The Divine Institutes 3
3.1 Chap. I.—A comparison of the truth with eloquence: why the philosophers did not attain to it. Of the simple style of the scriptures PL 6, 348
Since it is supposed that the truth still lies hidden in obscurity—either through the error and ignorance of the common people, who are the slaves of various and foolish superstitions, or through the philosophers, who by the perverseness of their minds confuse rather than throw light upon it—I could wish that the power of eloquence had fallen to my lot, though not such as it was in Marcus Tullius, for that was extraordinary and admirable, but in some degree approaching it; that, being supported as much by the strength of talent as it has weight by its own force, the truth might at length come forth, and having dispelled and refuted public errors, and the errors of those who are considered wise, might introduce among the human race a brilliant light. And I could wish that this were so, for two reasons: either that men might more readily believe the truth when adorned with embellishments, since they even believe falsehood, being captivated by the adornment of speech and the enticement of words; or, at all events, that the philosophers themselves might be overpowered by us, most of all by their own arms, in which they are accustomed to pride themselves and to place confidence.
But since God has willed this to be the nature of the case, that simple and undisguised truth should be more clear, because it has sufficient ornament of itself, and on this account it is corrupted when embellished with adornings from without, but that falsehood should please by means of a splendour not its own, because being corrupt of itself it vanishes and melts away, unless it is set off and polished with decoration sought from another source; I bear it with equanimity that a moderate degree of talent has been granted to me. But it is not in reliance upon eloquence, but upon the truth, that I have undertaken this work,—a work, perhaps, too great to be sustained by my strength; which, however, even if I should fail, the truth itself will complete, with the assistance of God, whose office this is. For when I know that the greatest orators have often been overcome by pleaders of moderate ability, because the power of truth is so great that it defends itself even in small things by its own clearness: why should I imagine that it will be overwhelmed in a cause of the greatest importance by men who are ingenious and eloquent, as I admit, but who speak false things; and not that it should appear bright and illustrious, if not by our speech, which is very feeble, and flows from a slight fountain, but by its own light? Nor, if there have been philosophers worthy of admiration on account of their literary erudition, should I also yield to them the knowledge and learning of the truth, which no one can attain to by reflection or disputation. Nor do I now disparage the pursuit of those who wished to know the truth, because God has made the nature of man most desirous of arriving at the truth; but I assert and maintain this against them, that the effect did not follow their honest and well-directed will, because they neither knew what was true in itself, nor how, nor where, nor with what mind it is to be sought. And thus, while they desire to remedy the errors of men, they have become entangled in snares and the greatest errors. I have therefore been led to this task of refuting philosophy by the very order of the subject which I have undertaken.
For since all error arises either from false religion or from wisdom, in refuting error it is necessary to overthrow both. For inasmuch as it has been handed down to us in the sacred writings that the thoughts of philosophers are foolish, this very thing is to be proved by fact and by arguments, that no one, induced by the honourable name of wisdom, or deceived by the splendour of empty eloquence, may prefer to give credence to human rather than to divine things. Which things, indeed, are related in a concise and simple manner. For it was not befitting that, when God was speaking to man, He should confirm His words by arguments, as though He would not otherwise be regarded with confidence: but, as it was right, He spoke as the mighty Judge of all things, to whom it belongs not to argue, but to pronounce sentence. He Himself, as God, is truth. But we, since we have divine testimony for everything, will assuredly show by how much surer arguments truth may be defended, when even false things are so defended that they are accustomed to appear true. Wherefore there is no reason why we should give so much honour to philosophers as to fear their eloquence. For they might speak well as men of learning; but they could not speak truly, because they had not learned the truth from Him in whose power it was. Nor, indeed, shall we effect anything great in convicting them of ignorance, which they themselves very often confess. Since they are not believed in that one point alone in which alone they ought to have been believed, I will endeavour to show that they never spoke so truly as when they uttered their opinion respecting their own ignorance.
Vellem mihi, quando veritas in obscuro latere adhuc existimatur, vel errore atque imperitia vulgi, variis et ineptis superstitionibus servientis, vel philosophis pravitate ingeniorum turbantibus eam potius quam illustrantibus, etsi non qualis in Marco Tullio fuit, quia praecipua et admirabilis fuit, aliquam tamen proximam eloquentiae contingere facultatem; ut quantum veritas vi sua propria valet, tantum ingenii quoque viribus nixa, exereret se aliquando, et discussis convictisque tam publicis, quam eorum, qui sapientes putantur erroribus, humano generi clarissimum lumen inferret. Quod quidem duabus ex causis fieri vellem: vel quod magis possent credere homines ornatae veritati, qui etiam mendacio credunt, capti orationis ornatu, lenocinioque verborum; vel certe, ut ipsi philosophi suis armis potissimum, quibus placere sibi et confidere solent, opprimerentur a nobis.
Sed quoniam Deus hanc voluit rei esse naturam, ut simplex et nuda veritas esset luculentior, quia satis ornata per se est, ideoque ornamentis extrinsecus additis fucata corrumpitur, mendacium vero specie placeret aliena, quia per se corruptum vanescit ac diffluit, nisi ornatu aliunde quaesito circumlitum fuerit ac politum: aequo animo fero, ingenium mihi mediocre fuisse concessum. Verum ego non eloquentiae, sed veritatis fiducia suscepi hoc opus, fortasse majus quam ut possit meis viribus sustineri: quod tamen, etiamsi ego defecerim, Deo (cujus est hoc munus) adjuvante, veritas ipsa complebit. Etenim cum sciam maximos quoque oratores a causidicis mediocribus saepe victos, quod tanta est potentia veritatis, ut seipsam, quamvis in rebus exiguis, sua claritate defendat: cur hanc ego in maxima causa, ab ingeniosis quidem illis ac disertis viris, sed tamen falsa dicentibus, oppressum iri putem? ac non illa, si minus oratione nostra, quae de tenui fonte admodum exilis emanat, lumine tamen suo clara et illustris appareat? Nec si philosophi doctrina litterarum mirabiles extiterunt, ego etiam illis scientiam veri cognitionemque concesserim, quam nemo cogitando, aut disputando assequi potest. Ne que ego nunc reprehendo eorum studium, qui veritatem scire voluerunt, quia naturam hominis Deus veri adipiscendi cupientissimam fecit: sed id arguo, id revinco, quod honestam illorum et optimam voluntatem non sit secutus effectus; quia neque quid esset verum ipsum sciebant, neque quomodo, aut ubi, aut qua mente quaerendum. Ita dum succurrere humanis erroribus cupiunt, ipsi se in plagas, et errores maximos induxerunt. Ad hoc igitur me opus coarguendi philosophiam, susceptae materiae ordo ipse deduxit.
Nam cum error omnis, aut ex religione falsa oriatur, aut ex sapientia, in eo convincendo necesse est utrumque subvertere. Cum enim sit nobis divinis litteris traditum, cogitationes philosophorum stultas esse, id ipsum re et argumentis docendum est: ne quis honesto sapientiae nomine inductus, aut inanis eloquentiae splendore deceptus, humanis malit quam divinis credere; quae quidem tradita sunt breviter ac nude. Nec enim decebat aliter, ut cum Deus ad hominem loqueretur, argumentis assereret suas voces, tanquam fides ei non haberetur: sed, ut oportuit, est locutus, quasi rerum omnium maximus judex, cujus est non argumentari, sed pronuntiare. Verum ipse, ut Deus. Nos autem, cum ad res singulas testimonia divinae vocis habeamus, profecto monstrabimus, quanto certioribus argumentis possint vera defendi, cum etiam falso sic defendantur, ut vera soleant videri. Quare non est, quod philosophis tantum honoris habeamus, aut eorum eloquentiam pertimescamus. Loqui enim bene potuerunt, ut homines eruditi, vere autem loqui, nullo modo, quia veritatem non didicerant ab eo, qui ejus potens esset. Nec sane magnum aliquid efficiemus, quod illos ignorantiae redarguemus, quam ipsi saepissime confitentur in eo solo, quoniam his non creditur, in quo solo credi debuit; conabor ostendere, nunquam illos tam veridicos fuisse, quam cum sententiam de sua ignoratione dixerunt.
3.2 Chap. II.—Of philosophy, and how vain was its occupation in setting forth the truth PL 6, 351
Now, since the falsehood of superstitions has been shown in the two former books, and the origin itself of the whole error has been set forth, it is the business of this book to show the emptiness and falsehood of philosophy also, that, all error being removed, the truth may be brought to light and become manifest. Let us begin, therefore, from the common name of philosophy, that when the head itself is destroyed, an easier approach may be open to us for demolishing the whole body; if indeed that can be called a body, the parts and members of which are at variance with one another, and are not united together by any connecting link, but, as it were, dispersed and scattered, appear to palpitate rather than to live. Philosophy is (as the name indicates, and they themselves define it) the love of wisdom. By what argument, then, can I prove that philosophy is not wisdom, rather than by that derived from the meaning of the name itself? For he who devotes himself to wisdom is manifestly not yet wise, but devotes himself to the subject that he may be wise. In the other arts it appears what this devotedness effects, and to what it tends: for when any one by learning has attained to these, he is now called, not a devoted follower of the profession, but an artificer. But it is said it was on account of modesty that they called themselves devoted to wisdom, and not wise. Nay, in truth, Pythagoras, who first invented this name, since he had a little more wisdom than those of early times, who regarded themselves as wise, understood that it was impossible by any human study to attain to wisdom, and therefore that a perfect name ought not to be applied to an incomprehensible and imperfect subject. And, therefore, when he was asked what was his profession, he answered that he was a philosopher, that is, a searcher after wisdom. If, therefore, philosophy searches after wisdom, it is not wisdom itself, because it must of necessity be one thing which searches, and another which is searched for; nor is the searching itself correct, because it can find nothing.
But I am not prepared to concede even that philosophers are devoted to the pursuit of wisdom, because by that pursuit there is no attaining to wisdom. For if the power of finding the truth were connected with this pursuit, and if this pursuit were a kind of road to wisdom, it would at length be found. But since so much time and talent have been wasted in the search for it, and it has not yet been gained, it is plain that there is no wisdom there. Therefore they who apply themselves to philosophy do not devote themselves to the pursuit of wisdom; but they themselves imagine that they do so, because they know not where that is which they are searching for, or of what character it is. Whether, therefore, they devote themselves to the pursuit of wisdom or not, they are not wise, because that can never be discovered which is either sought in an improper manner, or not sought at all. Let us look to this very thing, whether it is possible for anything to be discovered by this kind of pursuit, or nothing.
Nunc quoniam duobus prioribus libris religionum falsitas demonstrata est, nec non origo ipsa totius erroris exposita: hujus libri munus est philosophiam quoque ostendere, quam inanis et falsa sit; ut, omni errore sublato, veritas patefacta clarescat. Ordiamur itaque a communi philosophiae nomine, ut ipso capite destructo, facilior nobis aditus pateat ad excidendum omne corpus: si tamen potest corpus vocari, cujus partes ac membra discordent, nec ulla compage inter se cohaereant, sed quasi disjecta et dissipata, palpitare potius, quam vivere videantur. Philosophia est (ut nomen indicat, ipsique definiunt) studium sapientiae. Unde igitur probem magis philosophiam non esse sapientiam, quam ex ipsius nominis significatione? Qui enim sapientiae studet, utique nondum sapit, sed ut sapere possit studet. In caeteris artibus, studium quid efficiat, et quo tendat, apparet. Quas cum discendo aliquis assecutus est, jam non studiosus artificii, sed artifex nominatur. At enim verecundiae causa studiosos se sapientiae, non sapientes vocaverunt. Immo vero Pythagoras, qui hoc primus nomen invenit, cum paulo plus saperet, quam illi priores, qui se sapientes putaverunt, intellexit nullo humano studio posse ad sapientiam perveniri, et ideo non oportere, incomprehensae atque imperfectae rei perfectum nomen imponi. Itaque cum ab eo quaereretur, quemnam se profiteretur, respondit: philosophum, id est, quaesitorem sapientiae. Si ergo philosophia sapientiam quaerit, nec ipsa sapientia est; quia necesse est aliud esse, quod quaerit; aliud, quod quaeritur: nec quaesitio ipsa recta est, quia nihil potest invenire.
Ego vero ne studiosos quidem sapientiae philosophos esse concesserim, quia illo studio ad sapientiam non pervenitur. Nam si facultas inveniendae veritatis huic studio subjaceret, et si esset id studium tamquam iter ad sapientiam, aliquando esset inventa. Cum vero tot temporibus, tot ingeniis in ejus inquisitione contritis non sit comprehensa, apparet nullam esse ibi sapientiam. Non ergo sapientiae student, qui philosophantur: sed ipsi studere se putant; quia illud quod quaerunt, ubi, aut quale sit nesciunt. Sive ergo sapientiae student, sive non student, sapientes non sunt; quia nunquam reperiri potest, quod aut non recte quaeritur, aut omnino non quaeritur. Videamus tamen id ipsum, possit ne hoc studio reperiri aliquid, an nihil.
3.3 Chap. III.—Of what subjects philosophy consists, and who was the chief founder of the academic sect PL 6, 353
Philosophy appears to consist of two subjects, knowledge and conjecture, and of nothing more. Knowledge cannot come from the understanding, nor be apprehended by thought; because to have knowledge in oneself as a peculiar property does not belong to man, but to God. But the nature of mortals does not receive knowledge, except that which comes from without. For on this account the divine intelligence has opened the eyes and ears and other senses in the body, that by these entrances knowledge might flow through to the mind. For to investigate or wish to know the causes of natural things,—whether the sun is as great as it appears to be, or is many times greater than the whole of this earth; also whether the moon be spherical or concave; and whether the stars are fixed to the heaven, or are borne with free course through the air; of what magnitude the heaven itself is, of what material it is composed; whether it is at rest and immoveable, or is turned round with incredible swiftness; how great is the thickness of the earth, or on what foundations it is poised and suspended,—to wish to comprehend these things, I say, by disputation and conjectures, is as though we should wish to discuss what we may suppose to be the character of a city in some very remote country, which we have never seen, and of which we have heard nothing more than the name. If we should claim to ourselves knowledge in a matter of this kind, which cannot be known, should we not appear to be mad, in venturing to affirm that in which we may be refuted? How much more are they to be judged mad and senseless, who imagine that they know natural things, which cannot be known by man! Rightly therefore did Socrates, and the Academics who followed him, take away knowledge, which is not the part of a disputant, but of a diviner. It remains that there is in philosophy conjecture only; for that from which knowledge is absent, is entirely occupied by conjecture. For every one conjectures that of which he is ignorant. But they who discuss natural subjects, conjecture that they are as they discuss them. Therefore they do not know the truth, because knowledge is concerned with that which is certain, conjecture with the uncertain.
Let us return to the example before mentioned. Come, let us conjecture about the state and character of that city which is unknown to us in all respects except in name. It is probable that it is situated on a plain, with walls of stone, lofty buildings, many streets, magnificent and highly adorned temples. Let us describe, if you please, the customs and deportment of the citizens. But when we shall have described these, another will make opposite statements; and when he also shall have concluded, a third will arise, and others after him; and they will make very different conjectures to those of ours. Which therefore of all is more true? Perhaps none of them. But all things have been mentioned which the nature of the circumstances admits, so that some one of them must necessarily be true. But it will not be known who has spoken the truth. It may possibly be that all have in some degree erred in their description, and that all have in some degree attained to the truth. Therefore we are foolish if we seek this by disputation; for some one may present himself who may deride our conjectures, and esteem us as mad, since we wish to conjecture the character of that which we do not know. But it is unnecessary to go in quest of remote cases, from which perhaps no one may come to refute us. Come, let us conjecture what is now going on in the forum, what in the senate-house. That also is too distant. Let us say what is taking place with the interposition of a single wall; no one can know this but he who has heard or seen it. No one therefore ventures to say this, because he will immediately be refuted not by words, but by the presence of the fact itself. But this is the very thing which philosophers do, who discuss what is taking place in heaven, but think that they do that with impunity, because there is no one to refute their errors. But if they were to think that some one was about to descend who would prove them to be mad and false, they would never discuss those subjects at all which they cannot possibly know. Nor, however, is their shamelessness and audacity to be regarded as more successful because they are not refuted; for God refutes them to whom alone the truth is known, although He may seem to connive at their conduct, and He reckons such wisdom of men as the greatest folly.
Duabus rebus videtur philosophia constare, scientia et opinatione, nec ulla alia re. Scientia ab ingenio venire non potest, ne cogitatione comprehendi; quia in seipso habere propriam scientiam, non hominis, sed Dei est. Mortalis autem natura non capit scientiam, nisi quae veniat extrinsecus. Idcirco enim oculos, et aures, et caeteros sensus patefecit in corpore divina solertia, ut per eos aditus scientia permanaret ad mentem. Nam causas naturalium rerum disquirere, aut scire velle: sol utrumne tantus, quantus videtur, an multis partibus major sit, quam omnis haec terra; item, luna globosa sit, an concava; et stellae utrumne adhaereant coelo, an per aerem libero cursu ferantur; coelum ipsum qua magnitudine, qua materia constet, utrum quietum sit et immobile, an incredibili celeritate volvatur; quanta sit terrae crassitudo, aut quibus fundamentis librata et suspensa sit. Haec, inquam, disputando, et conjecturis velle comprehendere, tale est profecto, quale si disserere velimus, qualem esse arbitremur cujuspiam remotissimae gentis urbem, quam nunquam vidimus, cujusque nihil aliud quam nomen audivimus. Si nobis in ea re scientiam vindicemus, quae non potest sciri, nonne insanire videamur, qui id affirmare audeamus, in quo revinci possimus? Quanto magis, qui naturalia, quae sciri ab homine non possunt, scire se putant, furiosi dementesque sunt judicandi. Recte ergo Socrates, et eum secuti Academici scientiam sustulerunt, quae non disputantis, sed divinantis est. Superest, ut opinatio in philosophia sola sit. Nam unde abest scientia, id totum possidet opinatio. Id enim opinatur quisque, quod nescit. Illi autem, qui de rebus naturalibus disputant, opinantur ita esse, ut disputant. Nesciunt igitur veritatem; quoniam scientia, certi est, opinatio, incerti.
Redeamus ad illud superius exemplum. Age, opinemur de statu et qualitate urbis illius, quae nobis rebus omnibus praeter nomen ignota est. Verisimile est, in plano sitam, lapideis moenibus, aedificiis sublimibus, viis pluribus, magnificis ornatisque delubris. Describamus, si placet, mores habitumque civium. Sed cum haec dixerimus, alius contraria disputabit; et cum hic quoque peroraverit, surget et tertius, et alii deinceps, et opiniabuntur multo disparia, quam nos sumus opinati. Quid ergo erit ex omnibus verius? fortasse nihil. At omnia sunt dicta, quae in rerum naturam cadunt; ut necesse sit aliquid eorum esse verum. At nescietur, quis verum dixerit. Potest fieri, ut omnes ex parte aliqua erraverint, ex parte attigerint veritatem. Stulti ergo sumus, si hoc disputatione quaeramus; potest enim supervenire aliquis, qui opiniones nostras derideat, nosque pro insanis habeat, qui velimus id, quod nescimus, quale sit, opinari. Verum non opus est longe posita conquirere, unde nemo fortasse veniat, qui nos redarguat. Age, opinemur, quid nunc in foro geratur, quid in curia; longum est id quoque: dicamus, interposito uno pariete quid fiat; nemo potest id scire, nisi qui audiverit, aut viderit. Nullus igitur audet id dicere, quia statim non verbis, sed re ipsa praesenti refutabitur. Atqui hoc idem faciunt philosophi, qui disputant in coelo quid agatur: sed eo se id impune facere arbitrantur, quia nullus existit, qui errores eorum coarguat. Quod si existimarent descensurum esse aliquem, qui eos delirare ac mentiri doceret, nunquam quidquam de iis rebus. quas scire non possunt, disputarent. Nec tamen ideo felicior putanda est eorum impudentia et audacia, quia non redarguuntur: redarguit enim Deus, cui soli veritas nota est, licet connivere videatur, eamque hominum sapientiam pro summa stultitia computat.
3.4 Chap. IV.—That knowledge is taken away by Socrates, and conjecture by Zeno PL 6, 356
Zeno and the Stoics, then, were right in repudiating conjecture. For to conjecture that you know that which you do not know, is not the part of a wise, but rather of a rash and foolish man. Therefore if nothing can be known, as Socrates taught, or ought to be conjectured, as Zeno taught, philosophy is entirely removed. Why should I say that it is not only overthrown by these two, who were the chiefs of philosophy, but by all, so that it now appears to have been long ago destroyed by its own arms? Philosophy has been divided into many sects; and they all entertain various sentiments. In which do we place the truth? It certainly cannot be in all. Let us point out some one; it follows that all the others will be without wisdom. Let us pass through them separately; in the same manner, whatever we shall give to one we shall take away from the others. For each particular sect overturns all others, to confirm itself and its own doctrines: nor does it allow wisdom to any other, lest it should confess that it is itself foolish; but as it takes away others, so is it taken away itself by all others. For they are nevertheless philosophers who accuse it of folly. Whatever sect you shall praise and pronounce true, that is censured by philosophers as false. Shall we therefore believe one which praises itself and its doctrine, or the many which blame the ignorance of each other? That must of necessity be better which is held by great numbers, than that which is held by one only. For no one can rightly judge concerning himself, as the renowned poet testifies; for the nature of men is so arranged, that they see and distinguish the affairs of others better than their own. Since, therefore, all things are uncertain, we must either believe all or none: if we are to believe no one, then the wise have no existence, because while they separately affirm different things they think themselves wise; if all, it is equally true that there are no wise men, because all deny the wisdom of each individually. Therefore all are in this manner destroyed; and as those fabled sparti of the poets, so these men mutually slay one another, so that no one remains of all; which happens on this account, because they have a sword, but have no shield. If, therefore, the sects individually are convicted of folly by the judgment of many sects, it follows that all are found to be vain and empty; and thus philosophy consumes and destroys itself. And since Arcesilas the founder of the Academy understood this, he collected together the mutual censures of all, and the confession of ignorance made by distinguished philosophers, and armed himself against all. Thus he established a new philosophy of not philosophizing. From this founder, therefore, there began to be two kinds of philosophy: one the old one, which claims to itself knowledge; the other a new one, opposed to the former, and which detracts from it. Between these two kinds of philosophy I see that there is disagreement, and as it were civil war. On which side shall we place wisdom, which cannot be torn asunder? If the nature of things can be known, this troop of recruits will perish; if it cannot, the veterans will be destroyed: if they shall be equal, nevertheless philosophy, the guide of all, will still perish, because it is divided; for nothing can be opposed to itself without its own destruction. But if, as I have shown, there can be no inner and peculiar knowledge in man on account of the frailty of the human condition, the party of Arcesilas prevails. But not even will this stand firm, because it cannot be the case that nothing at all is known.
