those points in their respective places, and shall demonstrate that Solomon's mind was far otherwise. The frenzied Martin Luther, likewise unfrocked, who, driven by his evil genius, dared to utter, nay to rave, in convivial discourse: "The author of Ecclesiastes seemed to him to ride without spurs and boots, only in slippers, Ecclesiastes is like the Talmud patched together from various books. Moreover, the sayings of Solomon which he would pour forth reclining at table were taken from the mouth of the speaker, and afterwards arranged into books:"-namely, a drunken man and constant oarsman of cups measured Solomon by his own wit; for he himself was accustomed to dictate and write only when well drunk, and as if inebriated, and therefore his writings are insipid, full of vomit, profligacy, filth, abuse and invective, so that he seems to have studied not in books but in cups, and to have composed them between drinks, nay to have belched and vomited them forth. Whence our Andreas Frusius rightly sang of him:

The Bibles that are thine, Luther, are Bacchic cups; Thy pharmacy is thy library.

The author therefore of this Canonical book, first and primary, is the Holy Spirit, who suggested and inspired these things to Solomon; Solomon indeed spoke the same, then wrote them, or dictated them to his scribe to write: just as David his father both sang the Psalms with his voice and wrote them with his pen, and handed them down to posterity; for each taught the people both by living voice and by writing. Thus the Doctors and Interpreters hold everywhere. And this is evident, first, from the very beginning of the book: "The words of Ecclesiastes, son of David, king of Jerusalem," which words are not the title of the book, but the very beginning of the book itself, and its first part; second, this same thing is evident from chapter XII, where Solomon speaking of himself in the third person, plainly asserts: "Ecclesiastes, when he was most wise, taught the people, and declared the things that he had done: he sought out useful words, and wrote down most correct sayings;"-what could be clearer? third, because Solomon speaks of himself throughout here in the first person, saying:

"I Ecclesiastes have been king, I saw, I considered, I spoke, I reckoned, I turned, I converted, I considered," etc. Therefore Rabbi Moses Kimchi is mistaken in his treatise On Holy Scripture, and certain Hebrews, especially the Talmudic ones, whom Eugubinus cites and follows in chapter I of Genesis, and whom Melchior Canus cites, in book II of De Locis, chapter XI, who think that Solomon uttered these his teachings and parables only by word of mouth, which afterwards, worn smooth by the mouth of the common people and preserved in their memory, after many centuries Isaias collected and wrote down, so that he might commit them to writing for posterity; they err, I say, as I showed in Proverbs chapter XV, 1. Why Solomon here calls himself Ecclesiastes, I shall say in chapter I, 1. Meanwhile hear in passing St. Gregory of Nyssa here, homily 1, recounting three causes of this name: the first is, because he teaches ecclesiastical things, which pertain to the salvation of the soul; the second, because he gathers the Church into one assembly, so that it might hear this his sermon, by which he instructs it in piety; the third, because he represents Christ, who is the true Ecclesiastes, that is, the founder, teacher, governor, and preacher of the Church; a fourth St. Gregory Thaumaturgus adds, chapter I, 1, that he teaches the whole Church.

Moreover the Hebrews, as St. Jerome testifies, whom some moderns follow, hand down that Solomon wrote this book as a penitent, namely when he repented of his luxury and idolatry, and thus from this book they prove that he repented. For this book seems to be a symbol of penitence, in that in it he accuses the vanity of luxury and of all the world's pleasures, especially in that, having three hundred concubines and seven hundred wives, that is in all a thousand, he seems to renounce and condemn them, saying in chapter VII, 29: "One man of a thousand I found, a woman of all I found not;" and verse 27: "I found the woman more bitter than death, who is the hunter's snare." Moreover he seems to condemn his idolatry, in that he says: "Vanity of vanities, and all things are vanity;" for idols in Scripture are called vain and vanity, because since they are nothing but statues and images of gold or silver, they have nothing of true divinity, nothing of spirit, nothing of life and power. Our Pineda adds that Solomon, after his repentance, in order to testify to it, first wrote Ecclesiastes, then Proverbs, and finally in the last place the Song of Songs.