Recte igitur Zeno ac Stoici opinationem repudiarunt. Opinari enim te scire, quod nescias, non est sapientis, sed temerarii potius, ac stulti. Ergo si neque sciri quidquam potest, ut Socrates docuit, nec opinari oportet ut Zeno, tota philosophia sublata est. Quid, quod non tantum ab his duobus evertitur, qui philosophiae principes fuerunt, sed ab omnibus; ut jam videatur, jampridem suis armis esse confecta. In multas sectas philosophia divisa est; et omnes varia sentiunt. In qua ponimus veritatem? in omnibus certe non potest. Designemus quamlibet: nempe in caeteris omnibus sapientia non erit. Transeamus ad singulas: eodem modo, quidquid uni dabimus, caeteris auferemus. Unaquaeque enim secta omnes alias evertit, ut se suaque confirmet; nec ulli alteri sapere concedit, ne se desipere fateatur: sed sicut alias tollit, sic ipsa quoque ab aliis tollitur omnibus. Nihilominus enim philosophi sunt, qui eam stultitiae accusant. Quamcumque laudaveris, veramque dixeris, a philosophis vituperatur, ut falsa. Credemusne igitur uni sese suamque doctrinam laudanti, an multis unius alterius ignorantiam culpantibus? Rectius sit necesse est, quod plurimi sentiunt, quam quod unus. Nemo enim potest de se recte judicare, quod nobilis poeta testatur. Ita enim comparatam esse hominum naturam omnium, aliena ut melius videant, et dijudicent quam sua. Cum igitur omnia incerta sint, aut omnibus credendum est, aut nemini: si nemini, sapientes ergo non sunt, quia singuli diversa affirmantes, sapientes esse se putant: si omnibus, aeque non sunt sapientes, quia singuli ab omnibus esse negantur sapientes. Pereunt igitur universi hoc modo, et tanquam sparti illi poetarum, sic se invicem jugulant, ut nemo ex omnibus restet: quod eo fit, quia gladium habent, scutum non habent.
Si ergo singulae sectae multarum sectarum judicio stultitiae convincuntur, omnes igitur vanae, atque inanes reperiuntur: ita seipsam philosophia consumit, et conficit. Quod cum intelligeret Arcesilas Academiae conditor, reprehensiones omnium inter se collegit, confessionemque ignorantiae clarorum philosophorum, armavitque se adversus omnes. Ita constituit novam non philosophandi philosophiam. Eo igitur auctore, duo philosophiae genera esse coeperunt: unum, illud vetus, quod scientiam sibi vendicat; alterum, novum repugnans, quod eam detrahit. In his duobus generibus video dissidium, et quasi civile bellum. Sapientiam, quae detrahi non potest, in qua parte ponemus? Si natura rerum sciri potest, haec tironum caterva interibit; si non potest, veterani conficientur: si pares fuerint, nihilominus peribit dux omnium philosophia, quia detracta est; nihil enim potest sine interitu sibi esse contrarium. Si autem, ut docui, nulla potest esse in homine interna et propria scientia, ob fragilitatem conditionis humanae, Arcesilae manus vincit. Sed ne ipsa quidem stabit, quia non potest omnino nihil sciri.
3.5 Chap. V.—That the knowledge of many things is necessary PL 6, 358
For there are many things which nature itself, and frequent use, and the necessity of life, compel us to know. Accordingly you must perish, unless you know what things are useful for life, in order that you may seek them; and what are dangerous, that you may shun and avoid them. Moreover, there are many things which experience finds out. For the various courses of the sun and moon, and the motions of the stars, and the computation of times, have been discovered, and the nature of bodies, and the strength of herbs by students of medicine, and by the cultivators of the land the nature of soils, and signs of future rains and tempests have been collected. In short, there is no art which is not dependent on knowledge. Therefore Arcesilas ought, if he had any wisdom, to have distinguished the things which were capable of being known, and those which were incapable. But if he had done this, he would have reduced himself to the common herd. For the common people have sometimes more wisdom, because they are only so far wise as is necessary. And if you inquire of them whether they know anything or nothing, they will say that they know the things which they know, and will confess that they are ignorant of what they are ignorant. He was right, therefore, in taking away the systems of others, but he was not right in laying the foundations of his own. For ignorance of all things cannot be wisdom, the peculiar property of which is knowledge. And thus, when he overcame the philosophers, and taught that they knew nothing, he himself also lost the name of philosopher, because his system is to know nothing. For he who blames others because they are ignorant, ought himself to have knowledge; but when he knows nothing, what perverseness or what insolence it is, to constitute himself a philosopher on account of that very thing for which he takes away the others! For it is in their power to answer thus: If you convict us of knowing nothing, and therefore of being unwise because we know nothing, does it follow that you are not wise, because you confess that you know nothing? What progress, therefore, did Arcesilas make, except that, having despatched all the philosophers, he pierced himself also with the same sword?
Sunt enim multa, quae natura ipsa nos scire, et usus frequens, et vitae necessitas cogit. Itaque pereundum est, nisi scias, quae ad vitam sunt utilia, ut appetas, quae periculosa, ut fugias et vites. Praeterea multa sunt, quae usus invenit. Nam solis ac lunae varii cursus, et meatus siderum, et ratio temporum deprehensa est, et natura corporum a medicis, herbarumque vires, et ab agricolis natura terrarum, nec non imbrium futurorum, ac tempestatum signa collecta sunt. Nulla denique ars est, quae non scientia constet. Debuit ergo Arcesilas, si quid saperet, distinguere, quae sciri possent, quaeve nesciri. Sed si id fecisset, ipse se in populum redegisset. Nam vulgus interdum plus sapit; quia tantum, quantum opus est sapit. A quo si quaeras, utrum sciat aliquid, an nihil, dicet se scire, quae sciat, fatebitur se nescire, quae nesciat. Recte ergo aliorum sustulit disciplinas, sed non recte fundavit suam. Ignoratio enim rerum omnium non potest esse sapientia, cujus est scire proprium. Ita cum philosophos expugnaverit, ac docuerit eos nihil scire, ipse quoque nomen philosophi perdidit; quia doctrina ejus est nihil scire. Nam qui alios reprehendit, quod nesciant, ipse debet sciens esse. Cum autem nihil sciat, quae perversitas, quaeve insolentia est, ob id ipsum se philosophum constituere, propter quod caeteros tollat? Possunt enim sic respondere: Si nihil nos scire convincis, et ideo non esse sapientes, quia nihil sciamus; ergone tu quidem es sapiens, quia te quoque confiteris nihil scire? Quid ergo promovit Arcesilas, nisi quod confectis omnibus philosophis, seipsum quoque eodem mucrone transfixit?
3.6 Chap. VI.—Of wisdom, and the academics, and natural philosophy PL 6, 359
Does wisdom therefore nowhere exist? Yes, indeed, it was amongst them, but no one saw it. Some thought that all things could be known: these were manifestly not wise. Others thought that nothing could be known; nor indeed were these wise: the former, because they attributed too much to man; the latter, because they attributed too little. A limit was wanting to each on either side. Where, then, is wisdom? It consists in thinking neither that you know all things, which is the property of God; nor that you are ignorant of all things, which is the part of a beast. For it is something of a middle character which belongs to man, that is, knowledge united and combined with ignorance. Knowledge in us is from the soul, which has its origin from heaven; ignorance from the body, which is from the earth: whence we have something in common with God, and with the animal creation. Thus, since we are composed of these two elements, the one of which is endowed with light, the other with darkness, a part of knowledge is given to us, and a part of ignorance. Over this bridge, so to speak, we may pass without any danger of falling; for all those who have inclined to either side, either towards the left hand or the right, have fallen. But I will say how each part has erred. The Academics argued from obscure subjects, against the natural philosophers, that there was no knowledge; and satisfied with the examples of a few incomprehensible subjects, they embraced ignorance as though they had taken away the whole of knowledge, because they had taken it away in part. But natural philosophers, on the other hand, derived their argument from those things which are open, and inferred that all things could be known, and, satisfied with things which were manifest, retained knowledge; as if they had defended it altogether, because they had defended it in part. And thus neither the one saw what was clear, nor the others what was obscure; but each party, while they contended with the greatest ardour either to retain or to take away knowledge only, did not see that there would be placed in the middle that which might guide them to wisdom.
But Arcesilas, who teaches that there is no knowledge, when he was detracting from Zeno, the chief of the Stoics, that he might altogether overthrow philosophy on the authority of Socrates, undertook this opinion to affirm that nothing could be known. And thus he disproved the judgment of the philosophers, who had thought that the truth was drawn forth, and found out by their talents,—namely, because that wisdom was mortal, and, having been instituted a few ages before, had now attained to its greatest increase, so that it was now necessarily growing old and perishing, the Academy suddenly arose, the old age, as it were, of philosophy, which might despatch it now withering. And Arcesilas rightly saw that they are arrogant, or rather foolish, who imagine that the knowledge of the truth can be arrived at by conjecture. But no one can refute one speaking falsely, unless he who shall have previously known what is true; but Arcesilas, endeavouring to do this without a knowledge of the truth, introduced a kind of philosophy which we may call unstable or inconstant. For, that nothing may be known, it is necessary that something be known. For if you know nothing at all, the very knowledge that nothing can be known will be taken away. Therefore he who pronounces as a sentiment that nothing is known, professes, as it were, some conclusion already arrived at and known: therefore it is possible for something to be known.
Of a similar character to this is that which is accustomed to be proposed in the schools as an example of the kind of fallacy called asystaton; that some one had dreamt that he should not believe dreams. For if he did believe them, then it follows that he ought not to believe them. But if he did not believe them, then it follows that he ought to believe them. Thus, if nothing can be known, it is necessary that this fact must be known, that nothing is known. But if it is known that nothing can be known, the statement that nothing can be known must as a consequence be false. Thus there is introduced a tenet opposed to itself, and destructive of itself. But the evasive man wished to take away learning from the other philosophers, that he might conceal it at his home. For truly he is not for taking it from himself who affirms anything that he may take it from others: but he does not succeed; for it shows itself, and betrays its plunderer. How much more wisely and truly he would act, if he should make an exception, and say that the causes and systems of heavenly things only, or natural things, because they are hidden, cannot be known, for there is no one to teach them; and ought not to be inquired into, for they cannot be found out by inquiry! For if he had brought forward this exception, he would both have admonished the natural philosophers not to search into those things which exceeded the limit of human reflection; and would have freed himself from the ill-will arising from calumny, and would certainly have left us something to follow. But now, since he has drawn us back from following others, that we may not wish to know more than we are capable of knowing, he has no less drawn us back from himself also. For who would wish to labour lest he should know anything? or to undertake learning of this kind that he may even lose ordinary knowledge? For if this learning exists, it must necessarily consist of knowledge; if it does not exist, who is so foolish as to think that that is worthy of being learned, in which either nothing is learned, or something is even unlearned? Wherefore, if all things cannot be known, as the natural philosophers thought, nor nothing, as the Academics taught, philosophy is altogether extinguished.
Nusquam ne igitur sapientia est? Immo vero inter ipsos fuit: sed nemo vidit. Alii putaverunt, sciri posse omnia; hi sapientes utique non fuerunt; alii nihil, ne hi quidem sapientes fuerunt; illi, quia plus homini dederunt; hi, quia minus: utrisque in utramque partem modus defuit. Ubi ergo sapientia est? Ut neque te omnia scire putes, quod Dei est, neque omnia nescire, quod pecudis. Est enim aliquod medium, quod sit hominis, id est scientia cum ignoratione conjuncta et temperata. Scientia in nobis ab animo est, qui oritur e coelo; ignoratio a corpore, quod est e terra: unde nobis et cum Deo, et cum animalibus est aliqua communitas. Ita quoniam ex his duobos constamus elementis, quorum alterum luce praeditum est, alterum tenebris; pars nobis data est scientiae, pars ignorantiae. Per hunc quasi pontem transire sine cadendi periculo licet; nam illi omnes, qui se in alteram partem inclinaverunt, aut dextro, aut sinistro versus ceciderunt. Utraque autem pars quomodo erraverit, dicam. Academici contra Physicos ex rebus obscuris argumentati sunt, nullam esse scientiam, et exemplis paucarum rerum incomprehensibilium contenti, amplexi sunt ignorantiam; tanquam scientiam totam sustulissent, quia in parte sustulerant. Physici contra ex iis, quae aperta sunt, argumentum trahebant, omnia sciri posse, contentique perspicuis, retinebant scientiam; tanquam totam defendissent, quia ex parte defenderant. Itaque neque hi clara, neque illi obscura viderunt: sed utrique, dum solam scientiam consertis manibus vel retinent, vel eripiunt, non viderunt, in medio constitutam fore, quae illos ad sapientiam transmitteret.
Verum Arcesilas ignorantiae magister, cum Zenoni obtrectaret principi Stoicorum, ut totam philosophiam everteret, auctore Socrate, suscepit hanc sententiam, ut affirmaret nihil sciri posse. Itaque coarguit existimationem philosophorum, qui putassent ingeniis suis erutam esse, atque inventam veritatem: videlicet, quia mortalis fuerat illa sapientia, paucisque ante temporibus instituta, ad summum jam incrementum pervenerat, ut jam necessario consenesceret, ac periret, repente extitit Academia, tanquam senectus philosophiae, quae illam conficeret jam deflorescentem. Recteque vidit Arcesilas, arrogantes, vel potius stultos esse, qui putent, scientiam veritatis conjectura posse comprehendi. Sed tamen falsa dicentem redarguere non potest, nisi qui scierit ante, quid sit verum: quod Arcesilas veritate non cognita facere conatus, introduxit genus philosophiae ἀσύστατον quod latine instabile, sive inconstans possumus dicere. Ut enim nihil sciendum sit, aliquid sciri necesse est. Nam si omnino nihil scias, id ipsum, nihil sciri posse, tolletur. Itaque qui velut sententiae loco pronuntiat, nihil sciri, tanquam praeceptum profitetur et cognitum, ergo aliquid sciri potest.
Huic simile est illud, quod in scholis proponi solet in asystati generis exemplum; somniasse quemdam, ne somniis crederet. Si enim crediderit, tum sequitur ut credendum non sit. Si autem non crediderit, tunc sequitur ut credendum sit. Ita si nihil sciri potest, necesse est, id ipsum sciri, quod nihil sciatur. Si autem scitur, posse nihil sciri, falsum est ergo, quod dicitur, nihil posse sciri. Sic inducitur dogma sibi ipsi repugnans, seque dissolvens. Sed homo versutus, caeteris philosophis voluit scientiam eripere, ut eam domi absconderet. Nam sibi illam profecto non adimit, qui aliquid affirmat, ut caeteris adimat: sed nihil agit; apparet enim, ac furem suum prodit. Quanto faceret sapientius ac verius, si exceptione facta, diceret, causas rationesque duntaxat rerum coelestium, seu naturalium, quia sunt abditae, nec sciri posse, quia nullus doceat, nec quaeri oportere, quia inveniri quaerendo non possunt. Qua exceptione interposita, et physicos admonuisset, ne quaererent ea quae modum excederent cogitationis humanae; et seipsum calumniae invidia liberasset; et nobis certe dedisset aliquid, quod sequeremur. Nunc autem cum ab illis sequendis nos retraxerit, ne velimus plus scire, quam possumus, non minus a se quoque ipso retraxit. Quis enim velit laborare, ne quidquam sciat? aut ejusmodi suscipere doctrinam, ut etiam communem scientiam perdat? Quae si doctrina est, scientia constet necesse est; si non est, quis tam stultus est, ut discendum id putet, in quo aut nihil discitur aut etiam dediscitur? Quare si neque omnia sciri possunt, quod physici putaverunt, neque nihil, quod Academici, philosophia omnis extincta est.
3.7 Chap. VII.—Of moral philosophy, and the chief good PL 6, 362
Let us now pass to the other part of philosophy, which they themselves call moral, in which is contained the method of the whole of philosophy, since in natural philosophy there is only delight, in this there is utility also. And since it is more dangerous to commit a fault in arranging the condition of life and in forming the character, greater diligence must be used, that we may know how we ought to live. For in the former subject some indulgence may be granted: for whether they say anything, they bestow no advantage; or if they foolishly rave, they do no injury. But in this subject there is no room for difference of opinion, none for error. All must entertain the same sentiments, and philosophy itself must give instructions as it were with one mouth; because if any error shall be committed, life is altogether overthrown. In that former part, as there is less danger, so there is more difficulty; because the obscurity of the subject compels us to entertain different and various opinions. But in this, as there is more danger, so there is less difficulty; because the very use of the subjects and daily experiments are able to teach what is truer and better. Let us see, therefore, whether they agree, or what assistance they give us for the better guidance of life. It is not necessary to enlarge on every point; let us select one, and especially that which is the chief and principal thing, in which the whole of wisdom centres and depends. Epicurus deems that the chief good consists in pleasure of mind, Aristippus in pleasure of the body. Callipho and Dinomachus united virtue with pleasure, Diodorus with the privation of pain, Hieronymus placed the chief good in the absence of pain; the Peripatetics, again, in the goods of the mind, the body, and fortune. The chief good of Herillus is knowledge; that of Zeno, to live agreeably to nature; that of certain Stoics, to follow virtue. Aristotle placed the chief good in integrity and virtue. These are the sentiments of nearly all. In such a difference of opinions, whom do we follow? whom do we believe? All are of equal authority. If we are able to select that which is better, it follows that philosophy is not necessary for us; because we are already wise, inasmuch as we judge respecting the opinions of the wise. But since we come for the sake of learning wisdom, how can we judge, who have not yet begun to be wise? especially when the Academic is close at hand, to draw us back by the cloak, and forbid us to believe any one, without bringing forward that which we may follow.
Transeamus nunc ad alteram philosophiae partem, quam ipsi moralem vocant, in qua totius philosophiae ratio continetur; si quidem in illa physica sola oblectatio est, in hac etiam utilitas. Et quoniam in disponendo vitae statu, formandisque moribus, periculo majori peccatur, majorem diligentiam necesse est adhiberi, ut sciamus quomodo nos oporteat vivere. Illic enim potest venia concedi; quia sive aliquid dicunt, nihil prosunt, sive delirant, nihil nocent. Hic vero nullus dissidio, nullus errori est locus. Unum sentire omnes oportet, ipsamque philosophiam uno quasi ore praecipere; quia si quid fuerit erratum, vita omnis evertitur. In illa priori parte ut periculi minus, ita plus difficultatis est; quod obscura rerum ratio cogit diversa et varia sentire. Hic ut periculi plus, ita minus dificultatis; quod ipse usus rerum et quotidiana experimenta possunt docere, quid sit verius, et melius. Videamus ergo, utrumne consentiant, aut quid nobis afferant, quo rectius vita degatur. Non necesse est omnia circuire. unum eligamus, ac potissimum, quod est summum ac principale, in quo totius sapentiae cardo versatur. Epicurus summum bonum in voluptate animi esse censet; Aristippus in voluptate corporis; Callipho et Dinomachus honestatem cum voluptate junxerunt; Diodorus cum privatione doloris. Summum bonum posuit Hieronymus in non dolendo; peripatetici autem in bonis animi, et corporis, et fortunae. Herilli summum bonum est scientia; Zenonis, cum natura congruenter vivere: quorumdam stoicorum, virtutem sequi; Aristoteles in honestate ac virtute summum bonum collocavit. Hae sunt fere omnium sententiae. In tanta diversitate, quem sequimur? cui credimus? Par est in omnibus auctoritas. Si eligere possumus quod est melius, jam non est philosophia nobis necessaria, quia sapientes jam sumus, qui de sapientium sententiis judicemus. Cum vero discendae sapientiae causa veniamus, qui possumus judicare, qui nondum sapere coeperimus? maxime cum praesto adsit academicus, qui nos pallio retrahat, ac vetet cuiquam credere, nec tamen afferat ipse quod sequamur.
3.8 Chap. VIII.—Of the chief good, and the pleasures of the soul and body, and of virtue PL 6, 365
What then remains, but that we leave raving and obstinate wranglers, and come to the judge, who is in truth the giver of simple and calm wisdom? which is able not only to mould us, and lead us into the way, but also to pass an opinion on the controversies of those men. This teaches us what is the true and highest good of man; but before I begin to speak on this subject, all those opinions must be refuted, that it may appear that no one of those philosophers was wise. Since the inquiry is respecting the duty of man, the chief good of the chief animal ought to be placed in that which it cannot have in common with the other animals. But as teeth are the peculiar property of wild beasts, horns of cattle, and wings of birds, so something peculiar to himself ought to be attributed to man, without which he would lose the fixed order of his condition. For that which is given to all for the purpose of life or generation, is indeed a natural good; but still it is not the greatest, unless it be peculiar to each class. Therefore he was not a wise man who believed that pleasure of the mind is the chief good, since that, whether it be freedom from anxiety or joy, is common to all. I do not consider Aristippus even worthy of an answer; for since he is always rushing into pleasures of the body, and is only the slave of sensual indulgences, no one can regard him as a man: for he lived in such a manner that there was no difference between him and a brute, except this only, that he had the faculty of speech. But if the power of speaking were given to the ass, or the dog, or swine, and you were to inquire from these why they so furiously pursue the females, that they can scarcely be separated from them, and even neglect their food and I drink; why they either drive away other males, or do not abstain from the pursuit even when vanquished, but often, when bruised by stronger animals, they are more determined in their pursuit; why they dread neither rain nor cold; why they undertake labour, and do not shrink from danger;—what other answer will they give, but that the chief good is bodily pleasure?—that they eagerly seek it, in order that they may be affected with the most agreeable sensations; and that these are of so much importance, that, for the sake of attaining them, they imagine that no labour, nor wounds, nor death itself, ought to be refused by them? Shall we then seek precepts of living from these men, who have no other feelings than those of the irrational creatures?
The Cyrenaics say that virtue itself is to be praised on this account, because it is productive of pleasure. True, says the filthy dog, or the swine wallowing in the mire. For it is on this account that I contend with my adversary with the utmost exertion of strength, that my valour may procure for me pleasure; of which I must necessarily be deprived if I shall come off vanquished. Shall we therefore learn wisdom from these men, who differ from cattle and the brutes, not in feeling, but in language? To regard the absence of pain as the chief good, is not indeed the part of Peripatetic and Stoic, but of clinical philosophers. For who would not imagine that the discussion was carried on by those who were ill, and under the influence of some pain? What is so ridiculous, as to esteem that the chief good which the physician is able to give? We must therefore feel pain in order that we may enjoy good; and that, too, severely and frequently, that afterwards the absence of pain may be attended with greater pleasure. He is therefore most wretched who has never felt pain, because he is without that which is good; whereas we used to regard him as most happy, because he was without evil. He was not far distant from this folly, who said that the entire absence of pain was the chief good. For, besides the fact that every animal avoids pain, who can bestow upon himself that good, towards the obtaining of which we can do no more than wish? But the chief good cannot make any one happy, unless it shall be always in his power; and it is not virtue, nor learning, nor labour, which affords this to man, but nature herself bestows it upon all living creatures. They who joined pleasure with virtuous principle, wished to avoid this common blending together of all, but they made a contradictory kind of good; since he who is abandoned to pleasure must of necessity be destitute of virtuous principle, and he who aims at principle must be destitute of pleasure.
The chief good of the Peripatetics may possibly appear excessive, various, and—excepting those goods which belong to the mind, and what they are is a great subject of dispute—common to man with the beasts. For goods belonging to the body—that is, safety, freedom from pain, health—are no less necessary for dumb creatures than for man; and I know not if they are not more necessary for them, because man can be relieved by remedies and services, the dumb animals cannot. The same is true of those which they call the goods of fortune; for as man has need of resources for the support of life, so have they need of prey and pasture. Thus, by introducing a good which is not within the power of man, they made man altogether subject to the power of another. Let us also hear Zeno, for he at times dreams of virtue. The chief good, he says, is to live in accordance with nature. Therefore we must live after the manner of the brutes. For in these are found all the things which ought to be absent from man: they are eager for pleasures, they fear, they deceive, they lie in wait, they kill; and that which is especially to the point, they have no knowledge of God. Why, therefore, does he teach me to live according to nature, which is of itself prone to a worse course, and under the influence of some more soothing blandishments plunges headlong into vices? Or if he says that the nature of brutes is different from the nature of man, because man is born to virtue, he says something to the purpose; but, however, it will not be a definition of the chief good, because there is no animal which does not live in accordance with its nature.
He who made knowledge the chief good, gave something peculiar to man; but men desire knowledge for the sake of something else, and not for its own sake. For who is contented with knowing, without seeking some advantage from his knowledge? The arts are learned for the purpose of being put into exercise; but they are exercised either for the support of life, or pleasure, or for glory. That, therefore, is not the chief good which is not sought for on its own account. What difference, therefore, does it make, whether we consider knowledge to be the chief good, or those very things which knowledge produces from itself, that is, means of subsistence, glory, pleasure? And these things are not peculiar to man, and therefore they are not the chief goods; for the desire of pleasure and of food does not exist in man alone, but also in the brutes. How is it with regard to the desire of glory? Is it not discovered in horses, since they exult in victory, and are grieved when vanquished? “So great is their love of praises, so great is their eagerness for victory.” Nor without reason does that most excellent poet say that we must try “what grief they feel when overcome, and how they rejoice in victory.” But if those things which knowledge produces are common to man with other animals, it follows that knowledge is not the chief good. Moreover, it is no slight fault of this definition that bare knowledge is set forth. For all will begin to appear happy who shall have the knowledge of any art, even those who shall know mischievous subjects; so that he who shall have learned to mix poisons, is as happy as he who has learned to apply remedies. I ask, therefore, to what subject knowledge is to be referred. If to the causes of natural things, what happiness will be proposed to me, if I shall know the sources of the Nile, or the vain dreams of the natural philosophers respecting the heaven? Why should I mention that on these subjects there is no knowledge, but mere conjecture, which varies according to the abilities of men? It only remains that the knowledge of good and evil things is the chief good. Why, then, did he call knowledge the chief good more than wisdom, when both words have the same signification and meaning? But no one has yet said that the chief good is wisdom, though this might more properly have been said. For knowledge is insufficient for the undertaking of that which is good and avoiding that which is evil, unless virtue also is added. For many of the philosophers, though they discussed the nature of good and evil things, yet from the compulsion of nature lived in a manner different from their discourse, because they were without virtue. But virtue united with knowledge is wisdom.
It remains that we refute those also who judged virtue itself to be the chief good, and Marcus Tullius was also of this opinion; and in this they were very inconsiderate. For virtue itself is not the chief good, but it is the contriver and mother of the chief good; for this cannot be attained without virtue. Each point is easily understood. For I ask whether they imagine that it is easy to arrive at that distinguished good, or that it is reached only with difficulty and labour? Let them apply their ingenuity, and defend error. If it is easily attained to, and without labour, it cannot be the chief good. For why should we torment ourselves, why wear ourselves out with striving day and night, seeing that the object of our pursuit is so close at hand, that any one who wishes may grasp it without any effort of the mind? But if we do not attain even to a common and moderate good except by labour, since good things are by their nature arduous and difficult, whereas evil things have a downward tendency, it follows that the greatest labour is necessary for the attainment of the greatest good. And if this is most true, then there is need of another virtue, that we may arrive at that virtue which is called the chief good; but this is incongruous and absurd, that virtue should arrive at itself by means of itself. If no good can be reached unless by labour, it is evident that it is virtue by which it is reached, since the force and office of virtue consist in the undertaking and carrying through of labours. Therefore the chief good cannot be that by which it is necessary to arrive at another. But they, since they were ignorant of the effects and tendency of virtue, and could discover nothing more honourable, stopped at the very name of virtue, and said that it ought to be sought, though no advantage was proposed from it; and thus they fixed for themselves a good which itself stood in need of a good. From these Aristotle was not far removed, who thought that virtue together with honour was the chief good; as though it were possible for any virtue to exist unless it were honourable, and as though it would not cease to be virtue if it had any measure of disgrace. But he saw that it might happen that a bad opinion is entertained respecting virtue by a depraved judgment, and therefore he thought that deference should be paid to what in the estimation of men constitutes a departure from what is right and good, because it is not in our power that virtue should be honoured simply for its own deserts. For what is honourable character, except perpetual honour, conferred on any one by the favourable report of the people? What, then, will happen, if through the error and perverseness of men a bad reputation should ensue? Shall we cast aside virtue because it is judged to be base and disgraceful by the foolish? And since it is capable of being oppressed and harassed, in order that it may be of itself a peculiar and lasting good, it ought to stand in need of no outward assistance, so as not to depend by itself upon its own strength, and to remain stedfast. And thus no good is to be hoped by it from man, nor is any evil to be refused.
Quid ergo superest, nisi ut, omissis litigatoribus furiosis ac pertinacibus, veniamus ad judicem illum, scilicet datorem simplicis et quietae sapientiae? Quae non tantum formare nos, ac inducere in viam possit, verum etiam de controversiis istorum ferre sententiam. Haec nos docet, quid sit hominis verum ac summum bonum: de quo priusquam dicere incipio, illae omnes sententiae sunt refellendae, ut appareat neminem illorum fuisse sapientem. Cum de officio hominis agatur, oportet summum summi animalis bonum in eo constitui, quod commune cum caeteris animalibus esse non possit. Sed ut feris dentes, armentis cornua, volucribus pennae, propria sunt: sic homini aliquid suum debet adscribi, sine quo rationem suae conditionis amittat. Nam quod vivendi aut generandi causa datum est omnibus, est quidem bonum naturale; summum tamen non est, nisi quod est unicuique generi proprium. Sapiens ergo non fuit qui summum bonum credidit animi voluptatem, quoniam illa sive securitas, sive gaudium est, communis est omnibus. Aristippo ne respondendum quidem duco, quem semper in corporis voluptates ruentem, nihilque aliud quam ventri et Veneri servientem, nemini dubium est hominem non fuisse; sic enim vixit, ut nihil inter eum pecudemque distaret, nisi unum, quod loquebatur. Quod si asino, aut cani, aut sui facultas loquendi tribuatur, quaerasque ab his, quid sibi velint, cum feminas tam rabide consectantur, ut vix divelli queant, cibos etiam, potumque negligant? cur aut alios mares violenter abigant, aut ne victi quidem absistant, sed a fortioribus saepe contriti, eo magis insectentur? cur nec imbres, nec frigora pertimescant, laborem suscipiant, periculum non recusent? Quid aliud respondebunt, nisi summum bonum esse corporis voluptatem? eam se appetere, ut afficiantur suavissimis sensibus; eosque esse tanti, ut assequendorum causa, nec laborem sibi ullum, nec vulnera, nec mortem ipsam recusandam putent. Ab hisne igitur praecepta vivendi petemus, qui hoc idem sentiunt, quod animae rationis expertes?
Aiunt Cyrenaici virtutem ipsam ex eo esse laudandam, quod sit efficiens voluptatis. Verum, inquit obscoenus canis, aut sus ille lutulentus. Nam ideo cum adversario summa virium contentione depugno, ut virtus mea pariat mihi voluptatem, cujus expers sim necesse est, si victus abcessero. Ab his ergo sapere discemus, quos a pecudibus ac belluis, non sententia, sed lingua discernit? Privationem doloris summum bonum putare, non plane peripateticorum ac stoicorum, sed clinicorum philosophorum est. Quis enim non intelligat ab aegrotis et in aliquo dolore positis esse hoc disputatum? Quid tam ridiculum, quam id habere pro summo bono, quod medicus possit dare? Dolendum est ergo, ut fruamur bono, et quidem graviter ac saepe, ut sit postea, non dolere, jucundius. Miserrimus est igitur, qui nunquam doluit; quia bono caret: quem nos felicissimum putabamus, quia malo caruit. Ab hac vanitate non longe abfuit, qui, omnino nihil dolere, summum bonum dixit. Nam praeter quod omne animal doloris est fugiens, quis potest sibi hoc bonum praestare, quod nobis ut eveniat, nihil aliud possumus quam optare? Summum autem bonum non potest efficere quemquam beatum, nisi semper fuerit in ipsius potestate: hoc autem non virtus homini, non doctrina, non labor, sed natura ipsa cunctis animantibus praestat. Qui voluptatem cum honestate junxerunt, communionem hanc effugere voluerunt, sed effecerunt repugnans bonum; quoniam qui voluptati deditus est, honestate careat necesse est, qui honestati studet, voluptate.
Peripateticorum bonum nimium multiplex, et exceptis animi bonis, quae ipsa quae sint, magna contentio est, commune cum belluis potest videri. Nam corporis bona, id est, incolumitas, indolentia, valetudo, non minus sunt mutis, quam homini necessaria; ac nescio an etiam magis, quia homo et medelis, et ministeriis sublevari potest, muta non possunt. Item, quae appellant fortunae bona; nam sicut homini opibus ad vitam tuendam, ita illis praeda et pabulis opus est. Ita inducendo bonum, quod non sit in hominis potestate, totum hominem alienae ditioni subjugarunt. Audianeus etiam Zenonem; nam is interdum virtutem somniat. Summum, inquit, est bonum, cum natura consentanee vivere. Belluarum igitur nobis more vivendum est. Nam quae abesse debent ab homine, in iis omnia deprehenduntur: voluptates appetunt, metuunt, fallunt, insidiantur, occidunt; et, quod ad rem maxime attinet, Deum nesciunt. Quid ergo me docet, ut vivam secundum naturam, quae ipsa in deterius prona est, et quibusdam blandimentis lenioribus in vitia praecipitat? Vel si aliam mutorum, aliam hominis dicit esse naturam, quod homo ad virtutem sit genitus, nonnihil dicit: sed tamen non erit definitio summi boni; quia nullum est animal, quod non secundum naturam suam vivat.
Qui scientiam summum bonum fecit, aliquid homini proprium dedit: sed scientiam alterius rei gratia homines appetunt, non propter ipsam. Quis enim scire contentus est, non expetens aliquem fructum scientiae? Artes ideo discuntur, ut exerceantur: exercentur autem, vel ad subsidia vitae, vel ad voluptatem, vel ad gloriam. Non est igitur summum bonum, quod non propter se expetitur. Quid ergo interest utrum scientiam summum bonum putemus, an illa ipsa, quae scientia ex se parit, id est, victum, gloriam, voluptatem? quae non sunt homini propria, et ideo ne summa quidem bona. Nam voluptatis et victus appetentia non homini solum, sed etiam mutis inest. Quid cupiditas gloriae? nonne in equis deprehenditur, cum victores exultant, victi dolent? Tantus amor laudum, tantae est victoria curae. Nec immerito summus poeta experiendum esse ait, Et quis cuique dolor victo, quae gloria palmae. Quod si ea, quae parit scientia, communia sunt cum aliis animalibus, non est ergo summum bonum scientia. Praeterea non mediocre hujus definitionis est vitium quod scientia nuda ponitur. Incipient enim beati omnes videri, qui artem aliquam scierint, immo vero qui et res malas scierint; ut tam beatus sit, qui venena didicerit temperare, quam qui mederi. Quaero igitur, ad quam rem scientia referenda sit? Si ad causas rerum naturalium, quae beatitudo erit mihi proposita, si sciero unde Nilus oriatur, vel quidquid de coelo physici delirant? Quid, quod earum rerum non est scientia, sed opinatio, quae pro ingeniis varia est. Restat ut scientia bonorum ac malorum summum bonum sit. Cur ergo scientiam maluit, quam ipsam sapientiam summum bonum dicere, cum sit utriusque significatio et vis eadem? Nemo tamen usque adhuc summum bonum dixit esse sapientiam, quod melius dici potuit. Nam scientia parum est ad bonum suscipiendum, malumque fugiendum nisi accedat et virtus. Multi enim philosophorum, cum de bonis, malisque dissererent, aliter tamen, quam loquebantur, natura cogente, vixerunt, quia virtute caruerunt. Virtus autem cum scientia conjucta est sapientia.
Superest ut eos etiam refellamus qui virtutem ipsam summum bonum putaverunt, in qua opinione etiam M. Tullius fuit; in quo multum inconsiderati fuerunt. Non enim virtus ipsa est summum bonum, sed effectrix et mater est summi boni; quoniam perveniri ad illud sine virtute non potest. Utrumque intellectu est facile. Quaero enim, utrumne ad praeclarum illud bonum facile perveniri putent, an cum difficultate ac labore? Expediant acumen suum, erroremque defendant. Si facile ad illud, ac sine labore perveniri potest, summum bonum non est. Quid enim nos cruciemus, quid conficiamus, enitendo diebus et noctibus? quandoquidem tam in promptu id quod quaerimus jacet, ut illud quilibet sine ulla contentione animi comprehendat. Sed si commune quoque ac mediocre quodlibet bonum non nisi labore assequimur quoniam bonorum natura in arduo posita est, malorum in praecipiti, summo igitur labore summum bonum assequi necesse est. Quod si verissimum est, ergo altera virtute opus est, ut perveniamus ad eam virtutem quae dicitur summum bonum; quod est incongruens, et absurdum, ut virtus per seipsam perveniat ad seipsam. Si non potest ad ullum bonum nisi per laborem perveniri, apparet virtutem esse, per quam perveniatur; quoniam in suscipiendis perferendisque laboribus, vis officiumque virtutis est.
Ergo summum bonum non potest esse id, per quod necesse est ad aliud perveniri. Sed illi, cum ignorarent quid efficeret virtus, aut quo tenderet, honestius autem nihil reperirent, substiterunt in ipsius virtutis nomine, quam nullo proposito emolumento, appetendam esse dixerunt, et bonum sibi constituerunt, quod bono indigeret. Aristoteles ab iis non longe recessit, qui virtutem cum honestate summum bonum putavit: quasi possit ulla esse virtus nisi honesta, ac non, si quid habuerit turpitudinis, virtus esse desinat. Sed vidit fieri posse, ut de virtute pravo judicio male sentiatur; et ideo existimatione hominum serviendum putavit, quod qui facit, a recto bonoque discedit, quia non est in nostra potestate ut virtus pro suis meritis honestetur. Nam quid est honestas, nisi honor perpetuus ad aliquem secundo populi rumore delatus? Quid ergo fiet, si errore ac pravitate hominum, mala existimatio subsequatur? abjiciemusne virtutem, quia flagitiosa et turpis ab insipientibus judicetur? Quae quoniam invidia premi, ac vexari potest, ut sit ipsa proprium ac perpetuum bonum, nullo extrinsecus adjumento indigere debet, quin suis per se viribus nitatur, et constet. Itaque nec ullum ei ab homine bonum sperandum est, nec ullum malum recusandum.
3.9 Chap. IX.—Of the chief good, and the worship of the true God, and a refutation of Anaxagoras PL 6, 371
I now come to the chief good of true wisdom, the nature of which is to be determined in this manner: first, it must be the property of man alone, and not belong to any other animal; secondly, it must belong to the soul only, and not be shared with the body; lastly, it cannot fall to the lot of any one without knowledge and virtue. Now this limitation excludes and does away with all the opinions of those whom I have mentioned; for their sayings contain nothing of this kind. I will now say what this is, that I may show, as I designed, that all philosophers were blind and foolish, who could neither see, nor understand, nor surmise at any time what was fixed as the chief good for man. Anaxagoras, when asked for what purpose he was born, replied that he might look upon the heaven and the sun. This expression is admired by all, and judged worthy of a philosopher. But I think that he, being unprepared with an answer, uttered this at random, that he might not be silent. But if he had been wise, he ought to have considered and reflected with himself; for if any one is ignorant of his own condition, he cannot even he a man. But let us imagine that the saying was not uttered on the spur of the moment. Let us see how many and what great errors he committed in three words. First, he erred in placing the whole duty of man in the eyes alone, referring nothing to the mind, but everything to the body. But if he had been blind, would he lose the duty of a man, which cannot happen without the ruin of the soul? What of the other parts of the body? Will they be destitute, each of its own duty? Why should I say that more depends upon the ears than upon the eye, since learning and wisdom can be gained by the ears only, but not by the eyes only? Were you born for the sake of seeing the heaven and the sun? Who introduced you to this sight? or what does your vision contribute to the heaven and the nature of things? Doubtless that you may praise this immense and wonderful work. Therefore confess that God is the Creator of all things, who introduced you into this world, as a witness and praiser of His great work. You believe that it is a great thing to behold the heaven and the sun: why, therefore, do you not give thanks to Him who is the author of this benefit? why do you not measure with your mind the excellence, the providence, and the power of Him whose works you admire? For it must be, that He who created objects worthy of admiration, is Himself much more to be admired. If any one had invited you to dinner, and you had been well entertained, should you appear in your senses, if you esteemed the mere pleasure more highly than the author of the pleasure? So entirely do philosophers refer all things to the body, and nothing at all to the mind, nor do they see beyond that which fails under their eyes.But all the offices of the body being put aside, the business of man is to be placed in the mind alone. Therefore we are not born for this purpose, that we may see those things which are created, but that we may contemplate, that is, behold with our mind, the Creator of all things Himself. Wherefore, if any one should ask a man who is truly wise for what purpose he was born, he will answer without fear or hesitation, that he was born for the purpose of worshipping God, who brought us into being for his cause, that we may serve Him. But to serve God is nothing else than to maintain and preserve justice by good works. But he, as a man ignorant of divine things, reduced a matter of the greatest magnitude to the least, by selecting two things only, which he said were to be beheld by him. But if he had said that he was born to behold the world, although he would comprise all things in this, and would use an expression of greater sound, yet he would not have completed the duty of man; for as much as the soul excels the body, so much does God excel the world, for God made and governs the world. Therefore it is not the world which is to be contemplated by the eye, for each is a body; but it is God who is to be contemplated by the soul: for God, being Himself immortal, willed that the soul also should be everlasting. But the contemplation of God is the reverence and worship of the common Parent of mankind. And if the philosophers were destitute of this, and in their ignorance of divine things prostrated themselves to the earth, we must suppose that Anaxagoras neither beheld the heaven nor the sun, though he said that he was born that he might behold them. The object proposed to man is therefore plain and easy, if he is wise; and to it especially belongs humanity. For what is humanity itself, but justice? what is justice, but piety? And piety is nothing else than the recognition of God as a parent.
Venio nunc ad verae sapientiae summum bonum, cujus natura hoc modo determinanda est. Primum, ut solius hominis sit, nec cadat in ullum aliud animal; deinde, ut solius animi, nec communicari possit cum corpore; postremo, ut non possit cuiquam sine scientia et virtute contingere. Quae circumscriptio illas omnes sententias excludit, ac solvit; eorum enim quae dixerunt, nihil tale est. Dicam nunc, quid sit; ut doceam (quod institui) philosophos omnes caecos atque insipientes fuisse qui, quod esset homini summum bonum constitutum, nec videre, nec intelligere, nec suspicari aliquando potuerunt. Anaxagoras, cum ab eo quaereretur cujus rei causa natus esset, respondit, coeli ac solis videndi. Hanc vocem admirantur omnes ac philosopho dignam judicant. At ego hunc puto non invenientem quid responderet, effudisse hoc passim, ne taceret. Quod quidem secum, si sapiens fuisset, commentatum et meditatum habere debuit: quia si quis rationem sui nesciat, nec homo sit quidem. Sed putemus non ex tempore dictum illud effusum. Videamus, in tribus verbis quot et quanta peccaverit. Primum, quod omne hominis officium in solis oculis posuit, nihil ad mentem referens, sed ad corpus omnia. Quid si caecus fuerit, officiumne hominis amittet, quod fieri sine occasu animae non potest? Quid caeterae corporis partes? num carebunt suis quaeque muneribus? Quid, quod plus est in auribus, quam in oculis situm; quoniam et doctrina, et sapientia percipi auribus solis potest, oculis solis non potest. Coeli ac solis videndi causa natus es? Quis te in hoc spectaculum induxit? aut quid coelo rerumque naturae visio tua confert? Nimirum, ut hoc immensum et admirabile opus laudes. Confitere ergo rerum omnium esse constitutorem Deum, qui te in hunc mundum, quasi testem laudatoremque tanti sui operis induxit. Magnum esse credis videre coelum ac solem: cur ergo gratias non agis ei, qui hujus beneficii auctor est? cur non ipsius virtutem, providentiam, potestatem metiris animo, cujus opera miraris? Etenim necesse est, ut multo mirabilior sit qui mirabilia perfecit. Si te quispiam vocasset ad coenam, in eaque optime acceptus esses, num sanus viderere si pluris faceres ipsam voluptatem, quam voluptatis auctorem? Adeo philosophi ad corpus omnia referunt, nihil prorsus ad mentem; nec vident amplius quam quod sub oculos venit. Atqui, remotis omnibus officiis corporis, in sola mente ponenda est hominis ratio. Non ergo ideo nascimur, ut ea, quae sunt facta, videamus, sed ut ipsum factorem rerum omnium contemplemur, id est, mente cernamus. Quare si quis hominem, qui vere sapiat, interroget, cujus rei gratia natus sit, respondebit intrepidus ac paratus, colendi se Dei gratia natum, qui nos ideo generavit, ut ei serviamus. Servire autem Deo, nihil aliud est, quam bonis operibus tueri et conservare justitiam. Sed ille, ut homo divinarum rerum imperitus, rem maximam redegit ad minimum, duo sola deligendo, quae sibi diceret intuenda. Quod si natum se esse dixisset, ut mundum intueretur, quanquam omnia comprehenderet, ac majori uteretur sono, tamen non implesset hominis officium: quia quanto pluris est anima quam corpus, tanto pluris est Deus, quam mundus, quia mundum Deus fecit et regit. Non ergo mundus oculis, quia utrumque est corpus, sed Deus animo contemplandus est: quia Deus, ut est ipse immortalis, sic animum voluit esse sempiternum. Dei autem contemplatio est, venerari et colere communem parentem generis humani. Quod si a philosophis abfuit, projectique in terram fuerunt divina ignorando, existimandus est Anaxagoras, ad quae videnda natum se esse dixit, nec coelum vidisse, nec solem. Expedita est igitur hominis ratio, si sapiat: cujus propria est humanitas. Nam ipsa humanitas quid est, nisi justitia? quid est justitia, nisi pietas? pietas autem nihil aliud est, quam Dei parentis agnitio.
3.10 Chap. X.—It is the peculiar property of man to know and worship God PL 6, 373
Therefore the chief good of man is in religion only; for the other things, even those which are supposed to be peculiar to man, are found in the other animals also. For when they discern and distinguish their own voices by peculiar marks among themselves, they seem to converse: they also appear to have a kind of smile, when with soothed ears, and contracted mouth, and with eyes relaxed to sportiveness, they fawn upon man, or upon their own mates and young. Do they not give a greeting which bears some resemblance to mutual love and indulgence? Again, those creatures which look forward to the future and lay up for themselves food, plainly have foresight. Indications of reason are also found in many of them. For since they desire things useful to themselves, guard against evils, avoid dangers, prepare for themselves lurking-places standing open in different places with various outlets, assuredly they have some understanding. Can any one deny that they are possessed of reason, since they often deceive man himself? For those which have the office of producing honey, when they inhabit the place assigned to them, fortify a camp, construct dwellings with unspeakable skill, and obey their king; I know not if there is not in them perfect prudence. It is therefore uncertain whether those things which are given to man are common to him with other living creatures: they are certainly without religion. I indeed thus judge, that reason is given to all animals, but to the dumb creatures only for the protection of life, to man also for its prolongation. And because reason itself is perfect in man, it is named wisdom, which renders man distinguished in this respect, that to him alone it is given to comprehend divine things. And concerning this the opinion of Cicero is true: “Of so many kinds of animals,” he says, “there is none except man which has any knowledge of God; and among men themselves, there is no nation either so uncivilized or so savage, which, even if it is ignorant of due conceptions of the Deity, does not know that some conception of Him ought to be entertained.” From which it is effected, that he acknowledges God, who, as it were, calls to mind the source from which he is sprung. Those philosophers, therefore, who wish to free the mind from all fear, take away even religion, and thus deprive man of his peculiar and surpassing good, which is distinct from living uprightly, and from everything connected with man, because God, who made all living creatures subject to man, also made man subject to Himself. What reason is there why they should also maintain that the mind is to be turned in the same direction to which the countenance is raised? For if we must look to the heaven, it is undoubtedly for no other reason than on account of religion; if religion is taken away, we have nothing to do with the heaven. Therefore we must either look in that direction or bend down to the earth. We are not able to bend down to the earth, even if we should wish, since our posture is upright. We must therefore look up to the heaven, to which the nature of the body calls us. And if it is admitted that this must be done, it must either be done with this view, that we may devote ourselves to religion, or that we may know the nature of the heavenly objects. But we cannot by any means know the nature of the heavenly objects, because nothing of that kind can be found out by reflection, as I have before shown. We must therefore devote ourselves to religion, and he who does not undertake this prostrates himself to the ground, and, imitating the life of the brutes, abdicates the office of man. Therefore the ignorant are more wise; for although they err in choosing religion, yet they remember their own nature and condition.