But this tradition is uncertain and doubtful. Whence Bellarmine, book I of De Verbo Dei, chapter V, whom others follow, think that Solomon wrote these three books before his fall: first, because he himself makes no mention of his fall in them, indeed he asserts the contrary expressly, when in chapter II he says that wisdom persevered with him up to that age: "And I surpassed, he says, in riches all who were before me in Jerusalem: and wisdom also persevered with me;" secondly, because he gives no indication whatsoever of idolatry or of his repentance: that by "vanity of vanities" he does not understand idols and idolatry is clear from what follows throughout the book, where, explaining this generic vanity through its species, he shows it to be situated in riches, delights, honors, songs, drinks, etc. Nor does he mention an idol or idolatry anywhere, which nevertheless he ought to have done, if he had truly repented of it, so that he might abolish its scandal and the evil example which he had given to his subjects. For he himself was the first of the kings of Israel to introduce idols into Judea, which afterwards endured in it for three hundred years until King Josiah, who removed them; and Solomon was the origin and instigator of this evil. Did he not therefore have to destroy them, detest them, and make them hateful to all, if he had truly repented? For thus after idolatry was born in Israel, in order to turn all away from it, Baruch thunders against the vanity of idols, chapter VI; Isaias, chapter XLI and following; and all the other Prophets to a man. Thirdly, because if Solomon already had a thousand concubines, he was certainly wholly enervated, carnal and effeminate, so that he would not be capable of the Holy Spirit, nor could he meditate and utter such lofty things about the vanity of the world, about the fear of God, about eternity, as he does here. "For it is not right that a wicked man be the interpreter of divinity," says Philo in the book Who is the Heir of Divine Things. Finally Ecclesiasticus chapter XLVII, in narrating the deeds of Solomon, recounts his writings first, his fall afterwards. Josephus does the same, book VIII of Antiquities, chapter II.

But the Chaldean Paraphrast thinks that Ecclesiastes was written by Solomon, when from the oracle of God, III Kings XI, 12 and 29, he learned that his kingdom, so rich, happy and glorious, would fall and be divided by the schism of Jeroboam, who under Roboam the son of Solomon divided ten tribes from two and drew them to himself, and constituted the kingdom of Israel divided from the kingdom of Judah, over which Roboam presided. Therefore he thinks that Solomon here laments the vanity of his kingdom to be declared through schism. Hear him from the Complutensian interpretation (for in the Royal Bibles these are lacking in Chaldean) chapter I, 2: "When Solomon king of Israel foresaw by the spirit of divination that the kingdom of Roboam his son would be divided with Jeroboam son of Nabat, and that desolation was impending over Jerusalem and the temple, and that the people of Israel would be led into captivity, he said: Vanity of vanities is this world. Vanity of vanities is all that which I and my father have labored upon," etc.

But this oracle concerning the schism of Solomon's kingdom happened after his fall. For it was a punishment of his luxury and idolatry justly decreed by God. Wherefore those things which stand in the way of the former opinion of the Hebrews, who think this book was written by Solomon after his fall, also serve this opinion of the Chaldeans. Add that no mention of the future schism is made in the whole book.

II. Concerning the Matter, Style and Method

It is asked secondly, what is the matter of this book, what is its style, what is its method? I answer: The argument of Ecclesiastes is, says St. Gregory Thaumaturgus here at the beginning of his Paraphrase, to show "how vain and useless are all the affairs and studies of men, which are undertaken in human matters," so that he may lead men away from sensible things to those which do not fall under sense, says the Nyssene, namely to heavenly and spiritual things, says St. Bernard, sermon 1 in the Canticles. "Let us think," says St. Jerome, "that nothing in the affairs of the world is perpetual, but all things which we see are fleeting and brief." And in this sense the apex of virtue consists. Wherefore St. Chrysostom, homily 3 to the People: "Virtue," he says, "is to despise all human things, and to think of the future at all hours, to aspire to nothing of present things, but to know that all human things are shadow, and dream, and if anything more worthless than these. Virtue makes a man as it were dead to the affairs of this life, and to things harmful indeed to the soul's salvation as dead in action to lack, but to spiritual things alone to live and to work."