Summum igitur hominis bonum in sola religione est; nam caetera, etiam quae putantur esse homini propria, in caeteris quoque animalibus reperiuntur. Cum enim suas voces propriis inter se notis discernunt atque dignoscunt, colloqui videntur; ridendi quoque ratio apparet in his aliqua, cum demulsis auribus, contractoque rictu, et oculis in lasciviam resolutis, aut homini alludunt, aut suis quisque conjugibus ac foetibus propriis. Nonne aliquid amori mutuo et indulgentiae simile impartiunt? Jam illa quae sibi prospiciunt in futurum, et cibos reponunt, habent utique providentiam. Rationis quoque signa in multis deprehenduntur. Nam quando utilia sibi appetunt, mala cavent, pericula vitant, latibula sibi parant in plures exitus dispatentia, profecto aliquid intelligunt. Potest aliquis negare illis inesse rationem, cum hominem ipsum saepe deludant? Nam quibus generandi mellis officium est, cum assignatas incolunt sedes, castra muniunt, domicilia inenarrabili arte componunt, regi suo serviunt; nescio an non in his perfecta sit prudentia. Incertum est igitur, utrumne illa, quae homini tribuuntur, communia sint cum aliis viventibus: religionis certe sunt expertia. Equidem sic arbitror, universis animalibus datam esse rationem, sed mutis tantummodo ad vitam tuendam, homini etiam ad propagandam. Et quia in homine ipsa ratio perfecta est, sapientia nominatur: quae in hoc eximium facit hominem, quod soli datum est intelligere divina. Qua de re Ciceronis vera est sententia. « Ex tot, inquit, generibus nullum est animal praeter hominem, quod habeat notitiam aliquam Dei; ipsisque in hominibus nulla gens est, neque tam immansueta, neque tam fera, quae non, etiamsi ignoret qualem Deum haberi deceat, tamen habendum sciat. » Ex quo efficitur, ut is agnoscat Deum, qui, unde ortus sit, quasi recordetur. Qui ergo philosophi volunt animos omni metu liberare, tollunt etiam religionem, et orbant hominem suo proprio ac singulari bono, quod est a recte vivendo, atque ab omni humanitate disjunctum: quia Deus, ut cuncta viventia subjecit homini, sic ipsum hominem sibi. Nam quid est, cur iidem ipsi disputent, eo dirigendam esse mentem, quo vultus erectus est? Si enim nobis in coelum spectandum est, ad nihil aliud utique quam ob religionem. Si religio tollitur, nulla nobis ratio cum coelo est. Itaque aut eo est spectandum, aut in terram procumbendum. In terram procumbere ne si velimus quidem possumus, quorum status rectus est. In coelum igitur spectandum est, quo natura corporis provocat. Quod si constat esse faciendum, aut ideo est faciendum, ut religioni serviamus, aut ideo, ut rationem rerum coelestium cognoscamus. Sed rationem rerum coelestium cognoscere nullo modo possumus: quia nihil ejusmodi potest cogitando inveniri, sicut supra docui. Religioni ergo serviendum est quam qui non suscipit, ipse se prosternit in terram, et vitam pecudum secutus, humanitate se abdicat. Sapientiores ergo imperiti, qui etiam si errant in religione deligenda, tamen naturae suae conditionisque meminerunt.
3.11 Chap. XI.—Of religion, wisdom, and the chief good PL 6, 376
It is agreed upon, therefore, by the general consent of all mankind, that religion ought to be undertaken; but we have to explain what errors are committed on this subject. God willed this to be the nature of man, that he should be desirous and eager for two things, religion and wisdom. But men are mistaken in this, that they either undertake religion and pay no attention to wisdom, or they devote themselves to wisdom alone, and pay no attention to religion, though the one cannot be true without the other. The consequence is, that they fall into a multiplicity of religions, but false ones, because they have left wisdom, which could have taught them that there cannot be many gods; or they devote themselves to wisdom, but a false wisdom, because they have paid no attention to the religion of the Supreme God, who might have instructed them to the knowledge of the truth. Thus men who undertake either of these courses follow a devious path, and one full of the greatest errors, inasmuch as the duty of man, and all truth, are included in these two things which are inseparably connected. I wonder, therefore, that there was none at all of the philosophers who discovered the abode and dwelling-place of the chief good. For they might have sought it in this manner. Whatever the greatest good is, it must be an object proposed to all men. There is pleasure, which is desired by all; but this is common also to man with the beasts, and has not the force of the honourable, and brings a feeling of satiety, and when it is in excess is injurious, and it is lessened by advance of age, and does not fall to the lot of many: for they who are without resources, who constitute the greater part of men, must also be without pleasure. Therefore pleasure is not the chief good; but it is not even a good. What shall we say of riches? This is much more true of them. For they fall to the lot of fewer men, and that generally by chance; and they often fall to the indolent, and sometimes by guilt, and they are desired by those who already possess them. What shall we say of sovereignty itself? That does not constitute the chief good: for all cannot reign, but it is necessary that all should be capable of attaining the chief good.
Let us therefore seek something which is held forth to all. Is it virtue? It cannot be denied that virtue is a good, and undoubtedly a good for all men. But if it cannot be happy because its power and nature consist in the endurance of evil, it assuredly is not the chief good. Let us seek something else. But nothing can be found more beautiful than virtue, nothing more worthy of a wise man. For if vices are to be avoided on account of their deformity, virtue is therefore to be desired on account of its beauty. What then? Can it be that that which is admitted to be good and honourable should be requited with no reward, and be so unproductive as to procure no advantage from itself? That great labour and difficulty and struggling against evils with which this life is filled, must of necessity produce some great good. But what shall we say that it is? Pleasure? But nothing that is base can arise from that which is honourable. Shall we say that it is riches? or commands? But these things are frail and uncertain. Is it glory? or honour? or a lasting name? But all these things are not contained in virtue itself, but depend upon the opinion and judgment of others. For virtue is often hated and visited with evil. But the good which arises from it ought to be so closely united with it as to be incapable of being separated or disunited from it; and it cannot appear to be the chief good in any other way than if it belongs peculiarly to virtue, and is such that nothing can be added to it or taken from it. Why should I say that the duties of virtue consist in the despising of all these things? For not to long for, or desire, or love pleasures, riches, dominions, and honours, and all those things which are esteemed as goods, as others do overpowered by desire, that assuredly is virtue. Therefore it effects something else more sublime and excellent; nor does anything struggle against these present goods but that which longs for greater and truer things. Let us not despair of being able to find it, if we turn our thoughts in all directions; for no slight or trifling rewards are sought.
Constat igitur, totius humani generis consensu, religionem suscipi oportere: sed quomodo in ea erretur explicandum est. Naturam hominis hanc Deus esse voluit, ut duarum rerum cupidus et appetens esset, religionis et sapientiae. Sed homines ideo falluntur, quod aut religionem suscipiunt, omissa sapientia, aut sapientiae soli student, omissa religione, cum alterum sine altero esse non possit verum. Cadunt ergo ad multiplices religiones, sed ideo falsas, quia sapientiam reliquerunt, quae illos docere poterat deos multos esse non posse: aut student sapientiae, sed ideo falsae, quia religionem summi Dei omiserunt, qui eos ad veri scientiam potuit erudire. Sic homines, qui alterutrum suscipiunt, viam deviam, maximisque erroribus plenam sequuntur, quoniam in his duobus inseparabiliter connexis, et officium hominis, et veritas omnis inclusa est. Miror itaque nullum omnino philosophorum extitisse, qui sedem, ac domicilium summi boni reperiret. Potuerunt enim sic quaerere. Quodcumque est summum bonum, necesse est omnibus esse propositum. Voluptas est, quae appetitur a cunctis: sed haec et communis est cum belluis, et honesti vim non habet, et satietatem affert, et nimia nocet, et processu minuitur aetatis, et multis non contingit; nam qui opibus carent, quorum major est numerus, etiam voluptate careant necesse est. Non est igitur summum bonum, sed ne bonum quidem voluptas. Quid divitiae? Multo magis. Nam et paucioribus, et plerumque casu, et inertibus saepe, et nonnumquam scelere contingunt, et optantur ab iis qui eas jam tenent. Quid regnum ipsum? Ne id quidem. Non enim cuncti homines regnare possunt; et necesse est universos summi boni capaces esse.
Quaeramus igitur aliquid, quod propositum sit omnibus. Num virtus? Negari non potest, quin et bonum sit, et omnium certe bonum. Sed si beata esse non potest, quia vis et natura ejus in malorum perferentia posita est, non est profecto summum bonum. Quaeramus aliud. At nihil virtute pulchrius, nihil sapiente dignius inveniri potest. Si enim vitia ob turpitudinem fugienda sunt, virtus igitur appetenda est ob decorem. Quid ergo? Potestne fieri, ut quod bonum, quod honestum esse constat, mercede ac praemio careat, sitque tam sterile, ut nihil ex se commodi pariat? Labor ille magnus, et difficultas, et eluctatio adversus mala, quibus haec vita plena est, aliquid magni boni pariat necesse est. Id vero quid esse dicemus? Num voluptatem? at nihil turpe ex honesto nasci potest. Num divitias? num potestates? at ea quidem fragilia sunt, et caduca. Num gloriam? num honorem? num memoriam nominis? at haec omnia non sunt in ipsa virtute, sed in aliorum existimatione atque arbitrio posita. Nam saepe virtus et invisa est, et malo afficitur. Debet autem id bonum, quod ex ea nascitur, ita cohaerere, ut divelli atque abstrahi nequeat; nec aliter summum bonum videri potest, quam si et proprium sit virtutis, et tale, ut neque adjici quidquam, nec detrahi possit. Quid, quod in his omnibus contemnendis virtutis officia consistunt. Nam voluptates, opes, potentias, honores, eaque omnia, quae pro bonis habentur, non concupiscere, non appetere, non amare, quod caeteri faciunt victi cupiditate, id est profecto virtutis. Aliud ergo sublimius atque praeclarius efficit; nec frustra his praesentibus bonis reluctatur, nisi quod majora, et veriora desiderat: non desperemus inveniri posse, modo verset se cogitatio in omnia. Neque enim levia aut ludicra petuntur praemia.
3.12 Chap. XII.—Of the twofold conflict of body and soul; and of desiring virtue on account of eternal life PL 6, 378
But our inquiry is as to the object for which we are born: and thus we are able to trace out what is the effect of virtue. There are two parts of which man is made up, soul and body. There are many things peculiar to the soul, many peculiar to the body, many common to both, as is virtue itself; and as often as this is referred to the body, it is called fortitude for the sake of distinction. Since, therefore, fortitude is connected with each, a contest is proposed to each, and victory held forth to each from the contest: the body, because it is solid, and capable of being grasped, must contend with objects which are solid and can be grasped; but the soul, on the other hand, because it is slight and subtle, and invisible, contends with those enemies who cannot be seen and touched. But what are the enemies of the soul, but lusts, vices, and sins? And if virtue shall have overcome and put to flight these, the soul will be pure and free from stain. Whence, then, are we able to collect what are the effects of fortitude of soul? Doubtless from that which is closely connected with it, and resembles it, that is, from fortitude of the body; for when this has come to any encounter and contest, what else does it seek from victory but life? For whether you contend with a man or beast, the contest is for safety. Therefore, as the body obtains by victory its preservation from destruction, so the soul obtains a continuation of its existence; and as the body, when overcome by its enemies, suffers death, so the soul, when overpowered by vices, must die. What difference, therefore, will there be between the contest carried on by the soul and that carried on by the body, except that the body seeks for temporal, but the soul eternal life? If, therefore, virtue is not happy by itself, since its whole force consists, as I have said, in the enduring of evils; if it neglects all things which are desired as goods; if in its highest condition it is exposed to death, inasmuch as it often refuses life, which is desired by others, and bravely undergoes death, which others fear; if it must necessarily produce some great good from itself, because labours, endured and overcome even until death, cannot fail of obtaining a reward; if no reward, such as it deserves, is found on earth, inasmuch as it despises all things which are frail and transitory, what else remains but that it may effect some heavenly reward, since it treats with contempt all earthly things, and may aim at higher things, since it despises things that are humble? And this reward can be nothing else but immortality.
With good reason, therefore, did Euclid, no obscure philosopher, who was the founder of the system of the Megareans, differing from the others, say that that was the chief good which was unvarying and always the same. He certainly understood what is the nature of the chief good, although he did not explain in what it consisted; but it consists of immortality, nor anything else at all, inasmuch as it alone is incapable of diminution, or increase, or change. Seneca also unconsciously happened to confess that there is no other reward of virtue than immortality. For in praising virtue in the treatise which he wrote on the subject of premature death, he says: “Virtue is the only thing which can confer upon us immortality, and make us equal to the gods.” But the Stoics also, whom he followed, say that no one can be made happy without virtue. Therefore, the reward of virtue is a happy life, if virtue, as it is rightly said, makes a happy life. Virtue, therefore, is not, as they say, to be sought on its own account, but on account of a happy life, which necessarily follows virtue. And this argument might have taught them in what the chief good consisted. But this present and corporeal life cannot be happy, because it is subjected to evils through the body. Epicurus calls God happy and incorruptible, because He is everlasting. For a state of happiness ought to be perfect, so that there may be nothing which can harass, or lessen, or change it. Nor can anything be judged happy in other respects, unless it be incorruptible. But nothing is incorruptible but that which is immortal. Immortality therefore is alone happy, because it can neither be corrupted nor destroyed. But if virtue falls within the power of man, which no one can deny, happiness also belongs to him. For it is impossible for a man to be wretched who is endued with virtue. If happiness falls within his power, then immortality, which is possessed of the attribute of happiness, also belongs to him.
The chief good, therefore, is found to be immortality alone, which pertains to no other animal or body; nor can it happen to any one without the virtue of knowledge, that is, without the knowledge of God and justice. And how true and right is the seeking for this, the very desire of this life shows: for although it be but temporary, and most full of labour, yet it is sought and desired by all; for both old men and boys, kings and those of the lowest station, in fine, wise as well as foolish, desire this. Of such value, as it seemed to Anaxagoras, is the contemplation of the heaven and the light itself, that men willingly undergo any miseries on this account. Since, therefore, this short and laborious life, by the general consent not only of men, but also of other animals, is considered a great good, it is manifest that it becomes also a very great and perfect good if it is without an end and free from all evil. In short, there never would have been any one who would despise this life, however short it is, or undergo death, unless through the hope of a longer life. For those who voluntarily offered themselves to death for the safety of their countrymen, as Menœceus did at Thebes, Codrus at Athens, Curtius and the two Mures at Rome, would never have preferred death to the advantages of life, unless they had thought that they should attain to immortality through the estimation of their countrymen; and although they were ignorant of the life of immortality, yet the reality itself did not escape their notice. For if virtue despises opulence and riches because they are frail, and pleasures because they are of brief continuance, it therefore despises a life which is frail and brief, that it may obtain one which is substantial and lasting. Therefore reflection itself, advancing by regular order, and weighing everything, leads us to that excellent and surpassing good, on account of which we are born. And if philosophers had thus acted, if they had not preferred obstinately to maintain that which they had once apprehended, they would undoubtedly have arrived at this truth, as I have lately shown. And if this was not the part of those who extinguish the heavenly souls together with the body, yet those who discuss the immortality of the soul ought to have understood that virtue is set before us on this account, that, lusts having been subdued, and the desire of earthly things overcome, our souls, pure and victorious, may return to God, that is, to their original source. For it is on this account that we alone of living creatures are raised to the sight of the heaven, that we may believe that our chief good is in the highest place. Therefore we alone receive religion, that we may know from this source that the spirit of man is not mortal, since it longs for and acknowledges God, who is immortal.
Therefore, of all the philosophers, those who have embraced either knowledge or virtue as the chief good, have kept the way of truth, but have not arrived at perfection. For these are the two things which together make up that which is sought for. Knowledge causes us to know by what means and to what end we must attain; virtue causes us to attain to it. The one without the other is of no avail; for from knowledge arises virtue, and from virtue the chief good is produced. Therefore a happy life, which philosophers have always sought, and still do seek, has no existence either in the worship of the gods or in philosophy; and on this account they were unable to find it, because they did not seek the highest good in the highest place, but in the lowest. For what is the highest but heaven, and God, from whom the soul has its origin? And what is the lowest but the earth, from which the body is made? Therefore, although some philosophers have assigned the chief good, not to the body, but to the soul, yet, inasmuch as they have referred it to this life, which has its ending with the body, they have gone back to the body, to which the whole of this time which is passed on earth has reference. Therefore it was not without reason that they did not attain to the highest good; for whatever looks to the body only, and is without immortality, must necessarily be the lowest. Therefore happiness does not fall to the condition of man in that manner in which philosophers thought; but it so falls to him, not that he should then be happy, when he lives in the body, which must undoubtedly be corrupted in order to its dissolution; but then, when, the soul being freed from intercourse with the body, he lives in the spirit only. In this one thing alone can we be happy in this life, if we appear to be unhappy; if, avoiding the enticements of pleasures, and giving ourselves to the service of virtue only, we live in all labours and miseries, which are the means of exercising and strengthening virtue; if, in short, we keep to that rugged and difficult path which has been opened for us to happiness. The chief good therefore which makes men happy cannot exist, unless it be in that religion and doctrine to which is annexed the hope of immortality.
Sed quaeritur quid sit, propter quod nascimur; quid efficiat virtus, possumus sic investigare. Duo sunt, ex quibus homo constat, animus et corpus. Multa sunt propria animi, multa propria corporis, multa utrique communia, sicut est ipsa virtus: quae quoties ad corpus refertur, discernendi gratia fortitudo nominatur. Quoniam igitur utrique subjacet fortitudo, utrique proposita dimicatio est, et utrique ex dimicatione victoria: corpus, quia solidum est et comprehensibile, cum solidis et comprehensibilibus confligat necesse est; animus autem, quia tenuis, et invisibilis est, cum iis congreditur hostibus, qui videri tangique non possunt. Qui sunt autem hostes animi, nisi cupiditates, vitia, peccata? quae si vicerit virtus, ac fugaverit, immaculatus erit animus, ac purus. Unde ergo colligi potest, quid efficiat animi fortitudo? Nimirum ex conjuncto, et pari, hoc est ex corporis fortitudine, quod cum in aliquam congressionem certamenque venerit, quid aliud ex victoria quam vitam petit? Sive enim cum homine, sive cum bestia dimices, pro salute certatur. Ergo ut corpus vincendo id assequitur, ut non intereat: sic etiam animus, ut permaneat; et sicut corpus ab hostibus suis victum, morte mulctatur: ita superatus a vitiis animus moriatur necesse est. Quid ergo intererit inter animi corporisque dimicationem, nisi quod corpus temporalem vitam expetit, animus sempiternam? Si ergo virtus per seipsam beata non est, quoniam in perferendis (ut dixi) malis tota vis ejus est; si omnia, quae pro bonis concupiscuntur, negligit; si summus ejus gradus ad mortem patet, quandoquidem vitam, quae optatur a caeteris, saepe respuit, mortemque, quam caeteri timent, fortiter suscipit; si necesse est ut aliquid ex se magni boni pariat, quia sustentati et superati usque ad mortem labores sine praemio esse non possunt; si nullum praemium, quod ea dignum sit, in terra reperitur, quandoquidem cuncta, quae fragilia sunt et caduca, spernit, quid aliud restat, nisi ut coeleste aliquid efficiat, quia terrena universa contemnit, et ad altiora nitatur, quia humilia despicit? Id vero nihil aliud potest esse, quam immortalitas.
Merito ergo philosophorum non obscurus Euclides, qui fuit conditor Megaricorum disciplinae, dissentiens a caeteris, id esse summum bonum dixit, quod simile sit, et idem semper. Intellexit profecto quae sit natura summi boni, licet id non explicaverit quid sit: id est autem immortalitas, nec aliud omnino quidquam; quia sola nec imminui, nec augeri, nec immutari potest. Seneca quoque imprudens incidit, ut fateretur, nullum esse aliud virtutis praemium, quam immortalitatem. Laudans enim virtutem in eo libro quem de immatura morte conscripsit: « Una, inquit, res est virtus, quae nos immortalitate donare possit, et pares diis facere. » Sed et stoici, quos secutus est, negant sine virtute effici quemquam beatum posse. Ergo virtutis praemium beata vita est, si virtus (ut recte dictum est) beatam vitam facit. Non est igitur, ut aiunt, propter seipsam virtus expetenda, sed propter vitam beatam, quae virtutem necessario sequitur. Quod argumentum docere eos potuit, quod esset summum bonum. Haec autem vita praesens et corporalis beata esse non potest, quia malis est subjecta per corpus. Epicurus Deum beatum et incorruptum vocat, quia sempiternus est. Beatitudo enim perfecta esse debet, ut nihil sit, quod eam vexare, ac imminuere, aut immutare possit. Nec aliter quidquam existimari beatum potest, nisi fuerit incorruptum. Incorruptum autem nihil est, nisi quod est immortale. Sola ergo immortalitas beata est, quia corrumpi ac dissolvi non potest. Quod si cadit in hominem virtus, quod negare nullus potest, cadit et beatitudo. Non potest enim fieri, ut sit miser, qui virtute est praeditus. Si cadit beatitudo, ergo et immortalitas cadit in hominem, quae beata est.
Summum igitur bonum sola immortalitas invenitur, quae nec aliud animal, nec corpus attingit, nec potest cuiquam sine scientiae virtute, id est, sine Dei cognitione ac justitia provenire. Cujus appetitio quam vera, quam recta sit, ipsa vitae hujusce cupiditas indicat: quae licet sit temporalis, et labore plenissima, expetitur tamen ab omnibus, et optatur; hanc enim tam senes quam pueri, tam reges quam infimi, tam denique sapientes quam stulti cupiunt. Tanti est (ut Anaxagorae visum est) contemplatio coeli ac lucis ipsius, ut quascumque miserias libeat sustinere. Cum igitur laboriosa haec et brevis vita, non tantum hominum, sed etiam caeterorum animantium consensu, magnum bonum esse ducatur: manifestum est eamdem summum ac perfectum fieri bonum, si et fine careat et omni malo. Denique nemo umquam extitisset, qui hanc ipsam brevem contemneret, aut subiret mortem, nisi spe vitae longioris. Nam illi, qui pro salute civium voluntariae se neci obtulerunt, sicut Thebis Menoeceus, Athenis Codrus, Romae Curtius et Mures duo, numquam mortem vitae commodis praetulissent, nisi se immortalitatem opinione civium consequi putavissent: qui tametsi nescierunt immortalitatis vitam, res tamen eos non fefellit. Si enim virtus divitias et opes ideo contemnit, quia fragiles sunt, voluptates ideo, quia breves; ergo et vitam fragilem brevemque ideo contemnit, ut solidam et perpetuam consequatur. Ipsa ergo cogitatio per ordinem gradiens, et universa considerans, perducit nos ad eximium illud et singulare, cujus causa nascimur bonum. Quod si fecissent philosophi; si non, quod semel apprehenderant, tueri pertinaciter maluissent: profecto pervenissent ad verum hoc, ut ostendi modo. Quod si non fuit eorum, qui coelestes animas una cum corporibus extinguunt, illi tamen, qui de immortalitate disputant animi, intelligere debuerunt; ideo propositam nobis esse virtutem, ut, perdomitis libidinibus, rerumque terrestrium cupiditate superata, purae ac victrices animae ad Deum, id est ad originem suam revertantur. Idcirco enim soli animantium ad aspectum coeli erecti sumus ut summum bonum nostrum in summo esse credamus. Ideo religionem soli capimus, ut ex hoc sciamus, humanum spiritum non esse mortalem, quod Deum, qui est immortalis, et desiderat, et agnoscit.
Igitur ex omnibus philosophis, qui aut pro summo bono scientiam, aut virtutem sunt amplexi, tenuerunt quidem viam veritatis, sed non pervenerunt ad summum. Haec enim duo sunt, quae simul efficiant illud, quod quaeritur. Scientia id praestat, ut quomodo, et quo perveniendum sit, noverimus; virtus, ut perveniamus. Alterum sine altero nihil valet, ex scientia enim virtus, ex virtute summum bonum nascitur. Beata igitur vita, quam philosophi quaesierunt semper, et quaerunt, sive in cultu deorum, sive in philosophia nulla est; et ideo ab his non potuit reperiri, quia summum bonum non in summo quaesierunt, sed in imo. Summum autem quid est, nisi coelum, et Deus, unde animus oritur? Imum quid est, nisi terra, unde corpus est? Itaque licet quidam philosophi summum bonum non corpori, sed animo dederint, tamen, quoniam illud ad hanc vitam retulerunt, quae cum corpore terminatur, ad corpus revoluti sunt, cujus est hoc omne tempus, quod transigitur in terra. Quare non immerito summum bonum non comprehenderunt; quia quidquid ad corpus spectat, et immortalitatis est expers, imum sit necesse est. Non cadit ergo in hominem beatitudo illo modo, quo philosophi putaverunt: sed ita cadit, non ut tunc beatus sit cum vivit in corpore, quod utique, ut dissolvatur, necesse est corrumpi; sed tunc, cum anima societate corporis liberata, in solo spiritu vivit. Hoc uno beati esse in hac vita possumus, si minime beati esse videamur; si fugientes illecebras voluptatum, solique virtuti servientes, in omnibus laboribus miseriisque vivamus, quae sunt exercitia, et corroboramenta virtutis; si denique asperam illam viam difficilemque teneamus, quae nobis ad beatitudinem patefacta est. Summum igitur bonum, quod beatos facit, non potest esse, nisi in ea religione, atque doctrina, cui spes immortalitatis adjuncta est.
3.13 Chap. XIII.—Of the immortality of the soul, and of wisdom, philosophy, and eloquence PL 6, 383
The subject seems to require in this place, that since we have taught that immortality is the chief good, we should prove this also, that the soul is immortal. On which subject there is great disputation among philosophers; nor have they who held true opinions respecting the soul been able to explain or prove anything: for, being destitute of divine knowledge, they neither brought forward true arguments by which they might overcome, nor evidence by which they might convince. But we shall treat of this question more conveniently in the last book, when we shall have to discuss the subject of a happy life. There remains that third part of philosophy, which they call Logic, in which the whole subject of dialectics and the whole method of speaking are contained. Divine learning does not stand in need of this, because the seat of wisdom is not the tongue, but the heart; and it makes no difference what kind of language you employ, for the question is not about words, but facts. And we are not disputing about the grammarian or the orator, whose knowledge is concerned with the proper manner of speaking, but about the wise man, whose learning is concerned with the right manner of living. But if that system of natural philosophy before mentioned is not necessary, nor this of logic, because they are not able to render a man happy, it remains that the whole force of philosophy is contained in the ethical part alone, to which Socrates is said to have applied himself, laying aside the others. And since I have shown that philosophers erred in this part also, who did not grasp the chief good, for the sake of gaining which we are born; it appears that philosophy is altogether false and empty, since it does not prepare us for the duties of justice, nor strengthen the obligations and settled course of man’s life. Let them know, therefore, that they are in error who imagine that philosophy is wisdom; let them not be drawn away by the authority of any one; but rather let them incline to the truth, and approach it. There is no room for rashness here; we must endure the punishment of our folly to all eternity, if we shall be deceived either by an empty character or a false opinion. But man, such as he is, if he trusts in himself, that is, if he trusts in man, is (not to say foolish, in that he does not see his own error) undoubtedly arrogant, in venturing to claim for himself that which the condition of man does not admit of.
And how much that greatest author of the Roman language is deceived, we may see from that sentiment of his; for when, in his “Books on Offices,” he had said that philosophy is nothing else than the desire of wisdom, and that wisdom itself is the knowledge of things divine and human, added: “And if any one censures the desire of this, I do not indeed understand what there is which he imagines praiseworthy. For if enjoyment of the mind and rest from cares is sought, what enjoyment can be compared with the pursuits of those who are always inquiring into something which has reference to and tends to promote a good and happy life? Or if any account is taken of consistency and virtue, either this is the study by which we may attain them, or there is none at all. To say that there is no system in connection with the greatest subjects, when none of the least is without a system, is the part of men speaking inconsiderately, and erring in the greatest subjects. But if there is any discipline of virtue, where shall it be sought when you have departed from that kind of learning?” For my own part, although I endeavoured to attain in some degree to the means of acquiring learning, on account of my desire to teach others, yet I have never been eloquent, inasmuch as I never even engaged in public speaking; but the goodness of the cause cannot fail of itself to make me eloquent, and for its clear and copious defence the knowledge of divinity and the truth itself are sufficient. I could wish, therefore, that Cicero might for a short time rise from the dead, that a man of such consummate eloquence might be taught by an insignificant person who is devoid of eloquence, first, what that is which is deemed worthy of praise by him who blames that study which is called philosophy; and in the next place, that it is not that study by which virtue and justice are learned, nor any other, as he thought; and lastly, that since there is a discipline of virtue, he might be taught where it is to be sought, when you have laid aside that kind of learning, which he did not seek for the sake of hearing and learning. For from whom could he hear when no one knew it? But, as his usual practice was in pleading causes, he wished to press his opponent by questioning, and thus to lead him to confession, as though he were confident that no answer could be given to show that philosophy was not the instructress of virtue. And in the Tusculan disputations he openly professed this, turning his speech to philosophy, as though he was showing himself off by a declamatory style of speaking. “O philosophy, thou guide of life,” he says; “O thou investigator of virtue, and expeller of vices; what could not only we, but the life of men, have effected at all without thee? Thou hast been the inventor of laws, thou the teacher of morals and discipline;”—as though, indeed, she could perceive anything by herself, and he were not rather to be praised who gave her. In the same manner he might have given thanks to food and drink, because without these life could not exist; yet these, while they minister to sense, confer no benefit. But as these things are the nourishment of the body, so wisdom is of the soul.
Res exigere videtur hoc loco, ut quoniam docuimus immortalitatem esse summum bonum, id ipsum immortalem esse animam comprobemus. Qua de re ingens inter philosophos disceptatio est, nec quidquam tamen explicare, aut probare potuerunt ii, qui verum de anima sentiebant; expertes enim hujus divinae eruditionis, nec argumenta vera, quibus vincerent, attulerunt, nec testimonia, quibus probarent. Sed oportunius hanc quaestionem tractabimus in ultimo libro, cum de vita beata nobis erit disserendum. Superest pars illa philosophiae tertia, quam vocant λογικὴν, in qua tota dialectica, et omnis loquendi ratio continetur. Hanc divina eruditio non desiderat: quia non in lingua, sed in corde sapientia est; nec interest, quali utare sermone: res enim, non verba quaeruntur. Et nos non de grammatico, aut oratore, quorum scientia est, quomodo loqui deceat, sed de sapiente disserimus, cujus doctrina est, quomodo vivere oporteat. Quod si neque physica illa ratio necessaria est, neque haec logica, quia beatum facere non possunt: restat ut in sola ethica totius philosophiae vis contineatur, ad quam se, abjectis omnibus, Socrates contulisse dicitur. In qua etiam parte quoniam philosophos errasse docui, qui summum bonum, cujus capiendi gratia generati sumus, non comprehenderunt; apparet falsam et inanem esse omnem philosophiam, quia nec instruit ad justitiae munera, nec officium hominis rationemque confirmat. Sciant igitur errare se, qui philosophiam putant esse sapientiam: non trahantur auctoritate cujusquam; sed veritati potius faveant, et accedant. Nullus hic temeritati locus est: in aeternum stultitiae poena subeunda est, si aut persona inanis, aut opinio falsa deceperit. Homo autem, qualiscumque est, si sibi credit, hoc est si homini credit (ut non dicam stultus, qui suum non videat errorem) certe arrogans est, qui sibi audeat vendicare, quod humana conditio non recipit.
Ille ipse romanae linguae summus auctor quantum fallatur, licet ex illa sententia pervidere: qui cum in libris officiorum philosophiam nihil aliud esse dixisset, quam studium sapientiae, ipsam autem sapientiam, rerum divinarum et humanarum scientiam, tum adjecit: « Cujus studium qui vituperat, haud sane intelligo quidnam sit, quod laudandum putet. Nam si oblectatio quaeritur animi, requiesque curarum, quae conferri cum eorum studiis potest, qui semper aliquid inquirunt, quod spectet, et valeat ad bene beateque vivendum? Sive ratio constantiae virtutisque ducitur, aut haec ars est, aut nulla omnino, per quam eas assequamur. Nullam dicere maximarum rerum artem esse, cum minimarum sine arte nulla sit, hominum est parum considerate loquentium, atque in maximis rebus errantium. Si autem est aliqua disciplina virtutis, ubi ea quaeretur, cum ab isto genere discendi discesseris. » Equidem tametsi operam dederim, ut quantulamcumque discendi assequerer facultatem propter studium docendi, tamen eloquens nunquam fui; quippe qui forum ne attigerim quidem: sed necesse est, ipsa me faciat causae bonitas eloquentem; ad quam diserte copioseque defendendam scientia divinitatis, et ipsa veritas sufficit. Vellem igitur Ciceronem paulisper ab inferis surgere, ut vir eloquentissimus ab homunculo non diserto doceretur, primum, quidnam sit, quod laudandum putet, qui vituperat id studium, quod vocatur philosophia; deinde, neque illam esse artem, qua virtus et justitia discatur, nec aliam ullam, sicut putavit; postremo, quoniam est virtutis disciplina, ubi quaerenda sit, cum ab illo discendi genere discesseris: quod ille non audiendi discendique gratia quaerebat. A quo enim posset audire, cum sciret id nemo? Sed ut in causis facere solebat, interrogatione voluit urgere, ad confessionemque perducere; tanquam confideret responderi prorsus nihil posse, quominus philosophia esset magistra virtutis. Quod quidem in Tusculanis disputationibus aperte professus est, ad eam ipsam conversa oratione, tamquam se declamatorio dicendi genere jactaret. « O vitae philosophia dux, inquit, o virtutis indagatrix expultrixque vitiorum: quid non modo nos, sed omnino vita hominum sine te esse potuisset? Tu inventrix legum, tu magistra morum ac disciplinae fuisti. » Quasi vero aliquid per se ipsa sentiret, ac non potius ille laudandus esset, qui eam tribuit. Potuit eodem modo gratias agere cibo et potui, quia sine his rebus vita constare non possit; in quibus ut sensus, ita beneficii nihil est. Atqui ut illa corporis alimenta sunt, sic animae, sapientia.
3.14 Chap. XIV.—That Lucretius and others have erred, and Cicero himself, in fixing the origin of wisdom PL 6, 386
Lucretius, accordingly, acts more correctly in praising him who was the first discoverer of wisdom; but he acts foolishly in this, that he supposed it to be discovered by a man,—as though that man whom he praises had found it lying somewhere as flutes at the fountain, according to the legends of the poets. But if he praised the inventor of wisdom as a god,—for thus he speaks:—
“No one, I think, who is formed of mortal body. For if we must speak, as the acknowledged majesty of the subject itself demands, he was a god, he was a god, most noble Memmius,”—
yet God ought not to have been praised on this account, because He discovered wisdom, but because He created man, who might be capable of receiving wisdom. For he diminishes the praise who praises a part only of the whole. But he praised Him as a man; whereas He ought to have been esteemed as a God on this very account, because He found out wisdom. For thus he speaks:—
“Will it not be right that this man should be enrolled among the gods?”
From this it appears, either that he wished to praise Pythagoras, who was the first, as I have said, to call himself a philosopher; or Thales of Miletus, who is reported to have been the first who discussed the nature of things. Thus, while he seeks to exalt, he has depressed the thing itself. For it is not great if it could have been discovered by man. But he may be pardoned as a poet. But that same accomplished orator, that same consummate philosopher, also censures the Greeks, whose levity he always accuses, and yet imitates. Wisdom itself, which at one time he calls the gift, at another time the invention, of the gods, he fashions after the manner of the poets, and praises on account of its beauty. He also grievously complains that there have been some who disparaged it. “Can any one,” he says, “dare to censure the parent of life, and to defile himself with this guilt of parricide, and to be so impiously ungrateful?”
Are we then parricides, Marcus Tullius, and in your judgment worthy to be sewed up in a bag, who deny that philosophy is the parent of life? Or you, who are so impiously ungrateful towards God (not this god whose image you worship as he sits in the Capitol, but Him who made the world and created man, who bestowed wisdom also among His heavenly benefits), do you call her the teacher of virtue or the parent of life, having learned from whom, one must be in much greater uncertainty than he was before? For of what virtue is she the teacher? For philosophers to the present time do not explain where she is situated. Of what life is she the parent? since the teachers themselves have been worn out by old age and death before they have determined upon the befitting course of life. Of what truth can you hold her forth as an explorer? since you often testify that, in so great a multitude of philosophers, not a single wise man has yet existed. What, then, did that mistress of life teach you? Was it to assail with reproaches the most powerful consul, and by your envenomed speeches to render him the enemy of his country? But let us pass by those things, which may be excused under the name of fortune. You applied yourself, in truth, to the study of philosophy, and so, indeed, that no one ever applied himself more diligently; since you were acquainted with all the systems of philosophy, as you yourself are accustomed to boast, and elucidated the subject itself in Latin writings, and displayed yourself as an imitator of Plato. Tell us, therefore, what you have learned, or in what sect you have discovered the truth. Doubtless it was in the Academy which you followed and approved. But this teaches nothing, excepting that you know your own ignorance. Therefore your own books refute you, and show the nothingness of the learning which may be gained from philosophy for life. These are your words: “But to me we appear not only blind to wisdom, but dull and obtuse to those very things which may appear in some degree to be discerned.” If, therefore, philosophy is the teacher of life, why did you appear to yourself blind, and dull, and obtuse? whereas you ought, under her teaching, both to perceive and to be wise, and to be engaged in the clearest light. But how you confessed the truth of philosophy we learn from the letters addressed to your son, in which you advise him that the precepts of philosophy ought to be known, but that we must live as members of a community.
What can be spoken so contradictory? If the precepts of philosophy ought to be known, it is on this account that they ought to be known, in order to our living well and wisely. Or if we must live as members of a community, then philosophy is not wisdom, if it is better to live in accordance with society than with philosophy. For if that which is called philosophy be wisdom, he assuredly lives foolishly who does not live according to philosophy. But if he does not live foolishly who lives in accordance with society, it follows that he who lives according to philosophy lives foolishly. By your own judgment, therefore, philosophy is condemned of folly and emptiness. And you also, in your Consolation, that is, not in a work of levity and mirth, introduced this sentiment respecting philosophy: “But I know not what error possesses us, or deplorable ignorance of the truth.” Where, then, is the guidance of philosophy? or what has that parent of life taught you, if you are deplorably ignorant of the truth? But if this confession of error and ignorance has been extorted almost against your will from your innermost breast, why do you not at length acknowledge to yourself the truth, that philosophy which, though it teaches nothing, you extolled with praises to the heavens, cannot be the teacher of virtue?
Rectius itaque Lucretius, cum eum laudat, qui sapientiam primus invenit: sed hoc inepte, quod ab homine inventam putavit. Quasi vero illam alicubi jacentem homo ille, quem laudabat, invenerit, tanquam tibias ad fontem, ut poetae aiunt. Quod si repertorem sapientiae, ut deum, laudavit; ita enim dicit: Nemo (ut opinor) erit mortali corpore cretus. Nam si, ut ipsa petit majestas cognita rerum, Dicendum est, Deus ille fuit, Deus, inclyte Memmi: tamen non erat sic laudandus Deus, quod sapientiam invenerit, sed quod hominem fecerit, qui posset capere sapientiam. Minuit enim laudem, qui partem laudat ex toto. Sed ille, ut hominem, laudavit, qui tamen ob id ipsum deberet pro Deo haberi, quod sapere invenerit. Nam sic ait: Nonne decebit, Hunc hominem numero divum dignarier esse? Unde apparet, aut Pythagoram voluisse laudare, qui se primus, ut dixi , philosophum nominavit; aut Milesium Thalem, qui de rerum natura primus traditur disputasse. Ita dum hominem quaerit extollere, rem ipsam depressit. Non est enim magna, si ab homine potuit inveniri. Verum potest, ut poetae, dari venia. At ille idem perfectus orator, idem summus philosophus, et Graecos reprehendit, quorum levitatem semper accusat, et tamen sequitur; ipsam sapientiam, quam alias donum, alias inventum deorum vocat, poetice figuratam laudat in faciem. Graviter etiam queritur extitisse aliquos, qui eam vituperarent. « Quisquamne, inquit, vituperare vitae » parentem, et hoc parricidio se inquinare audeat, » et tam impie ingratus esse? »
Nos ergo, Marce Tulli, parricidae sumus, et insuendi te judice in culeum, qui philosophiam negamus parentem esse vitae? An tu, qui adversus Deum tam impie ingratus es (non hunc cujus effigiem veneraris in Capitolio sedentem, sed illum qui mundum fecit, hominemque generavit, qui sapientiam quoque ipsam inter coelestia sua beneficia largitus est) magistram tu virtutis, aut parentem vitae vocas, ad quam si quis accesserit, multo sit incertior necesse est, quam prius fuerit? Cujus enim virtutis? quae ipsa, ubi sita sit, adhuc philosophi non expediunt. Cujus vitae? cum ipsi doctores ante fuerint senectute ac morte confecti, quam constituerint quomodo vivi deceat. Cujus veritatis indagatricem profiteri potes? qui saepe testaris, cum tanta multitudo fueri philosophorum, sapientem tamen extitisse adhuc neminem. Quid ergo te magistra illa vitae docuit? An ut potentissimum consulem maledictis incesseres, eumque hostem patriae venenatis orationibus faceres? Sed omittamus illa, quae possunt excusari fortunae nomine. Studuisti nempe philosophiae, et quidem sic, ut nullus umquam diligentius; quippe qui omnes cognoveris disciplinas, sicut ipse gloriari soles, eamque ipsam latinis litteris illustraveris, imitatoremque te Platonis ostenderis. Cedo igitur quid didiceris, aut in qua secta veritatem deprehenderis. In academia scilicet, quam secutus es, quam probasti. At haec nihil docet, nisi ut scias te nihil scire. Tui ergo te libri arguunt, quam nihil a philosophia disci possit ad vitam. Haec tua verba sunt: « Mihi autem non modo ad sapientiam caeci videmur, sed ad ea ipsa, quae aliqua ex parte cerni videantur, hebetes et obtusi. » Si ergo philosophia est magistra vitae, cur tibi ipse caecus, et hebes, et obtusus videbare, quem oportuit, illa docente, et sentire, et sapere, et in clarissima luce versari? At quam confessus fueris philosophiae veritatem, docent ad filium composita praecepta, quibus mones philosophiae quidem praecepta noscenda, vivendum autem esse civiliter.
Quid tam repugnans dici potest? Si noscenda sunt praecepta philosophiae, ideo utique noscenda sunt ut recte sapienterque vivamus. Vel, si civiliter vivendum est, non est igitur philosophia sapientia; siquidem melius est civiliter, quam philosophice vivere. Nam si sapientia est, quae dicitur philosophia, stulte profecto vivit, qui non secundum philosophiam vivit. Si autem non stulte vivit, qui civiliter vivit, sequitur ut stulte vivat, qui philosophice vivit. Tuo itaque judicio philosophia stultitiae, inanitatisque damnata est. Idem in Consolatione, id est, in opere non joculari, hanc de philosophia sententiam tulisti: « Sed nescio quis nos teneat error, aut miserabilis ignoratio veri. » Ubi est ergo philosophiae magisterium? aut quid te docuit illa vitae parens, si verum miserabiliter ignoras? Quod si haec erroris ignorationisque confessio pene invito tibi ab intimo pectore expressa est, cur non tibi verum fateris aliquando, philosophiam, quam tu nihil docentem in coelum laudibus extulisti, magistram virtutis esse non posse?
3.15 Chap. XV.—The error of Seneca in philosophy, and how the speech of philosophers is at variance with their life PL 6, 390
Under the influence of the same error (for who could keep the right course when Cicero is in error?), Seneca said: “Philosophy is nothing else than the right method of living, or the science of living honourably, or the art of passing a good life. We shall not err in saying that philosophy is the law of living well and honourably. And he who spoke of it as a rule of life, gave to it that which was its due.” He evidently did not refer to the common name of philosophy; for, since this is diffused into many sects and systems, and has nothing certain—nothing, in short, respecting which all agree with one mind and one voice,—what can be so false as that philosophy should be called the rule of life, since the diversity of its precepts hinders the right way and causes confusion? or the law of living well, when its subjects are widely discordant? or the science of passing life, in which nothing else is effected by its repeated contradictions than general uncertainty? For I ask whether he thinks that the Academy is philosophy or not? I do not think that he will deny it. And if this is so, none of these things, therefore, is in agreement with philosophy; which renders all things uncertain, abrogates law, esteems art as nothing, subverts method, distorts rule, entirely takes away knowledge. Therefore all those things are false, because they are inconsistent with a system which is always uncertain, and up to this time explaining nothing. Therefore no system, or science, or law of living well, has been established, except in this the only true and heavenly wisdom, which had been unknown to philosophers. For that earthly wisdom, since it is false, becomes varied and manifold, and altogether opposed to itself. And as there is but one founder and ruler of the world, God, and as truth is one; so wisdom must be one and simple, because, if anything is true and good, it cannot be perfect unless it is the only one of its kind. But if philosophy were able to form the life, no others but philosophers would be good, and all those who had not learned it would be always bad. But since there are, and always have been, innumerable persons who are or have been good without any learning, but of philosophers there has seldom been one who has done anything praiseworthy in his life; who is there, I pray, who does not see that those men are not teachers of virtue, of which they themselves are destitute? For if any one should diligently inquire into their character, he will find that they are passionate, covetous, lustful, arrogant, wanton, and, concealing their vices under a show of wisdom, doing those things at home which they had censured in the schools.
Perhaps I speak falsely for the sake of bringing an accusation. Does not Tullius both acknowledge and complain of the same thing? “How few,” he says, “of philosophers are found of such a character, so constituted in soul and life, as reason demands! how few who think true instruction not a display of knowledge, but a law of life! how few who are obedient to themselves, and submit to their own decrees! We may see some of such levity and ostentation, that it would be better for them not to have learned at all; others eagerly desirous of money, others of glory; many the slaves of lusts, so that their speech wonderfully disagrees with their life.” Cornelius Nepos also writes to the same Cicero: “So far am I from thinking that philosophy is the teacher of life and the completer of happiness, that I consider that none have greater need of teachers of living than many who are engaged in the discussion of this subject. For I see that a great part of those who give most elaborate precepts in their school respect-modesty and self-restraint, live at the same time in the unrestrained desires of all lusts.” Seneca also, in his Exhortations, says: “Many of the philosophers are of this description, eloquent to their own condemnation: for if you should hear them arguing against avarice, against lust and ambition, you would think that they were making a public disclosure of their own character, so entirely do the censures which they utter in public flow back upon themselves; so that it is right to regard them in no other light than as physicians, whose advertisements contain medicines, but their medicine chests poison. Some are not ashamed of their vices; but they invent defences for their baseness, so that they may appear even to sin with honour.” Seneca also says: “The wise man will even do things which he will not approve of, that he may find means of passing to the accomplishment of greater things; nor will he abandon good morals, but will adapt them to the occasion; and those things which others employ for glory or pleasure, he will employ for the sake of action.” Then he says shortly afterwards: “All things which the luxurious and the ignorant do, the wise man also will do, but not in the same manner, and with the same purpose. But it makes no difference with what intention you act, when the action itself is vicious; because acts are seen, the intention is not seen.”