Moreover the ancients distinguished the three books of Solomon thus by matter and argument, so that in Proverbs they thought Ethics to be treated, in Ecclesiastes Physics, in the Canticles Theology. Thus Origen, Prologue in the Canticles; St. Basil, homily 1 in Proverbs; St. Ambrose, in Psalm. XXXVI; St. Jerome here, and in the epistle to Paulinus: "Solomon," he says, "peaceful and beloved by the Lord, corrects morals (namely in Proverbs), teaches nature (in Ecclesiastes), joins the Church and Christ (in the Canticles)." There is added Olympiodorus and other Fathers at the beginning of the Chain in Proverbs, who divide the three books of Solomon into three kinds of things, namely: into Ethics, Physics and Hyperphysics. Their reason was, that in Ecclesiastes Solomon describes the changes, circuits and vicissitudes of the heavens, sun, elements, air, sea, earth, winds, which is the object of Physics, namely body generative and corruptible. But Olympiodorus, touching the matter with a fine point in a few words at the beginning of the Chain of Proverbs, answers that "Ecclesiastes, with natural things lightly touched upon by reason, sets before the eyes the vanity of the present life." Which are almost the same words of Didymus at the beginning of the Chain in Ecclesiastes: "Ecclesiastes," he says, "is in this, that adhering to the contemplation of natural things, it uncovers the vanity of the present life." And the Chain of the Greeks in Proverbs at the beginning asserts, "Ecclesiastes by preaching gently provokes to the contemplation of the universe, and treats those things which make for the soul somewhat advanced in the study of virtues."

Let it therefore be fixed that this book is ethical; for it touches Physics in order to Ethics, namely so that from the motion, change, and destruction of natural things, it may teach their vanity; and consequently that men likewise are vain, who aspire to them, and vain are their studies, futile and foolish their counsels, empty and foolish their labors, by which they toil throughout their whole life accumulating wealth, or wines, or villas, or delights, or honors, forgetful of their end and true happiness. For this consists in the fear of God, obedience and worship. Whence Lyra thinks the argument of Ecclesiastes to be, to assign the ultimate end of man and the highest good, in which man's happiness is situated. Since indeed on this matter there have been very diverse opinions, which M. Varro recounts, in the book On Ends, namely two hundred opinions and sentences of philosophers: for Epicurus thought happiness to be situated in pleasure, others in health, others in honor, others in knowledge, others in riches, others in friends, etc. Solomon teaches that all these have erred from the mark and truth, and that true happiness is situated in the contempt of vanity and the world, and in truth, that is in true wisdom and the knowledge and worship of God, which consists in the study of law and virtue, namely in piety, temperance, modesty, humility, patience in adversities, almsgiving, resignation and hope in God's providence, and his religion and observance. These are the things which throughout this whole book Solomon treats, inculcates and commends.

But truly God, before other Prophets, chose and constituted Solomon alone as the herald of this vanity of the world, because he himself, having experienced all the pleasures and joys of the world of all goods, found mere vanity in all things. Lest anyone should say, and object to him: You assert wonderful things concerning the vanity of all creatures; I do not know whether the matter is as you say, for many things have not happened to me, indeed many I do not even know; Solomon comes forward: I have experienced all things and as it were handled them with my hands, and by experience I have learned that in all things there is no true joy, but mere vanity, shadow and deception. Wherefore, reviewing individual things in order, he adds that individual things are vain. Whence the Nyssene says: "In Ecclesiastes there is an orderly confession of the whole life of Solomon and a narration of all his works."

Hence George Ederus, in the Biblical Economy, book II, calls this book the Soliloquy of Solomon, because in it Solomon alone speaks of sublime matters, such as are the Soliloquies of St. Augustine, Thomas à Kempis, St. Bonaventure and others, in which the soul converses alone with itself or with God.

As to order and method, the order of Solomon's books is this: In Proverbs he instructs the boy, and teaches him the first and common rudiments of ethics and of more honest morals. In Ecclesiastes he instructs the advancing youth, and leads him from earthly vanity to heavenly truth. In the Canticles he teaches the perfect man to unite himself to God, so that he may wholly cleave to Him through love and contemplation, and rest in Him. Thus hold Origen, Gregory of Nyssa, Theodoret, St. Gregory in the Preface to the Canticles, and others throughout. Hear the Author of the Greek Catena, at the beginning of Proverbs: "Proverbs," he says, "pertain to man making his first entrance upon the way of spiritual life; Ecclesiastes to the soul making some progress in the study of virtues; the Canticles to the state of the soul already perfected in virtues." Hear also more clearly St. Bernard, sermon 1 on the Canticles: "Then since there are two evils," he says, "which either alone or especially war against the soul, namely vain love of the world and excessive love of self, those two books Ecclesiastes and Proverbs are known to stand against each pestilence: the one with the hoe of discipline cutting away all perverse things in morals and superfluous things of the flesh, the other with the light of reason in all the glory of the world shrewdly detecting the deceit of vanity, and truly separating it from solid truth. Finally, before all human studies and worldly desires, it is set forth to fear God and to keep His commandments." And after some remarks: "Therefore, with the two evils driven out by the reading of the two books, one approaches fittingly to this sacred and contemplative discourse (of the Canticles), which, since it is the fruit of both, is to be given only to sober minds and ears. Otherwise, before the flesh is tamed and enslaved to the spirit by the studies of discipline, before the pomp and burden of the world are despised and cast off, the holy reading is unworthily presumed upon by the impure." Therefore, according to the mind of St. Bernard, in Ecclesiastes vain love of the world is driven out, in Proverbs excessive love of self, in the Canticles chaste love of God is prescribed. Wherefore Solomon uses here a manly, keen, vehement and truly royal style, such as befitted both the matter and the author.