Aristippus, the master of the Cyrenaics, had a criminal intimacy with Lais, the celebrated courtesan; and that grave teacher of philosophy defended this fault by saying, that there was a great difference between him and the other lovers of Lais, because he himself possessed Lais, whereas others were possessed by Lais. O illustrious wisdom, to be imitated by good men! Would you, in truth, entrust your children to this man for education, that they might learn to possess a harlot? He said that there was some difference between himself and the dissolute, that they wasted their property, whereas he lived in indulgence without any cost. And in this the harlot was plainly the wiser, who had the philosopher as her creature, that all the youth, corrupted by the example and authority of the teacher, might flock together to her without any shame. What difference therefore did it make, with what intention the philosopher betook himself to that most notorious harlot, when the people and his rivals saw him more depraved than all the abandoned? Nor was it enough to live in this manner, but he began also to teach lusts; and he transferred his habits from the brothel to the school, contending that bodily pleasure was the chief good. Which pernicious and shameful doctrine has its origin not in the heart of the philosopher, but in the bosom of the harlot.
For why should I speak of the Cynics, who practised licentiousness in public? What wonder if they derived their name and title from dogs, since they also imitated their life? Therefore there is no instruction of virtue in this sect, since even those who enjoin more honourable things either themselves do not practice what they advise; or if they do (which rarely happens), it is not the system which leads them to that which is right, but nature which often impels even the unlearned to praise.
Eodem ductus errore Seneca (quis enim veram viam teneret, errante Cicerone? « Philosophia, inquit, nihil aliud est quam recta ratio vivendi, vel honeste vivendi scientia, vel ars rectae vitae agendae. Non errabimus, si dixerimus philosophiam esse legem bene honesteque vivendi. Et qui dixerit illam regulam vitae, suum illi reddidit. » Hic plane non respexit ad commune philosophiae nomen, quae cum sit in plures sectas disciplinasque diffusa, nihilque habeat certi, nihil denique, de quo universi una mente ac voce consentiant, quid potest esse tam falsum, quam regulam vitae philosophiam nominari, in qua diversitas praeceptorum rectum iter impediat, et turbet? aut legem bene vivendi, cujus capita longe dissonant? aut scientiam vitae agendae, in qua nihil aliud efficitur, contraria saepe dicendo, quam ut nemo quidquam sciat? Quaero enim, utrumne academiam philosophiam putet esse, an non? Negaturum non arbitror: quod si est, nihil ergo illorum cadit in philosophiam, quae omnia reddit incerta, legem abrogat, artem nullam putat, rationem subvertit, regulam depravat, scientiam funditus tollit. Falsa igitur illa omnia, quia in rem semper incertam et adhuc nihil explicantem cadere non possunt. Nulla itaque ratio, vel scientia, vel lex bene vivendi, nisi in hac unica, et vera, et coelesti sapientia constituta est, quae philosophis fuerat ignota. Nam illa terrena, quoniam falsa est, fit varia, et multiplex, sibique tota contraria est. Et sicut unus est hujus mundi constitutor et rector Deus, una veritas: ita unam esse ac simplicem sapientiam necesse est, quia quidquid est verum, ac bonum, id perfectum esse non potest, nisi fuerit sin gulare. Quod si philosophia vitam posset instruere, nulli alii nisi philosophi essent boni, et qui eam non didicissent, essent omnes semper mali. Cum vero innumerabiles existant, et semper exstiterint, qui sint, aut fuerint sine ulla doctrina boni, ex philosophis autem perraro fuerit, qui aliquid in vita fecerit laude dignum, quis est tandem, qui non videat, eos homines virtutis, qua ipsi egent, non esse doctores? Nam si quis in mores eorum diligenter inquirat, inveniet iracundos, cupidos, libidinosos, arrogantes, protervos, et sub obtentu sapientiae sua vitia celantes, domi facientes ea quae in scholis arguissent.
Fortasse mentior accusandi gratia. Nonne id ipsum Tullius et fatetur, et queritur? « Quotus quisque, inquit, philosophorum invenitur, qui sit ita moratus, ita animo et vita constitutus, ut ratio postulat? qui disciplinam veram, non ostentationem scientiae, sed legem vitae putet? qui obtemperet ipse sibi, et decretis pareat suis? Videre licet alios tanta levitate et jactatione, ut his fuerit non didicisse melius: alios pecuniae cupidos, alios gloriae; multos libidinum servos, ut cum eorum vita mirabiliter pugnet oratio. » Nepos quoque Cornelius ad eumdem Ciceronem ita scribit: « Tantum abest, ut ego magistram esse putem vitae philosophiam, beataeque vitae perfectricem, ut nullis magis existimem opus esse magistris vivendi, quam plerisque, qui in ea disputanda versantur. Video enim magnam partem eorum, qui in schola de pudore et continentia praecipiant argutissime, eosdem in omnium libidinum cupiditatibus vivere. Item Seneca in Exhortationibus: « Plerique, inquit, philosophorum tales sunt, diserti in convitium suum, quos si audias in avaritiam, in libidinem, in ambitionem perorantes, indicium sui professos putes, adeo redundant ad ipsos maledicta in publicum missa; quos non aliter intueri decet, quam medicos, quorum tituli remedia habent, pyxides venena. Quosdam vero nec pudor vitiorum tenet: sed patrocinia turpitudini suae fingunt, ut etiam honeste peccare videantur. Faciet sapiens, inquit idem Seneca, etiam quae non probabit, ut etiam ad majora transitum inveniat: nec relinquet bonos mores, sed tempori aptabit; et quibus alii utuntur in gloriam, aut voluptatem, utetur agendae rei causa. » Deinde paulo post: « Omnia quae luxuriosi faciunt, quaeque imperiti, faciet et sapiens, sed non eodem modo, eodemque proposito. Atqui nihil interest quo animo facias, quod fecisse vitiosum est: quia facta cernuntur, animus non videtur. »
Aristippo Cyrenaicorum magistro cum Laide nobili scorto fuit consuetudo, quod flagitium gravis ille philosophiae doctor sic defendebat, ut diceret, multum inter se et caeteros Laidis amatores interesse, quod ipse haberet Laidem, alii vero a Laide haberentur. O praeclara et imitanda bonis sapientia! Huic vero liberos in disciplinam dares, ut discerent habere meretricem? Aliquid inter se ac perditos interesse dicebat; scilicet quod illi bona sua perderent, ipse gratis luxuriaretur. In quo plane sapientior meretrix fuit, quae philosophum habuit pro lenone, ut ad se omnis juventus, doctoris exemplo et auctoritate corrupta, sine ullo pudore concurreret. Quid ergo interfuit, quo animo philosophus ad meretricem famosissimam commearet, cum eum populus et rivales sui viderent omnibus perditis nequiorem? Nec satis fuit ita vivere: sed docere etiam libidines coepit, ac mores suos de lupanari ad scholam transtulit, disserens voluptatem corporis esse summum bonum. Quae doctrina execrabilis et pudenda, non in corde philosophi, sed in sinu meretricis est nata.
Nam quid ego de Cynicis loquar? quibus in propatulo coire cum conjugibus mos fuit. Quid mirum, si a canibus, quorum vitam imitantur, etiam vocabulum nomenque traxerunt? Nullum igitur in hac disciplina magisterium virtutis est, cum etiam illi, qui honestiora praecipiunt, aut non faciant ipsi quae suadent, aut si faciunt (quod raro accidit) non disciplina eos ad rectum, sed natura perducat, quae saepius etiam indoctos impellit ad laudem.
3.16 Chap. XVI.—That the philosophers who give good instructions live badly, by the testimony of Cicero; therefore we should not so much devote ourselves to the study of philosophy as to wisdom PL 6, 394
But when they give themselves up to perpetual sloth, and undertake no exercise of virtue, and pass their whole life in the practice of speaking, in what light ought they to be regarded rather than as triflers? For wisdom, unless it is engaged on some action on which it may exert its force, is empty and false; and Tullius rightly gives the preference, above teachers of philosophy, to those men employed in civil affairs, who govern the state, who found new cities or maintain with equity those already founded, who preserve the safety and liberty of the citizens either by good laws or wholesome counsels, or by weighty judgments. For it is right to make men good rather than to give precepts about duty to those shut up in corners, which precepts are not observed even by those who speak them; and inasmuch as they have withdrawn themselves from true actions, it is manifest that they invented the system of philosophy itself, for the purpose of exercising the tongue, or for the sake of pleading. But they who merely teach without acting, of themselves detract from the weight of their own precepts; for who would obey, when they who give the precepts themselves teach disobedience? Moreover, it is a good thing to give right and honourable precepts; but unless you also practice them it is a deceit, and it is inconsistent and trifling to have goodness not in the heart, but on the lips.
It is not therefore utility, but enjoyment, which they seek from philosophy. And this Cicero indeed testified. “Truly,” he says, “all their disputation, although it contains most abundant fountains of virtue and knowledge, yet, when compared with their actions and accomplishments, I fear lest it should seem not to have brought so much advantage to the business of men as enjoyment to their times of relaxation.” He ought not to have feared, since he spoke the truth; but as if he were afraid lest he should be arraigned by the philosophers on a charge of betraying a mystery, he did not venture confidently to pronounce that which was true, that they do not dispute for the purpose of teaching, but for their own enjoyment in their leisure; and since they are the advisers of actions, and do not themselves act at all, they are to be regarded as mere talkers. But assuredly, because they contributed no advantage to life, they neither obeyed their own decrees, nor has any one been found, through so many ages, who lived in accordance with their laws. Therefore philosophy must altogether be laid aside, because we are not to devote ourselves to the pursuit of wisdom, for this has no limit or moderation; but we must be wise, and that indeed quickly. For a second life is not granted to us, so that when we seek wisdom in this life we may be wise in that; each result must be brought about in this life. It ought to be quickly found, in order that it may be quickly taken up, lest any part of life should pass away, the end of which is uncertain. Hortensius in Cicero, contending against philosophy, is pressed by a clever argument; inasmuch as, when he said that men ought not to philosophize, he seemed nevertheless to philosophize, since it is the part of the philosophers to discuss what ought and what ought not to be done in life. We are free and exempt from this calumny, who take away philosophy, because it is the invention of human thought; we defend wisdom, because it is a divine tradition, and we testify that it ought to be taken up by all. He, when he took away philosophy without introducing anything better, was supposed to take away wisdom; and on that account was more easily driven from his opinion, because it is agreed upon that man is not born to folly, but to wisdom.
Moreover, the argument which the same Hortensius employed has great weight also against philosophy,—namely, that it may be understood from this, that philosophy is not wisdom, since its beginning and origin are apparent. When, he says, did philosophers begin to exist? Thales, as I imagine, was the first, and his age was recent. Where, then, among the more ancient men did that love of investigating the truth lie hid? Lucretius also says:—
“Then, too, this nature and system of things has been discovered lately, and I the very first of all have only now been found able to transfer it into native words.”
And Seneca says: “There are not yet a thousand years since the beginnings of wisdom were undertaken.” Therefore mankind for many generations lived without system. In ridicule of which, Persius says:—
“When wisdom came to the city, Together with pepper and palms;”
as though wisdom had been introduced into the city together with savoury merchandise. For if it is in agreement with the nature of man, it must have had its commencement together with man; but if it is not in agreement with it, human nature would be incapable of receiving it. But, inasmuch as it has received it, it follows that wisdom has existed from the beginning: therefore philosophy, inasmuch as it has not existed from the beginning, is not the same true wisdom. But, in truth, the Greeks, because they had not attained to the sacred letters of truth, did not know how wisdom was corrupted. And, therefore, since they thought that human life was destitute of wisdom, they invented philosophy; that is, they wished by discussion to tear up the truth which was lying hid and unknown to them: and this employment, through ignorance of the truth, they thought to be wisdom.
Verum cum se perpetuae desidiae tradant, nullamque virtutem capessant, et omnem suam vitam nihil aliud quam in eloquendo peragant, quid aliud quam inertes putari debent? Sapientia enim, nisi in aliquo actu fuerit quo vim suam exerceat, inanis et falsa est; recteque Tullius civiles viros, qui rempublicam gubernent, qui urbes aut novas constituant, aut constitutas aequitate tueantur, qui salutem libertatemque civium vel bonis legibus, vel salubribus consiliis, vel judiciis gravibus conservent, philosophiae doctoribus praefert. Bonos enim facere oportet potius quam inclusos in angulis facienda praecipere, quae ne ipsi quidem faciunt, qui loquuntur; et quoniam se a veris actibus removerunt, apparet eos exercendae linguae causa, vel advocandi gratia artem ipsam philosophiae reperisse. Qui autem docent tantum, nec faciunt, ipsi praeceptis suis detrahunt pondus; quis enim obtemperet, cum ipsi praeceptores doceant non obtemperare? Bonum est autem recta et honesta praecipere: sed nisi et facias, mendacium est; et est incongruens atque ineptum, non in pectore, sed in labris habere bonitatem.
Non ergo utilitatem ex philosophia, sed oblectationem petunt. Quod quidem Cicero testatus est: « Profecto, inquit, omnis istorum disputatio, quanquam uberrimos fontes virtutis et scientiae contineat, tamen collata cum horum actis perfectisque rebus, vereor ne non tantum videatur attulisse negotiis hominum utilitatis, quantam oblectationem otiis. » Vereri quidem non debuit, cum verum diceret: sed quasi timeret, ne proditi mysterii reus a philosophis citaretur, non est ausus confidenter pronuntiare, quod fuit verum, illos non ideo disputare, ut doceant, sed ut se oblectent in otio: qui quoniam auctores sunt rerum gerendarum, nec ipsi quidquam gerunt, pro loquacibus sunt habendi. Sed profecto, quia nihil boni ad vitam afferebant, nec ipsi decretis suis obtemperaverunt; nec quisquam per tot saecula inventus est, qui eorum legibus viveret. Abjicienda est igitur omnis philosophia, quia non studendum est sapientiae, quod fine ac modo caret: sed sapiendum est, et quidem mature. Non enim nobis altera via conceditur, ut, cum in hac sapientiam quaeramus, in illa sapere possimus: in hac utrumque fieri necesse est. Cito inveniri debet, ut cito suscipi possit, ne quid pereat ex vita cujus finis incertus est. Ciceronis Hortensius contra philosophiam disserens, circumvenitur arguta conclusione; quod cum diceret philosophandum non esse, nihilominus philosophari videbatur, quoniam philosophi est, quid in vita faciendum, vel non faciendum sit, disputare. Nos ab hac calumnia immunes ac liberi sumus, qui philosophiam tollimus, quia humanae cogitationis inventio est; sophiam defendimus, quia divina traditio est, eamque ab omnibus suscipi oportere testamur. Ille, cum philosophiam tolleret, nec melius aliquid afferret, sapientiam tollere putabatur, eoque facilius de sententia pulsus est: quia constat hominem non ad stultitiam, sed ad sapientiam nasci.
Praeterea illud quoque argumentum contra philosophiam valet plurimum, quo idem est usus Hortensius; ex eo posse intelligi, philosophiam non esse sapientiam, quod principium et origo ejus appareat. Quando, inquit, philosophi esse coeperunt? Thales (ut opinor) primus, recens haec quidem aetas; ubi ergo apud antiquiores latuit amor iste investigandae veritatis? Item Lucretius ait: Denique natura haec rerum, ratioque reperta est Nuper; et hanc primus cum primis ipse repertus Nunc ego sum, in patrias qui possum vertere voces. Et Seneca: « Nondum sunt, inquit, mille anni, ex quo initia sapientiae mota sunt. » Multis ergo saeculis humanum genus sine ratione vixit. Quod irridens Persius: Postquam (inquit) sapere urbi Cum pipere et palmis venit; tanquam sapientia cum saporis mercibus fuerit invecta: quae si secundum hominis naturam est, cum homine ipso coeperit necesse est; si vero non est, nec capere quidem illam posset humana natura. Sed quia recepit, igitur a principio fuisse sapientiam necesse est; ergo philosophia, quia non a principio fuit, non est eadem vera sapientia. Sed videlicet Graeci, quia sacras veritatis litteras non attigerant, quemadmodum depravata esset sapientia, nesciverunt. Et ideo cum vacare sapientia humanam vitam putarent, philosophiam commenti sunt; id est, latentem atque ignotam sibi veritatem disserendo eruere voluerunt, quod studium, per ignorantiam veri, sapientiam putaverunt.
3.17 Chap. XVII.—He passes from philosophy to the philosophers, beginning with Epicurus; and how he regarded Leucippus and Democritus as authors of error PL 6, 397
I have spoken on the subject of philosophy itself as briefly as I could; now let us come to the philosophers, not that we may contend with these, who cannot maintain their ground, but that we may pursue those who are in flight and driven from our battle-field. The system of Epicurus was much more generally followed than those of the others; not because it brings forward any truth, but because the attractive name of pleasure invites many. For every one is naturally inclined to vices. Moreover, for the purpose of drawing the multitude to himself, he speaks that which is specially adapted to each character separately. He forbids the idle to apply himself to learning; he releases the covetous man from giving largesses to the people; he prohibits the inactive man from undertaking the business of the state, the sluggish from bodily exercise, the timid from military service. The irreligious is told that the gods pay no attention to the conduct of men; the man who is unfeeling and selfish is ordered to give nothing to any one, for that the wise man does everything on his own account. To a man who avoids the crowd, solitude is praised. One who is too sparing, learns that life can be sustained on water and meal. If a man hates his wife, the blessings of celibacy are enumerated to him; to one who has bad children, the happiness of those who are without children is proclaimed; against unnatural parents it is said that there is no bond of nature. To the man who is delicate and incapable of endurance, it is said that pain is the greatest of all evils; to the man of fortitude, it is said that the wise man is happy even under tortures. The man who devotes himself to the pursuit of influence and distinction is enjoined to pay court to kings; he who cannot endure annoyance is enjoined to shun the abode of kings. Thus the crafty man collects an assembly from various and differing characters; and while he lays himself out to please all, he is more at variance with himself than they all are with one another. But we must explain from what source the whole of this system is derived, and what origin it has.
Epicurus saw that the good are always subject to adversities, poverty, labours, exile, loss of dear friends. On the contrary, he saw that the wicked were happy; that they were exalted with influence, and loaded with honours; he saw that innocence was unprotected, that crimes were committed with impunity: he saw that death raged without any regard to character, without any arrangement or discrimination of age; but that some arrived at old age, while others were carried off in their infancy; that some died when they were now robust and vigorous, that others were cut off by an untimely death in the first flower of youth; that in wars the better men were especially overcome and slain. But that which especially moved him, was the fact that religious men were especially visited with weightier evils, whereas he saw that less evils or none at all fell upon those who altogether neglected the gods, or worshipped them in an impious manner; and that even the very temples themselves were often set on fire by lightning. And of this Lucretius complains, when he says respecting the god:—
“Then he may hurl lightnings, and often throw down his temples, and withdrawing into the deserts, there spend his rage in practising his bolt, which often passes the guilty by, and strikes dead the innocent and unoffending.”
But if he had been able to collect even a small particle of truth, he would never say that the god throws down his own temples, when he throws them down on this account, because they are not his. The Capitol, which is the chief seat of the Roman city and religion, was struck with lightning and set on fire not once only, but frequently. But what was the opinion of clever men respecting this is evident from the saying of Cicero, who says that the flame came from heaven, not to destroy that earthly dwelling-place of Jupiter, but to demand a loftier and more magnificent abode. Concerning which transaction, in the books respecting his consulship, he speaks to the same purport as Lucretius:—
“For the father thundering on high, throned in the lofty Olympus, himself assailed his own citadels and famed temples, and cast fires upon his abode in the Capitol.
In the obstinacy of their folly, therefore, they not only did not understand the power and majesty of the true God, but they even increased the impiety of their error, in endeavouring against all divine law to restore a temple so often condemned by the judgment of Heaven.
Therefore, when Epicurus reflected on these things, induced as it were by the injustice of these matters (for thus it appeared to him in his ignorance of the cause and subject), he thought that there was no providence. And having persuaded himself of this, he undertook also to defend it, and thus he entangled himself in inextricable errors. For if there is no providence, how is it that the world was made with such order and arrangement? He says: There is no arrangement, for many things are made in a different manner from that in which they ought to have been made. And the divine man found subjects of censure. Now, if I had leisure to refute these things separately, I could easily show that this man was neither wise nor of sound mind. Also, if there is no providence, how is it that the bodies of animals are arranged with such foresight, that the various members, being disposed in a wonderful manner, discharge their own offices individually? The system of providence, he says, contrived nothing in the production of animals; for neither were the eyes made for seeing, nor the ears for hearing, nor the tongue for speaking, nor the feet for walking; inasmuch as these were produced before it was possible to speak, to hear, to see, and to walk. Therefore these were not produced for use; but use was produced from them. If there is no providence, why do rains fall, fruits spring up, and trees put forth leaves? These things, he says, are not always done for the sake of living creatures, inasmuch as they are of no benefit to providence; but all things must be produced of their own accord. From what source, therefore, do they arise, or how are all things which are carried on brought about? There is no need, he says, of supposing a providence; for there are seeds floating through the empty void, and from these, collected together without order, all things are produced and take their form. Why, then, do we not perceive or distinguish them? Because, he says, they have neither any colour, nor warmth, nor smell; they are also without flavour and moisture; and they are so minute, that they cannot be cut and divided.
Thus, because he had taken up a false principle at the commencement, the necessity of the subjects which followed led him to absurdities. For where or from whence are these atoms? Why did no one dream of them besides Leucippus only? from whom Democritus, having received instructions, left to Epicurus the inheritance of his folly. And if these are minute bodies, and indeed solid, as they say, they certainly are able to fall under the notice of the eyes. If the nature of all things is the same, how is it that they compose various objects? They meet together, he says, in varied order and position as the letters which, though few in number, by variety of arrangement make up innumerable words. But it is urged the letters have a variety of forms. And so, he says, have these first principles; for they are rough, they are furnished with hooks, they are smooth. Therefore they can be cut and divided, if there is in them any part which projects. But if they are smooth and without hooks, they cannot cohere. They ought therefore to he hooked, that they may be linked together one with another. But since they are said to be so minute that they cannot be cut asunder by the edge of any weapon, how is it that they have hooks or angles? For it must be possible for these to be torn asunder, since they project. In the next place, by what mutual compact, by what discernment, do they meet together, so that anything may be constructed out of them? If they are without intelligence, they cannot come together in such order and arrangement; for nothing but reason can bring to accomplishment anything in accordance with reason. With how many arguments can this trifling be refuted! But I must proceed with my subject. This is he
“Who surpassed in intellect the race of man, and quenched the light of all, as the ethereal sun arisen quenches the stars.”
Which verses I am never able to read without laughter. For this was not said respecting Socrates or Plato, who are esteemed as kings of philosophers, but concerning a man who, though of sound mind and vigorous health, raved more senselessly than any one diseased. And thus the most vain poet, I do not say adorned, but overwhelmed and crushed, the mouse with the praises of the lion. But the same man also releases us from the fear of death, respecting which these are his own exact words:—
“When we are in existence, death does not exist; when death exists, we have no existence: therefore death is nothing to us.”