Paphnutius the Abbot, in Cassian, Collation III, chapter VI, accommodates the three books of Solomon to a threefold renunciation by degrees in this way: "The first is," he says, "by which we bodily despise all riches and the faculties of the world; the second, by which we reject morals and vices, and the former affections of mind and flesh; the third, by which, drawing our mind away from all present and visible things, we contemplate only future things, and desire those which are invisible: that these three may be perfected together, we read that the Lord also commanded Abraham, when He said: Go forth out of thy land, and from thy kindred, and out of thy father's house. First He said: Go forth out of thy land, that is, from the faculties of this world and from earthly riches; secondly, from thy kindred, that is, from the conversation and morals and vices which from our birth cling to us, as it were by a certain affinity and blood relationship; thirdly, from thy father's house, that is, from all memory of this world, which occurs to the sight of our eyes." And at the end of the chapter: "To these three renunciations the three books of Solomon are properly adapted. For Proverbs are suited to the first renunciation, by which carnal desires and earthly vices are cut away; to the second renunciation Ecclesiastes, where all things that are done under the sun are pronounced vanity; to the third, the Song of Songs, in which the mind, transcending all visible things, is now joined to the Word of God in the contemplation of heavenly things." St. Jerome has something similar in his letter to Paulinus, whose words I recited at the beginning of Proverbs.

Allegorically, Blessed Peter Damian, sermon 1 On the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, adapts these three names of Solomon and his three books to Christ, saying: "The Son of the King and King, not only the Son of God but also God, Solomon, that is the peaceful one, is to us in this exile; Ecclesiastes, that is the preacher, will be in judgment; Idida, that is the glorious one, will be in the kingdom; in exile lovable, in judgment terrible, in the kingdom admirable: in exile merciful, in judgment just, in the kingdom glorious. See, however, if He is not everywhere king: in exile the rector of morals, in judgment the discerner of merits, in the kingdom the distributor of rewards, and at the same time consider that not Ecclesiastes, not Idida, but Solomon is foreknown to accomplish so glorious a work."

St. Gregory of Nazianzus holds, in Poem 33, and Damascenus, in book IV On the Faith, chapter XVIII, that Ecclesiastes, equally as Proverbs and the Song of Songs, was written in Hebrew verse and meter. Hear Nazianzus: "Five meters consist of Job, David, three of Solomon, the Preaching (Ecclesiastes), and the distinguished Songs, the sacred Proverbs." Yet, since in Ecclesiastes Solomon acts as a preacher, others better judge that he wrote it not in meter, but in prose. For this is a perpetual sermon, and one that is stirred up and sharp concerning the vanity of the world, in which he stirs up all the affections, so that he might represent it to the reader vividly and persuade him. Wherefore in it he uses frequent and piercing interrogations, contentious exclamations, and other rhetorical figures. Yet from time to time he intermixes songs, or as it were songs, such as that one: "Vanity of vanities, and all things are vanity: A time to keep silence, and a time to speak, etc. Fear God, and keep his commandments: for this is all man." Add that all things can be said to be songs and meters in a general sense, namely because they are indeed full of meaning, acute and witty, as much as they are brief and neat. For which reason St. Jerome, in the Preface to Job, asserts that in Holy Scripture, especially Hebrew, there is "a certain sweet rhythm, and one freed from the tinkling numbers of feet." Thus all measured speech can be called meter and song.

To this pertains the fact that this book is filled with elegant parables, similitudes, enigmas, which resound with something prophetic and divine, and signify more than they show at first sight. Thus Seneca, commending his Lucilius from a similar style, in epistle 59: "You speak," he says, "as much as you wish, and you signify more than you speak. This is a sign of a greater matter: it appears also that your mind has nothing superfluous, nothing swollen."

Finally, Prophets are called seers and poets, and therefore their prophecy can be called meter and song. Solomon, however, was a Prophet, and he produced true and properly so-called prophecies, as I showed in Proverbs XXX, 1. Although in Ecclesiastes one can scarcely find any such. What therefore St. Augustine says, in book XVII of the City of God, chapter XX: "That Solomon prophesied in his three books," either take synecdochically, namely that in certain parts of this threefold volume of his he prophesied properly, namely Proverbs XXX, 1 and 2, and in the Song of Songs, where there is perpetual prophecy concerning Christ and the Church; or take it broadly, that he prophesied for revealing the words of God, explaining the will of God, dictating divine sentences and canonical books. For thus all canonical Scripture is called prophecy by St. Peter, second epistle, chapter I, verse 20. Finally, the Chaldean holds that Solomon here truly prophesied concerning the future schism of Jeroboam; for thus it has from the Complutensian edition: "The words of the prophecy which the Preacher prophesied; he is Solomon, son of David, king," etc. From the interpretation moreover of Costus: "The words of the presage, which the preacher Solomon, son of David, king of Jerusalem, foretold. With the spirit of divination, King Solomon of Israel foresaw that the kingdom of Roboam his son would be divided with Jeroboam son of Nabat, and the desolation impending upon Jerusalem and the temple, and the people of Israel would be led into captivity," etc. Therefore Ecclesiastes, as it is higher, more perfect and more sublime than Proverbs, so also it is more obscure and more difficult than those.

Wherefore Philastrius asserts that "Ecclesiastes, though written indeed in few sentences, contains nevertheless the whole treasure of heavenly knowledge for those seeking it." And St. Ambrose, in the book On Tobias, chapter XIII, commands that one should adhere to this book, so that he who is a good master for all things might be so.

The end and purpose of this book is to teach true wisdom, namely that by which we distinguish vanity from truth: that is, so that we may know that all things which display themselves on earth, allure and flatter are vain; but that those things which are in heaven are true and solid, so that from this unequal knowledge we may rise to contempt of the world, as being vain, and to love and desire of heaven and God, as being true and solid. For so great is the appearance and form of vanity in this external world, so great the allurement, so great the deception, that the mind of men, unless it were taught by God and Solomon, would vanish away in it, and would take falsehoods for truths, and would be consumed by vain desires and sins, and like smoke would waste away into the second death. This deception and mask of the vanity of all things, therefore, Solomon here exposes, and teaches that earthly and vain things are to be despised, and that heavenly things are to be sought as true, in which true wisdom consists. Thus St. Augustine judges, in book XX of the City of God, chapter III: "In this vanity," he says, "to which it seemed good to him to devote this entire book for the purpose of impressing it upon us, not surely for any other reason, than that we might desire that life which has no vanity under this sun, but truth under Him who made this sun. In this vanity, therefore, would not man, by the just and right judgment of God, become like the same vanity and vanish away? Yet in the days of his vanity it matters greatly whether he resists or obeys truth, and whether he is devoid of true piety or a partaker of it: not for the sake of acquiring the goods of this life or avoiding its evils by vanishing away in transient things, but on account of the future judgment, by which there will be to the good goods, and to the evil evils that shall remain without end." Then he adds thus: "Finally, this wise man concluded this book with these words, that he might say: Fear God, and keep His commandments, because this is all man; because God will bring all this work into judgment in every hidden thing, whether good or evil. What could be said more true and more salutary? Fear God," he says, "and keep His commandments, because this is all man. Whoever indeed is this, is surely a keeper of the commandments of God: for he who is not this, is nothing. For he is not reformed to the image of truth, remaining in the likeness of vanity." Thus far St. Augustine.

Whence St. Jerome wrote a commentary on Ecclesiastes to Blaesilla, the firstborn daughter of St. Paula, with this purpose, that he might persuade her to contempt of this world. Hear him in the preface of the Commentary: "I remember that about five years ago, when I was still in Rome, and was reading Ecclesiastes to holy Blaesilla, in order to provoke her to contempt of this world, and to make her think that everything she saw in the world was as nothing, I was asked by her to explain in the manner of a brief commentary whatever obscure passages there were, so that she could understand what she was reading without me. And so, since she was suddenly taken away by death at the beginning of our work, and we did not deserve, O Paula and Eustochium, to have such a companion in our life, and I was then struck dumb by so great a wound, now being placed in Bethlehem, that is, in a more austere city, I render to her memory and to you what I owe."