How cleverly he has deceived us! As though it were death now completed which is an object of fear, by which sensation has been already taken away, and not the very act of dying, by which sensation is being taken from us. For there is a time in which we ourselves even yet exist, and death does not yet exist; and that very time appears to be miserable, because death is beginning to exist, and we are ceasing to exist.
Nor is it said without reason that death is not miserable. The approach of death is miserable; that is, to waste away by disease, to endure the thrust, to receive the weapon in the body, to be burnt with fire, to be torn by the teeth of beasts. These are the things which are feared, not because they bring death, but because they bring great pain. But rather make out that pain is not an evil. He says it is the greatest of all evils. How therefore can I fail to fear, if that which precedes or brings about death is an evil? Why should I say that the argument is false, inasmuch as souls do not perish? But, he says, souls do perish; for that which is born with the body must perish with the body. I have already stated that I prefer to put off the discussion of this subject, and to reserve it for the last part of my work, that I may refute this persuasion of Epicurus, whether it was that of Democritus or Dicæarchus, both by arguments and divine testimonies. But perhaps he promised himself impunity in the indulgence of his vices; for he was an advocate of most disgraceful pleasure, and said that man was born for its enjoyment. Who, when he hears this affirmed, would abstain from the practice of vice and wickedness? For; if the soul is doomed to perish, let us eagerly pursue riches, that we may be able to enjoy all kinds of indulgence; and if these are wanting to us, let us take them away from those who have them by stealth, by stratagem, or by force, especially if there is no God who regards the actions of men: as long as the hope of impunity shall favour us, let us plunder and put to death. For it is the part of the wise man to do evil, if it is advantageous to him, and safe; since, if there is a God in heaven, He is not angry with any one. It is also equally the part of the foolish man to do good; because, as he is not excited with anger, so he is not influenced by favour. Therefore let us live in the indulgence of pleasures in every possible way; for in a short time we shall not exist at all. Therefore let us suffer no day, in short, no moment of time, to pass away from us without pleasure; lest, since we ourselves are doomed to perish, the life which we have already spent should itself also perish.
Although he does not say this in word, yet he teaches it in fact. For when he maintains that the wise man does everything for his own sake, he refers all things which he does to his own advantage. And thus he who hears these disgraceful things, will neither think that any good thing ought to be done, since the conferring of benefits has reference to the advantage of another; nor that he ought to abstain from guilt, because the doing of evil is attended with gain. If any chieftain of pirates or leader of robbers were exhorting his men to acts of violence, what other language could he employ than to say the same things which Epicurus says: that the gods take no notice; that they are not affected with anger nor kind feeling; that the punishment of a future state is not to be dreaded, because souls die after death, and that there is no future state of punishment at all; that pleasure is the greatest good; that there is no society among men; that every one consults for his own interest; that there is no one who loves another, unless it be for his own sake; that death is not to be feared by a brave man, nor any pain; for that he, even if he should be tortured or burnt, should say that he does not regard it. There is evidently sufficient cause why any one should regard this as the expression of a wise man, since it can most fittingly be applied to robbers!
Dixi de philosophia ipsa quam breviter potui: nunc ad philosophos veniamus; non ut cum his decertemus, qui stare non possunt, sed ut eos fugientes atque dejectos nostro campo insequamur. Epicuri disciplina multo celebrior semper fuit, quam caeterorum; non quia veri aliquid afferat, sed quia multos populare nomen voluptatis invitat. Nemo enim non in vitia pronus est. Praeterea, ut ad se multitudinem contrahat, apposita singulis quibusque moribus loquitur. Desidiosum vetat litteras discere, avarum populari largitione liberat, ignavum prohibet accedere ad rempublicam, pigrum exerceri, timidum militare. Irreligiosus audit deos nihil curare; inhumanus, et suis commodis serviens jubetur nihil cuiquam tribuere; omnia enim sua causa facere sapientem. Fugienti turbam solitudo laudatur. Qui nimium parcus est, discit aqua et polenta vitam posse tolerari. Qui odit uxorem, huic enumerantur coelibatus bona: habenti malos liberos orbitas praedicatur; adversus impios parentes nullum esse vinculum naturae. Impatienti ac delicato dolorem esse omnium malorum maximum dicitur: forti, etiam in tormentis beatum esse sapientem. Qui claritati ac potentiae studet, huic praecipitur reges colere: qui molestiam ferre non potest, huic regiam fugere. Ita homo astutus ex variis diversisque moribus circulum cogit, et dum studet placere omnibus, majore discordia secum ipse pugnavit, quam inter se universi. Unde autem disciplina ejus tota descendat, quam originem habeat, explicandum est.
Videbat Epicurus bonis adversa semper accidere, paupertatem, labores, exilia, charorum amissiones; malos contra beatos esse, augeri potentia, honoribus affici: videbat innocentiam minus tutam, scelera impune committi: videbat, sine delectu morum, sine ordine ac discrimine annorum saevire mortem: sed alios ad senectutem pervenire, alios infantes rapi, alios jam robustos interire, alios in primo adolescentiae flore immaturis funeribus extingui, in bellis potius meliores, et vinci, et perire. Maxime autem commovebat, homines in primis religiosos gravioribus malis affici: iis autem, qui aut deos omnino negligerent, aut non pie colerent, vel minora incommoda evenire vel nulla: ipsa etiam saepe templa fulminibus conflagrare. Quod Lucretius queritur , cum dicit de Deo: Tum fulmina mittat, et aedes Ipse suas disturbet; et in deserta recedens, Saeviat exercens telum, quod saepe nocentes Praeterit, exanimatque indignos, inque merentes. Quod si vel exiguam veritatis auram colligere potuisset, numquam diceret, aedes illum suas disturbare; cum ideo disturbet, quod non sunt suae. Capitolium, quod est Romanae urbis et religionis caput summum, non semel, sed saepius fulmine ictum conflagravit. Homines autem ingeniosi quid de hoc existimaverint, ex dicto Ciceronis apparet, qui ait, divinitus extitisse illam flammam, non quae terrestre illud domicilium Jovis deleret, sed quae sublimius magnificentiusque deposceret. Qua de re etiam in libris Consulatus sui eadem dixit quae Lucretius: Nam pater altitonans stellanti nixus Olympo, Ipse suas arces, atque inclyta templa petivit, Et Capitolinis injecit sedibus ignes. Pertinaci ergo stultitia non modo vim majestatemque veri Dei non intellexerunt: sed etiam impietatem sui erroris auxerunt, qui templum coelesti judicio saepe damnatum restituere contra fas omne contenderint.
Cum haec igitur cogitaret Epicurus, earum rerum velut iniquitate inductus (sic enim causam rationemque ignoranti videbatur) existimavit nullam esse providentiam. Quod cum sibi persuasisset, suscepit etiam defendendum: sic in errores inextricabiles se ipse conclusit. Si enim providentia nulla est, quomodo tam ordinate, tam disposite mundus effectus est? Nulla, inquit, dispositio est; multa enim facta sunt aliter, quam fieri debuerunt. Et invenit homo divinus, quae reprehenderet. Quae singula si vacaret refellere, facile ostenderem, nec sapientem hunc fuisse, nec sanum. Item si nulla providentia est, quomodo animalium corpora tam providenter ordinata sunt, ut singula quaeque membra mirabili ratione disposita sua officia conservent? Nihil, inquit, in procreandis animalibus providentiae ratio molita est; nam neque oculi facti sunt ad videndum, neque aures ad audiendum, neque lingua ad loquendum, neque pedes sd ambulandum: quoniam prius haec nata sunt quam esset loqui, audire, videre, ambulare. Itaque non haec ad usum nata sunt: sed usus ex illis natus est. Si nulla providentia est, cur imbres cadunt, fruges oriuntur, arbusta frondescunt? Non, inquit, semper causa animantium ista fiunt, quoniam providentiae nihil prosunt: sed omnia sua sponte fieri necesse est. Unde ergo nascuntur aut quomodo fiunt omnia quae geruntur? Non est, inquit, providentiae opus; sunt enim semina per inane volitantia, quibus inter se temere conglobatis, universa gignuntur atque concrescunt. Cur igitur illa non sentimus aut cernimus? Quia nec colorem habent, inquit, nec calorem ullum, nec odorem; saporis quoque et humoris expertia sunt, et tam minuta, ut secari ac dividi nequeant.
Sic eum, quia in principio falsum susceperat, consequentium rerum necessitas ad deliramenta perduxit. Ubi enim sunt, aut unde ista corpuscula? Cur illa nemo praeter unum Leucippum somniavit? a quo Democritus eruditus haereditatem stultitiae reliquit Epicuro. Quae si sunt corpuscula, et quidem solida, ut dicunt, sub oculos certe venire possunt. Si eadem est natura omnium, quomodo res varias efficiunt? Vario, inquit, ordine ac positione conveniunt: sicut litterae, quae cum sint paucae, varie tamen collocatae, innumerabilia verba conficiunt. At litterae varias formas habent. Ita, inquit, et haec ipsa primordia; nam sunt aspera, sunt hamata, sunt laevia. Secari ergo et dividi possunt, si aliquid inest illis quod emineat. Si autem laevia sunt et hamis indigent, cohaerere non possunt. Hamata igitur esse oportet, ut possint invicem concatenari. Cum vero tam minuta esse dicantur, ut nulla ferri acie dissici valeant, quomodo hamos, aut angulos habent? Quos, quia extant, necesse est posse divelli. Deinde quo foedere inter se, qua mente conveniunt, ut ex his aliquid construatur? Si sensu carent, nec coire tam disposite possunt; quia non potest quidquam rationale perficere, nisi ratio. Quam multis coargui haec vanitas potest! sed properat oratio. Hic est ille, Qui genus humanum ingenio superavit, et omnes Praestinxit stellas, exortus uti aetherius sol.
Quos equidem versus numquam sine risu legere possum. Non enim de Socrate, aut Platone hoc saltem dicebat, qui velut reges habentur philosophorum: sed de homine, quo sano et vigente, nullus aeger ineptius deliravit. Itaque poeta inanissimus leonis laudibus murem non ornavit, sed obruit et obtrivit. At idem nos metu liberat mortis, de qua haec ipsius verba sunt expressa: « Quando nos sumus, mors non est: quando mors est, nos non sumus; mors ergo nihil ad nos. » Quam argute nos fefellit! quasi vero transacta mors timeatur, qua jam sensus ereptus est, ac non ipsum mori, quo sensus eripitur. Est enim tempus aliquod, quo nos etiamnum sumus, et mors tamen nondum est; idque ipsum videtur miserum esse, cum et mors esse incipit, et nos esse desinimus.
Nec frustra dictum est: Mors misera non est. Aditus ad mortem est miser: hoc est, morbo tabescere, ictum perpeti, ferrum corpore excipere, ardere igni, dentibus bestiarum laniari. Haec sunt quae timentur, non quia mortem afferunt, sed quia dolorem magnum. Quin potius effice ne dolor malum sit. Omnium, inquit, malorum maximum est. Qui ergo non possum non timere, si id, quod mortem antecedit, aut efficit, malum est? Quid, quod totum illud argumentum falsum est? quia non intereunt animae. Animae vero, inquit, intereunt. Nam quod cum corpore nascitur, cum corpore intereat necesse est. Jam superius dixi, differre me hunc locum melius, et operi ultimo reservare. ut hanc Epicuri persuasionem, sive illa Democriti, sive Dicaearchi fuit, et argumentis, et divinis testimoniis redarguam. Verum ille fortasse impunitatem vitiis suis spopondit; fuit enim turpissimae voluptatis assertor, cujus capiendae causa, nasci hominem putavit. Quis, cum hoc affirmari audiat, vitiis et sceleribus abstineat? Nam si periturae sunt animae, appetamus divitias, ut omnes suavitates capere possimus: quae si nobis desunt, ab iis qui habent, auferamus clam, dolo, vi; eo magis, si humanas res Deus nullus curat, quandocumque spes impunitatis arriserit, rapiamus, necemus. Sapientis est enim malefacere, si et utile sit, et tutum; quoniam si quis in coelo Deus est, non irascitur cuiquam. Aeque stulti est et benefacere; quia sicut ira non commovetur, ita nec gratia tangitur. Voluptatibus igitur, quoquo modo possumus, serviamus. Brevi enim tempore nulli erimus omnino. Ergo nullum diem, nullum denique temporis punctum fluere nobis sine voluptate patiamur; ne, quia ipsi quandoque perituri sumus, id ipsum quod viximus pereat.
Hoc ille tametsi non dicit verbo, re tamen ipsa docet. Nam cum disputat, omnia sapientem sua causa facere, ad utilitatem suam refert omnia quae agit. Ita qui audit haec flagitia, nec boni quidquam faciendum putabit, quoniam benefacere ad utilitatem spectat alienam, nec a scelere abstinendum, quia maleficio praeda conjuncta est. Archipyrata quisquam, vel latronum ductor, si suos ad grassandum cohortetur; quo alio sermone uti potest, quam ut eadem dicat, quae dicit Epicurus? Deos nihil curare; non ira, non gratia tangi; inferorum poenas non esse metuendas, quod animae post mortem occidant, nec ulli omnino sint inferi; voluptatem esse maximum bonum; nullam esse humanam societatem; sibi quemque consulere; neminem esse qui alterum diligat, nisi sua causa; mortem non esse metuendam forti viro, nec ullum dolorem, qui etiamsi torqueatur, si uratur, nihil curare se dicat. Est plane, cur quisquam putet, hanc vocem viri esse sapientis, quae potest latronibus aptissime commodari?
3.18 Chap. XVIII.—The Pythagoreans and Stoics, while they hold the immortality of the soul, foolishly persuade a voluntary death PL 6, 405
Others, again, discuss things contrary to these, namely, that the soul survives after death; and these are chiefly the Pythagoreans and Stoics. And although they are to be treated with indulgence because they perceive the truth, yet I cannot but blame them, because they fell upon the truth not by their opinion, but by accident. And thus they erred in some degree even in that very matter which they rightly perceived. For, since they feared the argument by which it is inferred that the soul must necessarily die with the body, because it is born with the body, they asserted that the soul is not born with the body, but rather introduced into it, and that it migrates from one body to another. They did not consider that it was possible for the soul to survive the body, unless it should appear to have existed previously to the body. There is therefore an equal and almost similar error on each side. But the one side are deceived with respect to the past, the other with respect to the future. For no one saw that which is most true, that the soul is both created and does not die, because they were ignorant why that came to pass, or what was the nature of man. Many therefore of them, because they suspected that the soul is immortal, laid violent hands upon themselves, as though they were about to depart to heaven. Thus it was with Cleanthes and Chrysippus, with Zeno, and Empedocles, who in the dead of night cast himself into a cavity of the burning Ætna, that when he had suddenly disappeared it might be believed that he had departed to the gods; and thus also of the Romans Cato died, who through the whole of his life was an imitator of Socratic ostentation. For Democritus was of another persuasion. But, however,
“By his own spontaneous act he offered up his head to death; “
and nothing can be more wicked than this. For if a homicide is guilty because he is a destroyer of man, he who puts himself to death is under the same guilt, because he puts to death a man. Yea, that crime may be considered to be greater, the punishment of which belongs to God alone. For as we did not come into this life of our own accord; so, on the other hand, we can only withdraw from this habitation of the body which has been appointed for us to keep, by the command of Him who placed us in this body that we may inhabit it, until He orders us to depart from it; and if any violence is offered to us, we must endure it with equanimity, since the death of an innocent person cannot be unavenged, and since we have a great Judge who alone always has the power of taking vengeance in His hands.
All these philosophers, therefore, were homicides; and Cato himself, the chief of Roman wisdom, who, before he put himself to death, is said to have read through the treatise of Plato which he wrote on the immortality of the soul, and was led by the authority of the philosopher to the commission of this great crime; yet he, however, appears to have had some cause for death in his hatred of slavery. Why should I speak of the Ambraciot, who, having read the same treatise, threw himself into the sea, for no other cause than that he believed Plato?—a doctrine altogether detestable and to be avoided, if it drives men from life. But if Plato had known and taught by whom, and how, and to whom, and on account of what actions, and at what time, immortality is given, he would neither have driven Cleombrotus nor Cato to a voluntary death, but he would have trained them to live with justice. For it appears to me that Cato sought a cause for death, not so much that he might escape from Cæsar, as that he might obey the decrees of the Stoics, whom he followed, and might make his name distinguished by some great action; and I do not see what evil could have happened to him if he had lived. For Caius Cæsar, such was his clemency, had no other object, even in the very heat of civil war, than to appear to deserve well of the state, by preserving two excellent citizens, Cicero and Cato. But let us return to those who praise death as a benefit. You complain of life as though you had lived, or had ever settled with yourself why you were born at all. May not therefore the true and common Father of all justly find fault with that saying of Terence:—
“First, learn in what life consists; then, if you shall be dissatisfied with life, have recourse to death.”
You are indignant that you are exposed to evils; as though you deserved anything good, who are ignorant of your Father, Lord, and King; who, although you behold with your eyes the bright light, are nevertheless blind in mind, and lie in the depths of the darkness of ignorance. And this ignorance has caused that some have not been ashamed to say, that we are born for this cause, that we may suffer the punishment of our crimes; but I do not see what can be more senseless than this. For where or what crimes could we have committed when we did not even exist? Unless we shall happen to believe that foolish old man, who falsely said that he had lived before, and that in his former life he had been Euphorbus. He, I believe, because he was born of an ignoble race, chose for himself a family from the poems of Homer. O wonderful and remarkable memory of Pythagoras! O miserable forgetfulness on the part of us all, since we know not who we were in our former life! But perhaps it was caused by some error, or favour, that he alone did not touch the abyss of Lethe, or taste the water of oblivion; doubtless the trifling old man (as is wont to be the case with old women who are free from occupation) invented fables as it were for credulous infants. But if he had thought well of those to whom he spoke these things; if he had considered them to be men, he would never have claimed to himself the liberty of uttering such perverse falsehoods. But the folly of this most trifling man is deserving of ridicule. What shall we do in the case of Cicero, who, having said in the beginning of his Consolation that men were born for the sake of atoning for their crimes, afterwards repeated the assertion, as though rebuking him who does not imagine that life is a punishment? He was right, therefore, in saying beforehand that he was held by error and wretched ignorance of the truth.
Alii autem contraria his disserunt, superesse animas post mortem; et hi sunt maxime Pythagorici ac Stoici: quibus etsi ignoscendum est, quia verum sentiunt, non possum tamen non reprehendere eos, quia non sententia, sed casu inciderunt in veritatem. Itaque in eo ipso quod recte sentiebant aliquid errarunt. Nam cum timerent argumentum illud, quo colligitur necesse esse, ut occidant animae cum corporibus, quia cum corporibus nascuntur, dixerunt non nasci animas, sed insinuari potius in corpora, et de aliis in alia migrare. Non putaverunt aliter fieri posse, ut supersint animae post corpora, nisi videantur fuisse ante corpora. Par igitur, ac prope similis error est partis utriusque. Sed haec in praeterito falsa est, illa in futuro. Nemo enim vidit, quod est verissimum, et nasci animas, et non occidere; quia, cur id fieret, aut quae ratio esset hominis, nescierunt. Multi ergo ex iis, quia aeternas esse animas suspicabantur, tamquam in coelum migraturi essent, sibi ipsis manus intulerunt: ut Cleanthes, ut Chrysippus; ut Zeno, ut Empedocles, qui se in ardentis Aetnae specum intempesta nocte dejecit, ut, cum repente non apparuisset, abiisse ad deos crederetur; et ex Romanis Cato, qui fuit in omni sua vita Socraticae vanitatis imitator. Nam Democritus in alia fuit persuasione. Sed tamen Sponte sua letho caput obvius obtulit ipse, quo nihil sceleratius fieri potest. Nam si homicida nefarius est, quia hominis extinctor est, eidem sceleri obstrictus est, qui se necat, quia hominem necat. Imo vero majus esse id facinus existimandum est, cujus ultio Deo soli subjacet. Nam sicut in hanc vitam non nostra sponte venimus, ita rursus ex hoc domicilio corporis, quod tuendum nobis assignatum est, ejusdem jussu recedendum est, qui nos in hoc corpus induxit, tamdiu habituros, donec jubeat emitti; et si vis aliqua inferatur, aequa mente id patiendum est, cum extincta innocentis anima inulta esse non possit, habeamusque judicem magnum, cui soli vindicta in integro semper est.
Homicidae igitur illi omnes philosophi, et ipse romanae sapientiae princeps Cato, qui antequam se occideret, perlegisse Platonis librum dicitur, qui est scriptus de aeternitate animarum, et ad summum nefas philosophi auctoritate compulsus est; et hic tamen aliquam moriendi causam videtur habuisse, odium servitutis. Quid Ambraciotes ille, qui, cum eumdum librum perlegisset praecipitem se dedit, nullam aliam ob causam, nisi quod Platoni credidit? Execrabilis prorsus ac fugienda doctrina, si abigit homines a vita. Quod si scisset Plato, atque docuisset, a quo, et quomodo, et quibus, et quae ob facta, et quo tempore immortalitas tribuatur, nec Cleombrotum impegisset in mortem voluntariam, nec Catonem, sed eos ad vitam et justitiam potius erudisset. Nam Cato videtur mihi causam quaesisse moriendi, non tam ut Caesarem fugeret, quam ut Stoicorum decretis obtemperaret, quos sectabatur, nomenque suum grandi aliquo facinore clarificaret: cui quid mali accidere potuerit, si viveret, non invenio. Caius enim Caesar, ut clemens erat, nihil aliud efficere volebat, etiam in ipso belli civilis ardore, quam ut bene mereri de Republica videretur, duobus optimis civibus Cicerone et Catone servatis. Sed redeamus ad eos qui mortem pro bono laudant. De vita quereris, quasi vixeris, aut umquam tibi ratio constiterit, cur omnino sis natus. Nonne igitur tibi verus ille et communis omnium pater Terentianum illud jure increpaverit: Prius disce, quid sit vivere; Si displicebit vita, tum isthoc utitor. Indigaris te malis esse subjectum: quasi quidquam merearis boni, qui patrem, qui dominum, qui regem tuum nescis; qui quamvis clarissimam lucem intuearis oculis, mente tamen caecus es, et in profundis ignorantiae tenebris jaces. Quae ignorantia effecit, ut quosdam dicere non puderet, idcirco nos esse natos, ut scelerum poenas lueremus: quo quid delirius dici possit, non video. Ubi enim, vel quae scelera potuimus admittere, qui omnino non fuimus? Nisi forte credemus inepto illi seni, qui se in priori vita Euphorbum fuisse mentitus est. Hic, credo, quod erat ignobili genere natus, familiam sibi ex Homeri carminibus adoptavit. O miram et singularem Pythagorae memoriam! O miseram oblivionem nostrum omnium, qui nesciamus, qui ante fuerimus! Sed fortasse, vel errore aliquo, vel gratia sit effectum, ut ille solus lethaeum gurgitem non attigerit, nec oblivionis aquam gustaverit: videlicet senex vanus (sicut otiosae aniculae solent) fabulas tamquam infantibus credulis finxit. Quod si bene sensisset de iis, quibus haec locutus est, si homines eos existimasset, nunquam sibi tam petulanter mentiendi licentiam vindicasset. Sed deridenda est hominis levissimi vanitas. Quid Ciceroni faciemus? qui cum in principio Consolationis suae dixisset, luendorum scelerum causa nasci homines, iteravit id ipsum postea, quasi objurgans eum, qui vitam non esse poenam putet. Recte ergo praefatus est, errore, ac miserabili veritatis ignorantia se teneri.