Moreover, by the frequent preaching of this vanity of the world, St. Jerome drew St. Paulinus, Pammachius, St. Paula, and the Roman nobility to contempt of the world and to withdrawal into Bethlehem. Therefore, Solomon in this book calls the reader away from vanity, that is, from the love of the world, and leads him to the love of God: for God Himself is truth itself, being itself, solidity itself, stability itself, eternity itself. Whence St. Gregory of Nyssa, in the book On the Life of Moses, treating of the vision of God exhibited to Moses in the burning bush, defines truth to be God Himself. For thus he says: "For this is (as I think) the definition of truth, the firm understanding of Him who is; for falsehood is a certain phantasmal comprehension concerning that which is not, as if that which is not subsisted; but truth is the firm understanding of that which truly is, which by its nature is; for long spaces of time it is necessary to meditate with a higher mind in quiet, so that you may firmly understand what it is that truly is, which by its nature is; what is not, which only seems to be, since by itself and by its nature it does not subsist at all. The vision of Moses illustrates the same thing. For it seems to me that the great Moses learned in that vision that nothing of those things which are either comprehended by sense or perceived by mind, except the supreme essence, which is the cause of all things and on which all things depend, truly subsists. For in none of the others can independence be perceived, so that it could be without participation in true Being. Only that same thing always remains the same, never increases, never decreases, equally immutable toward all change, both toward the worse and toward the better; for neither worse nor evil is there, nor can better be found. Wherefore only it needs nothing else, and all things need only it; only it all things desire, only it all things participate in, and those things which participate in it, through participation both are and are well. But that which is participated in is never diminished. That, therefore, is surely what truly is, and the understanding of this true Being, to which Moses then came."

Finally, Alcuin, the teacher of Charlemagne, in his Preface to Ecclesiastes, says that he wrote a commentary on the same book in order to fortify those extracted from the monastery for ecclesiastical duties—namely Onias the priest, that is the Bishop, Candidus the presbyter, and Nathanael the deacon—against the vanities of the world; and that the most wise Solomon composed this entire book concerning the vain possession of riches in the delights of this age, which he exhorts them always to have as their master in their hands.

III. On the Division of the Book

It is asked, thirdly, what is the division of this book, and how many parts does it have? Hugo of St. Victor, and after him Richard of St. Victor, in book III on the Apocalypse, part II, chapter VII, hold that there are three books as parts, by which a threefold vanity of man is described: the first of mutability, the second of mortality, the third of curiosity; or, as St. Bonaventure holds, the vanity of nature, of fault, and of misery.

But I say that there are two primary parts of Ecclesiastes. The first is from chapter I to chapter VII, in which he shows that all things of the sublunary world, which vain men esteem as great, are empty and vain, and therefore that the happiness which is placed in them is vain. The latter extends from chapter VII to the end, in which, having set aside vanity, he demonstrates that truth and true happiness are situated in virtue and in the fear and worship of God. Therefore in the very first chapter he refutes those who measured the highest good by knowledge; in the second and third chapters likewise he reproves those who, like Epicureans, placed the end of goods in pleasure; in the fourth chapter, those who placed it in honors; in the fifth and sixth he confutes those who placed happiness in riches and wealth. Therefore this first portion of six chapters is occupied in refuting the views of others; the other part of the same number of chapters is devoted to confirming his own opinion. Therefore chapter VII discusses three kinds of goods, namely of the soul, of the body, and of fortune, and concerning the contrary evils. He shows clearly what the use of all these is, and how all things of ours depend upon divine providence. From this point to the end of the book he preaches concerning living piously and justly, so that we may finally be joined to God and enjoy eternal happiness.

Moreover, in these passages he establishes many axioms of life, according to truth and true prudence, such as these: that human knowledge does not make man happy; that life is brief and subject to a thousand changes; that human errors and customs in succeeding ages return and circulate as if in a circle, and have been common to all ages; that there is nothing new under the sun; that pleasure produces foolishness and fools; that happiness is not situated in dominion, in a wife and excellent children, in a longer life or funeral pomp; and therefore that it is not to be sought in the present life, but in the future and eternal life; that virtue excels riches, strength and other gifts of the body; that one must think upon God's judgment and providence; that happiness is prepared by obedience to divine law, by works of mercy, by mortification of desires, by gentleness and peace of soul; that a prince is to be honored; that a prince ought to be just, sober, mild, master of his desires, honoring the wise and the good, generous, and one who provides abundantly for his subjects concerning food and other comforts of life, since he knows himself to be mortal and of the same nature and lot as his subjects; that one must think upon approaching old age and death; finally, that he is wise and happy who has this everywhere premeditated and observes it: "Fear God, and keep His commandments; for this is all man."

Again, divide this book with Lyran more minutely thus through individual chapters, so that in it almost as many, namely ten vanities are enumerated: namely in the first chapter, immoderate zeal for knowledge; in the second, appetite for delights; in the third, desire for a longer life; in the fourth and fifth, ambition for dominion and dignity; in part of the fifth and in the sixth entirely, desire for riches; in the seventh, the art of divination and foreknowledge of future things; in the eighth, pursuit of praise and fame; in the ninth, pursuit of fortune; in part of the ninth and in the tenth entirely, bodily strength; in the eleventh and twelfth, a specimen of the flower of youth.

Interpreters Who Have Commented Upon Ecclesiastes

There are very many interpreters who have written commentaries on Ecclesiastes, both ancient and modern. Fabianus Justinianus counts up to sixty in the end of his universal Index, where he compiled a catalogue of interpreters of Holy Scripture. I shall here review the more illustrious ones, whose works I have used and been helped by, just as St. Jerome is accustomed to review at the beginning of his Commentaries Origen, Didymus, Apollinarius, etc., whom he will follow throughout his entire work, so that it is not necessary to mention them repeatedly: for it is indeed a mark of humility to acknowledge whence you have made progress; of fairness, to render to each what is his own; of gratitude, to repay benefit with benefit, and to reflect back praise to both the doctrine and the teacher. For this reason, when I cite the opinions of authors, I often use their very own words, so that it may be clear to the reader that they are theirs, not mine. Pliny does this excellently, in the Preface to Vespasian: "Truly," he says, "it is the mark of a servile and unfortunate mind to prefer to be caught in theft rather than to repay a loan, especially when interest accrues from the debt." St. Basil does this even more excellently, in his first letter to Gregory of Nazianzus: "Nor indeed," he says, "ought one to be ashamed of learning, nor malicious in teaching: what you have safely learned from another ought by no means to be kept hidden; such as wicked women are accustomed to do, who, having obtained children from others, present them to their husbands as their own, feigning to be the father. But it is fitting to reveal the author himself with grateful remembrance, and to acknowledge the true parent of his knowledge."

First therefore after the Septuagint, Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion and the Syriac version, is the Chaldean Paraphrast, who is thought to have been Joseph the Blind. For just as Onkelos translated the Pentateuch, and Jonathan the Prophets, so Joseph the Blind translated the books of Solomon and the other Hagiographa, namely Job, the Psalms, the Kings, Ruth from Hebrew into Chaldean, quite genuinely and consistently with the Latin Vulgate, by which means he is useful; for although he renders the sense of the Hebrew word faithfully, yet because he was a Jew after Christ, he judaizes from this, and twists many things toward Jewish Synagogue and superstition, and here and there mixes in Rabbinic fables: Arias Montanus cut out many of these and purged them in the Chaldean Paraphrase, which he attached to the Royal Bibles, but not all.

Second in time, but first in dignity, is St. Gregory, Bishop of Neocaesarea, known by the surname Thaumaturgus on account of the glory of his miracles, who explained Ecclesiastes through a "very brief and admirable" paraphrase, as Suidas says. For with his divine wisdom, eloquence, acuteness, and novelty he wonderfully teaches, soothes, pricks and stimulates the reader.

Third is R. Haccados, whom Galatinus cites throughout in his book On the Mysteries of Faith; but he is rather allegorical than literal, and his allegories are not unlike dreams.

Fourth is St. Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa, brother of St. Basil, who composed eight learned and erudite homilies on Ecclesiastes, in which he himself treats Ecclesiastes, and as a Christian orator stimulates the reader to contempt of the vanity of the world.

Fifth is St. Jerome, who, in his manner, adhering to the letter, clearly renders its genuine first sense, then attaches the mystical sense: deservedly celebrated as the phoenix of his age and the greatest teacher in explaining Holy Scripture, by the praise of the entire Church. Note: St. Jerome translated Ecclesiastes, Proverbs, and the Song of Songs twice: first, by correcting the old and ancient Latin Vulgate edition according to the Septuagint version from which it had come: for which reason he translated the Greeks of the Septuagint into Latin, and thus restored the old edition to his purity; second, by translating those same books directly from Hebrew into Latin. That this is so St. Jerome himself teaches here in the Preface; and explicitly in book II Against Rufinus, where he says thus: "Solomon's books also, which I had formerly translated into Latin according to the Septuagint with obeli and asterisks added, translating them from Hebrew and dedicating them to the holy Bishops Chromatius and Heliodorus, I subscribed at the end of my little preface in these words: if anyone indeed prefers the edition of the Septuagint Interpreters, he has it now from us corrected." Therefore St. Jerome's first version was made from Greek, the second from Hebrew by the command of Pope Damasus, which the Church therefore received, and it is our Latin Vulgate edition. Both exist in the Commentary of St. Jerome, in which however he does not interpret the latter version, either out of modesty, or because it was new; but the former from the Septuagint as the old and Vulgate edition at that time, which differs considerably from the latter, namely from the modern Vulgate, and therefore the Commentary of St. Jerome does little to elucidate the modern Vulgate. Furthermore, St. Jerome in the latter accommodates himself to the Septuagint, where it does not differ from the Hebrew at all or little: otherwise he follows Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, but above all the Hebrew truth, whose true and genuine sense, as he clearly represents it, he sometimes expresses not word for word, but sense for sense, as it were paraphrastically: for this is the duty of a faithful and genuine interpreter, as we shall see in their proper places.

Sixth is Olympiodorus, partly a paraphrast, partly a scholiast, partly a commentator, who briefly but usefully explained Ecclesiastes: for he explains it in such a way as to stir the reader to virtue and piety.

The seventh is Salonius, son of Eucherius, and disciple of Salvian, in the year of the Lord 470, who explains Ecclesiastes mystically and briefly. Albinus, or Alcuin, disciple of Bede and master of Rabanus, does the same. The Commentary of Salonius on Proverbs and Ecclesiastes exists entirely word for word in Honorius Augustodunensis the presbyter, who, as Trithemius and Bellarmine testify, flourished in the year of the Lord 1220; except that the beginning of the book is transposed. For those things which Salonius places at the beginning of Ecclesiastes concerning the three names of Solomon, Honorius places at the beginning of Proverbs. Again, a few things at the end of Proverbs which Salonius places, Honorius shortens and omits. The rest, as I have said, are the same word for word. Moreover, Salonius is published in volume V of the Library of the Fathers; Honorius, however, in the twelfth volume or century, according to the Cologne edition.

The eighth is Hugh of St. Victor, who from St. Gregory (for manuscripts of his Commentary on Ecclesiastes exist in the monastery of Cava) composed homily 19 on Ecclesiastes, in which he discusses flowingly and acutely the sentences of the first four chapters individually, indeed individual words, and draws out and produces the honey of sacred ethics for the conforming of morals. Hugh was a man of outstanding learning, eloquence and piety, Abbot of the monastery of St. Victor (whence he was called of St. Victor) in Paris, companion and intimate of St. Bernard, the light of his age, having so emulated the doctrine and phrasing of St. Augustine that he was called "the tongue of Augustine." When he was dying and the Holy Eucharist was brought to him, because of nausea of the stomach he could not receive it, and adoring it he said: "Let the Son ascend to the Father, and the servant to his Lord." And so it came to pass.

The ninth is St. Bonaventure, who treats Ecclesiastes scholastically.

The tenth is Hugh of Caro, the first Cardinal from the Order of St. Dominic, who, touching the letter in passing, devotes himself to the mystical sense, and in investigating it is acute, keen and copious.

The eleventh is Nicholas of Lyra, who, not being precisely skilled in Hebrew, follows the Rabbis in many places, especially Rabbi Solomon, as he himself confesses at the end of the book Differences of the Old and New Testament. These were followed by Dionysius the Carthusian, Cardinal Cajetan, who, trusting too much in his two Rabbis in the Old Testament and Erasmus in the New, publishes a new version of theirs and explains it anew by his own ingenuity, often departing from the Vulgate and the Fathers. Likewise Francis Titelmans, a learned and pious man, John Ferus, Gerard Morinus, Jerome Osorio, John Campensis, Isidore Clarius, Francis Vatable, and from our Society John Lorinus briefly but accurately; and John Pineda, who explained Ecclesiastes as fully as he did completely. I shall extract the essence from all these, make a collection of honey, and methodically present it to the reader to be drawn in a few clear points after my manner; and I shall add not a few things from myself, which the eternal wisdom of the Father shall deign to suggest to me.

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