3.19 Chap. XIX.—Cicero and others of the wisest men teach the immortality of the soul, but in an unbelieving manner; and that a good or an evil death must be weighed from the previous life PL 6, 410
But those who assert the advantage of death, because they know nothing of the truth, thus reason: If there is nothing after death, death is not an evil; for it takes away the perception of evil. But if the soul survives, death is even an advantage; because immortality follows. And this sentiment is thus set forth by Cicero concerning the Laws: “We may congratulate ourselves, since death is about to bring either a better state than that which exists in life, or at any rate not a worse. For if the soul is in a state of vigour without the body, it is a divine life; and if it is without perception, assuredly there is no evil.” Cleverly argued, as it appeared to himself, as though there could be no other state. But each conclusion is false. For the sacred writings teach that the soul is not annihilated; but that it is either rewarded according to its righteousness, or eternally punished according to its crimes. For neither is it right, that he who has lived a life of wickedness in prosperity should escape the punishment which he deserves; nor that he who has been wretched on account of his righteousness, should be deprived of his reward. And this is so true, that Tully also, in his Consolation, declared that the righteous and the wicked do not inhabit the same abodes. For those same wise men, he says, did not judge that the same course was open for all into the heaven; for they taught that those who were contaminated by vices and crimes were thrust down into darkness, and lay in the mire; but that, on the other hand, souls that were chaste, pure, upright, and uncontaminated, being also refined by the study and practice of virtue, by a light and easy course take their flight to the gods, that is, to a nature resembling their own. But this sentiment is opposed to the former argument. For that is based on the assumption that every man at his birth is presented with immortality. What distinction, therefore, will there be between virtue and guilt, if it makes no difference whether a man be Aristides or Phalaris, whether he be Cato or Catiline? But a man does not perceive this opposition between sentiments and actions, unless he is in possession of the truth. If any one, therefore, should ask me whether death is a good or an evil, I shall reply that its character depends upon the course of the life. For as life itself is a good if it is passed virtuously, but an evil if it is spent viciously, so also death is to be weighed in accordance with the past actions of life. And so it comes to pass, that if life has been passed in the service of God, death is not an evil, for it is a translation to immortality. But if not so, death must necessarily be an evil, since it transfers men, as I have said, to everlasting punishment.
What, then, shall we say, but that they are in error who either desire death as a good, or flee from life as an evil? unless they are most unjust, who do not weigh the fewer evils against the greater number of blessings. For when they pass all their lives in a variety of the choicest gratifications, if any bitterness has chanced to succeed to these, they desire to die; and they so regard it as to appear never to have fared well, if at any time they happen to fare ill. Therefore they condemn the whole of life, and consider it as nothing else than filled with evils. Hence arose that foolish sentiment, that this state which we imagine to be life is death, and that that which we fear as death is life; and so that the first good is not to be born, that the second is an early death. And that this sentiment may be of greater weight, it is attributed to Silenus. Cicero in his Consolation says: “Not to be born is by far the best thing, and not to fall upon these rocks of life. But the next thing is, if you have been born, to die as soon as possible, and to flee from the violence of fortune as from a conflagration.” That he believed this most foolish expression appears from this, that he added something of his own for its embellishment. I ask, therefore, for whom he thinks it best not to be born, when there is no one at all who has any perception; for it is the perception which causes anything to be good or bad. In the next place, why did he regard the whole of life as nothing else than rocks, and a conflagration; as though it were either in our power not to be born, or life were given to us by fortune, and not by God, or as though the course of life appeared to bear any resemblance to a conflagration?
The saying of Plato is not dissimilar, that he gave thanks to nature, first that he was born a human being rather than a dumb animal; in the next place, that he was a man rather than a woman; that he was a Greek rather than a barbarian; lastly, that he was an Athenian, and that he was born in the time of Socrates. It is impossible to say what great blindness and errors are produced by ignorance of the truth would altogether contend that nothing in the affairs of men was ever spoken more foolishly. As though, if he had been born a barbarian, or a woman, or, in fine, an ass, he would be the same Plato, and not that very being which had been produced. But he evidently believed Pythagoras, who, in order that he might prevent men from feeding on animals, said that souls passed from the bodies of men to the bodies of other animals; which is both foolish and impossible. It is foolish, because it was unnecessary to introduce souls that have long existed into new bodies, when the same Artificer who at one time had made the first, was always able to make fresh ones; it is impossible, because the soul endued with right reason can no more change the nature of its condition, than fire can rush downwards, or, like a river, pour its flame obliquely. The wise man therefore imagined, that it might come to pass that the soul which was then in Plato might be shut up in some other animal, and might be endued with the sensibility of a man, so as to understand and grieve that it was burthened with an incongruous body. How much more rationally would he have acted, if he had said that he gave thanks because he was born with a good capacity, and capable of receiving instruction, and that he was possessed of those resources which enabled him to receive a liberal education! For what benefit was it that he was born at Athens? Have not many men of distinguished talent and learning lived in other cities, who were better individually than all the Athenians? How many thousands must we believe that there were, who, though born at Athens, and in the times of Socrates, were nevertheless unlearned and foolish? For it is not the walls or the place in which any one was born that can invest a man with wisdom. Of what avail was it to congratulate himself that he was born in the times of Socrates? Was Socrates able to supply talent to learners? It did not occur to Plato that Alcibiades also, and Critias, were constant hearers of the same Socrates, the one of whom was the most active enemy of his country, the other the most cruel of all tyrants.
At illi, qui de mortis bono disputant quia nihil veri sciunt, sic argumentantur: Si nihil est post mortem, non est malum mors; aufert enim sensum mali. Si autem supersunt animae, est etiam bonum, quia immortalitas sequitur. Quam sententiam Cicero de Legibus sic explicavit: « Gratulemurque nobis, quoniam mors aut meliorem, quam qui est in vita, aut certe non deteriorem allatura est statum. Nam sine corpore animo vigente, divina vita est; sensu carente, nihil profecto est mali. » Argute, ut sibi videbatur, quasi nihil esse aliud possit. Atqui utrumque hoc falsum est. Docent enim divinae Litterae, non extingui animas: sed aut pro justitia praemio affici, aut poena pro sceleribus sempiterna. Nec enim fas aut eum qui sceleratus in vita feliciter fuerit, effugere quod meretur; aut eum, qui ob justitiam miserrimus fuerit, sua mercede fraudari. Quod adeo verum est, ut idem Tullius in Consolatione non easdem sedes incolere justos atque impios praedicaverit. Nec enim omnibus, inquit, iidem illi sapientes arbitrati sunt, eumdem cursum in coelum patere: nam vitiis et sceleribus contaminatos deprimi in tenebras, atque in coeno jacere docuerunt; castos autem animos, puros, integros, incorruptos, bonis etiam studiis atque artibus expolitos, levi quodam et facili lapsu ad deos, id est, ad naturam sui similem pervolare. Quae sententia superiori illi argumento repugnat. Illud enim sic assumptum est, tamquam necesse sit, omnem hominem natum immortalitate donari. Quod igitur erit discrimen virtutis, ac sceleris, si nihil interest, utrumne Aristides sit aliquis, an Phalaris? utrum Cato, an Catilina? Sed hanc repugnantiam rerum sententiarumque non cernit, nisi qui tenet veritatem. Si quis igitur nos roget, utrumne bonum sit mors, an malum? respondebimus, qualitatem ejus ex vitae ratione pendere. Nam sicut vita ipsa bonum est, si cum virtute vivatur, malum, si cum scelere: sic et mors ex praeteritis vitae actibus ponderanda est. Ita fit, ut si vita in Dei religione transacta sit, mors malum non sit; quia translatio est ad immortalitatem. Sin autem, malum sit necesse est; quoniam ad aeterna (ut dixi) supplicia transmittit.
Quid ergo dicemus, nisi errare illos, qui aut mortem appetunt, tamquam bonum, aut vitam fugiunt, tamquam malum? nisi quod sunt iniquissimi, qui pauciora mala non pensant bonis pluribus. Nam cum omnem vitam per exquisitas et varias traducant voluptates, mori cupiunt, si quid forte his amaritudinis supervenit; et sic habent, tamquam illis nunquam fuerit bene, si aliquando fuerit male. Damnant igitur vitam omnem, plenamque nihil aliud, quam malis opinantur. Hinc nata est inepta illa sententia, hanc esse mortem, quam nos vitam putemus; illam vitam, quam nos pro morte timeamus: ita primum bonum esse, non nasci, secundum citius mori. Quae, ut majoris sit auctoritatis, Sileno attribuitur. Cicero, in Consolatione: « Non nasci, inquit, longe optimum, nec in hos scopulos incidere vitae; Proximum autem, si natus sis, quamprimum mori, tanquam ex incendio effugere violentiam fortunae. » Credidisse illum vanissimo dicto exinde apparet, quod adjecit aliquid de suo, ut ornaret. Quaero igitur, cui esse optimum putet non nasci, cum sit nullus omnino, qui sentiat: nam ut bonum sit aliquid, aut malum, sensus efficit. Deinde, cur omnem vitam nihil aliud esse, quam scopulos, et incendium putaverit; quasi aut in nostra fuerit potestate, ne nasceremur, aut vitam nobis fortuna tribuat, non Deus, aut vivendi ratio quidquam simile incendio habere videatur.
Non dissimile Platonis illud est. quod aiebat, se gratias agere naturae: primum, quod homo natus esset potius, quam mutum animal; deinde, quod mas potius, quam foemina; quod Graecus, quam Barbarus; postremo, quod Atheniensis, et quod temporibus Socratis. Dici non potest, quantam mentibus caecitatem, quantosque pariat errores ignoratio veritatis. Ego plane contenderim, numquam quidquam dictum esse in rebus humanis delirius. Quasi vero si aut Barbarus, aut mulier, aut asinus denique natus esset, idem ipse Plato esset, ac non ipsum illud, quod natum fuisset. Sed videlicet Pyhagorae credidit, qui ut vetaret homines animalibus vesci, dixit, animas de corporibus in aliorum animalium corpora commeare: quod et vanum et impossibile est. Vanum, quia necesse non fuit veteres animas in nova corpora inducere, cum idem artifex, qui primas aliquando fecerat, potuerit semper novas facere. Impossibile, quia rectae rationis anima tam immutare naturam status sui non potest, quam ignis aut deorsum niti, aut in transversum, fluminis modo, flammam suam fundere. Existimavit igitur homo sapiens, potuisse fieri, ut anima, quae tunc erat in Platone, in aliquod mutum animal includeretur, essetque humano sensu praedita, ut intelligeret ac doleret incongruenti se corpore oneratam. Quanto sanius faceret, si gratias agere se diceret, quod ingeniosus, quod docilis natus esset, quod in iis opibus, ut liberaliter erudiretur. Nam quod Athenis natus est, quid in eo beneficii fuit? An non plurimi extiterunt in aliis civitatibus excellenti ingenio atque doctrina viri, qui meliores singuli, quam omnes Athenienses fuerunt? Quanta hominum millia fuisse credamus, qui et Athenis nati, et temporibus Socratis, indocti tamen, ac stulti fuerunt? Non enim aut parietes, aut locus in quo quisque est effusus ex utero conciliat homini sapientiam. Quid vero attinuit Socratis se temporibus natum gratulari? Num Socrates ingenia discentibus potuit commodare? Non venit in mentem Platoni Alcibiadem quoque et Critiam ejusdem Socratis assiduos auditores fuisse; quorum alter hostis patriae acerrimus fuit, alter crudelissimus omnium tyrannorum.
3.20 Chap. XX.—Socrates had more knowledge in philosophy than other men, although in many things he acted foolishly PL 6, 414
Let us now see what there was so great in Socrates himself, that a wise man deservedly gave thanks that he was born in his times. I do not deny that he was a little more sagacious than the others who thought that the nature of things could be comprehended by the mind. And in this I judge that they were not only senseless, but also impious; because they wished to send their inquisitive eyes into the secrets of that heavenly providence. We know that there are at Rome, and in many cities, certain sacred things which it is considered impious for men to look upon. Therefore they who are not permitted to pollute those objects abstain from looking upon them; and if by error or some accident a man has happened to see them, his guilt is expiated first by his punishment, and afterwards by a repetition of sacrifice. What can you do in the case of those who wish to pry into unpermitted things? Truly they are much more wicked who seek to profane the secrets of the world and this heavenly temple with impious disputations, than those who entered the temple of Vesta, or the Good Goddess, or Ceres. And these shrines, though it is not lawful for men to approach them, were yet constructed by men. But these men not only escape the charge of impiety, but, that which is much more unbecoming, they gain the fame of eloquence and the glory of talent. What if they were able to investigate anything? For they are as foolish in asserting as they are wicked in searching out; since they are neither able to find out anything, nor, even if they had found out anything, to defend it. For if even by chance they have seen the truth—a thing which often happens—they so act that it is refuted by others as false. For no one descends from heaven to pass sentence on the opinions of individuals; wherefore no one can doubt that those who seek after these things are foolish, senseless, and insane.
Socrates therefore had something of human wisdom, who, when he understood that these things could not possibly be ascertained, removed himself from questions of this kind; but I fear that he so acted in this alone. For many of his actions are not only undeserving of praise, but also most deserving of censure, in which things he most resembled those of his own class. Out of these I will select one which may be judged of by all. Socrates used this well-known proverb: “That which is above us is nothing to us.” Let us therefore fall down upon the earth, and use as feet those hands which have been given us for the production of excellent works. The heaven is nothing to us, to the contemplation of which we have been raised; in fine, the light itself can have no reference to us; undoubtedly the cause of our sustenance is from heaven. But if he perceived this, that we ought not to discuss the nature of heavenly things, he was unable even to comprehend the nature of those things which he had beneath his feet. What then? did he err in his words? It is not probable; but he undoubtedly meant that which he said, that we are not to devote ourselves to religion; but if he were openly to say this, no one would suffer it.
For who cannot perceive that this world, completed with such wonderful method, is governed by some providence, since there is nothing which can exist without some one to direct it? Thus, a house deserted by its inhabitant fails to decay; a ship without a pilot goes to the bottom; and a body abandoned by the soul wastes away. Much less can we suppose that so great a fabric could either have been constructed without an Artificer, or have existed so long without a Ruler. But if he wished to overthrow those public superstitions, I do not disapprove of this; yea, I shall rather praise it, if he shall have found anything better to take their place. But the same man swore by a dog and a goose. Oh buffoon (as Zeno the Epicurean says), senseless, abandoned, desperate man, if he wished to scoff at religion; madman, if he did this seriously, so as to esteem a most base animal as God! For who can dare to find fault with the superstitions of the Egyptians, when Socrates confirmed them at Athens by his authority? But was it not a mark of consummate vanity, that before his death he asked his friends to sacrifice for him a cock which he had vowed to Æsculapius? He evidently feared lest he should be put upon his trial before Rhadamanthus, the judge, by Æsculapius on account of the vow. I should consider him most mad if he had died under the influence of disease. But since he did this in his sound mind, he who thinks that he was wise is himself of unsound mind. Behold one in whose times the wise man congratulates himself as having been born!
Videamus nunc, quid in Socrate ipso tam magnum fuerit, ut homo sapiens merito gratias ageret, illius se temporibus esse natum. Non inficior fuisse illum paulo cordatiorem, quam caeteros, qui naturam rerum putaverunt ingenio posse comprehendi. In quo illos non excordes tantum fuisse arbitror, sed etiam impios; quod in secreta coelestis illius providentiae curiosos oculos voluerint immittere. Romae, et in plerisque urbibus scimus esse quaedam sacra, quae aspici a viris nefas habeatur. Abstinent igitur aspectu, quibus contaminare illa non licet: et si forte, vel errore, vel casu quopiam vir aspexerit, primo poena ejus, deinde instauratione sacrificii, scelus expiatur. Quid his facias, qui inconcessa scrutari volunt? Nimirum multo sceleratiores, qui arcana mundi, et hoc coeleste templum profanare impiis disputationibus quaerunt, quam qui aedem Vestae, aut Bonae Deae, aut Cereris intraverint. Quae penetralia quamvis adire viris non liceat, tamen a viris fabricata sunt. Hi vero non tantum impietatis crimen effugiunt: sed, quod est multo indignius, eloquentiae famam, et ingenii gloriam consequuntur. Quid, si aliquid investigare possent? Sunt enim tam stulti in asseverando. quam improbi in quaerendo; cum neque invenire quidquam possint, nec defendere, etiamsi invenerint. Nam si verum vel fortuito viderint, quod saepius contingit, committunt, ut ab aliis id pro falso refellatur. Non enim descendit aliquis de coelo, qui sententiam de singulorum opinionibus ferat: quapropter nemo dubitaverit, eos, qui ista conquirant, stultos, ineptos, insanos esse.
Aliquid ergo Socrates habuit cordis humani, qui cum intelligeret haec non posse inveniri, ab ejusmodi quaestionibus se removit; vereorque ne in eo solo. Multa enim sunt ejus non modo laude indigna, sed etiam reprehensione dignissima, in quibus fuit suorum simillimus. Ex his unum eligam, quod ab omnibus sit probatum. Celebre hoc proverbium Socrates habuit: « Quod supra nos, nihil ad nos. » Procumbamus igitur in terram, et manus nobis ad praeclara opera datas convertamus in pedes. Nihil ad nos coelum, ad cujus contemplationem sumus excitati; nihil denique lux ipsa pertineat: certe victus nostri causa de coelo est. Quod si hoc sensit, non esse de rebus coelestibus disputandum, ne illorum quidem rationem poterat comprehendere, quae sub pedibus habebat. Quid ergo? num erravit in verbis? Verisimile non est: sed nimirum id sensit, quod locutus est, religioni minime serviendum: quod si aperte diceret, nemo pateretur.
Quis enim non sentiat, hunc mundum tam mirabili ratione perfectum, aliqua providentia gubernari? quandoquidem nihil est, quod possit sine ullo moderatore consistere. Sic domus ab habitatore deserta dilabitur; navis sine gubernatore abit pessum; et corpus, relictum ab anima, diffluit: nedum putemus, tantam illam molem aut construi sine artifice, aut stare tamdiu sine rectore potuisse. Quod si publicas illas religiones voluit evertere, non improbo, quin etiam laudabo, si ipse quod est melius invenerit. Verum idem per canem et anserem dejerabat. O hominem scurram (ut ait Zeno epicureus) ineptum, perditum, desperatum, si cavillari voluit religionem; dementem, si hoc serio fecit, ut animal turpissimum pro Deo haberet! Quis jam superstitiones Aegyptiorum audeat reprehendere, quas Socrates Athenis auctoritate confirmavit sua? Illud vero nonne summae vanitatis, quod ante mortem familiares suos rogavit, ut Aesculapio gallum, quem voverat, pro se sacrarent? Timuit videlicet, ne apud Rhadamanthum reciperatorem voti reus fieret ab Aesculapio. Dementissimum hominem putarem, si morbo affectus periisset. Cum vero hoc sanus fecerit, est ipse insanus, qui eum putat fuisse sapientem. En, cujus temporibus natum esse se homo sapiens gratulatur.
3.21 Chap. XXI.—Of the system of Plato, which would lead to the overthrow of states PL 6, 417
Let us, however, see what it was that he learned from Socrates, who, having entirely rejected natural philosophy, betook himself to inquiries about virtue and duty. And thus I do not doubt that he instructed his hearers in the precepts of justice. Therefore, under the teaching of Socrates, it did not escape the notice of Plato, that the force of justice consists in equality, since all are born in an equal condition. Therefore (he says) they must have nothing private or their own; but that they may be equal, as the method of justice requires, they must possess all things in common. This is capable of being endured, as long as it appears to be spoken of money. But how impossible and how unjust this is, I could show by many things. Let us, however, admit its possibility. For grant that all are wise, and despise money. To what, then, did that community lead him? Marriages also, be says, ought to be in common; so that many men may flock together like dogs to the same woman, and he who shall be superior in strength may succeed in obtaining her; or if they are patient as philosophers, they may await their turns, as in a brothel. Oh the wonderful equality of Plato! Where, then, is the virtue of chastity? where conjugal fidelity? And if you take away these, all justice is taken away. But he also says that states would be prosperous, if either philosophers were their kings, or their kings were philosophers. But if you were to give the sovereignty to this man of such justice and equity, who had deprived some of their own property, and given to some the property of others, he would prostitute the modesty of women; a thing which was never done, I do not say by a king, but not even by a tyrant.
But what motive did he advance for this most degrading advice? The state will be in harmony, and bound together with the bonds of mutual love, if all shall be the husbands, and fathers, and wives, and children of all. What a confusion of the human race is this? How is it possible for affection to be preserved where there is nothing certain to be loved? What man will love a woman, or what woman a man, unless they shall always have lived together,—unless devotedness of mind, and faith mutually preserved, shall have made their love indivisible? But this virtue has no place in that promiscuous pleasure. Moreover, if all are the children of all, who will be able to love children as his own, when he is either ignorant or in doubt whether they are his own? Who will bestow honour upon any one as a father, when he does not know from whom he was born? From which it comes to pass, that he not only esteems a stranger as a father, but also a father as a stranger. Why should I say that it is possible for a wife to be common, but impossible for a son, who cannot be conceived except from one? The community, therefore, is lost to him alone, nature herself crying out against it. It remains that it is only for the sake of concord that he would have a community of wives. But there is no more vehement cause of discords, than the desire of one woman by many men. And in this Plato might have been admonished, if not by reason, yet certainly by example, both of the dumb animals, which fight most vehemently on this account, and of men, who have always carried on most severe wars with one another on account of this matter.
Videamus tamen, quid illum Socrates docuerit, qui cum totam Physicam repudiasset, eo se contulit, ut de virtute atque officio quaereret. Itaque non dubito, quin auditores suos justitiae praeceptis erudierit. Docente igitur Socrate, non fugit Platonem, justitiae vim in aequitate consistere; siquidem omnes pari conditione nascuntur. Ergo nihil (inquit) privati ac proprii habeant: sed ut pares esse possint, quod justitiae ratio desiderat, omnia in commune possideant. Ferri hoc potest, quamdiu de pecunia dici videtur. Quod ipsum quam impossibile sit, et quam injustum, poteram multis rebus ostendere. Concedamus tamen, ut possit fieri. Omnes enim sapientes erunt, et pecuniam contemnent. Quo ergo illum communitas ista perduxit? Matrimonia quoque inquit, communia esse debebunt: scilicet ut ad eamdem mulierem multi viri, tamquam canes confluant; et is utique obtineat, qui viribus vicerit: aut si patientes sunt, ut philosophi, expectent, ut vicibus, tamquam lupanar obeant. O miram Platonis aequitatem! Ubi est igitur virtus castitatis? ubi fides conjugalis? quae si tollas, omnis justitia sublata est. At idem dixit, beatas civitates futuras fuisse, si aut philosophi regnarent, aut reges philosopharentur. Huic vero tam justo, tam aequo viro regnum dares, qui aliis abstulisset sua, aliis condonasset aliena; prostituisset pudicitiam foeminarum: quae nullus unquam non modo rex, sed ne tyrannus quidem fecit.
Quam vero intulit rationem turpissimi hujus consilii? Sic inquit: Civitas concors erit, et amoris mutui constricta vinculis, si omnes omnium fuerint et mariti, et patres, et uxores, et liberi. Quae ista confusio generis humani est! Quomodo servari potest caritas, ubi nihil est certum quod ametur? Quis aut vir mulierem, aut mulier virum diliget, nisi hahitaverint semper una, nisi devota mens, et servata invicem fides individuam fecerit charitatem? quae virtus in illa promiscua voluptate locum non habet. Item si omnes omnium liberi sint, quis amare liberos tamquam suos poterit, cum suos esse aut ignoret, aut dubitet? quis honorem tamquam patri deferet, cum unde natus sit nesciat? Ex quo fit, ut non tantum alienum pro patre habeat, sed etiam patrem pro alieno. Quid, quod uxor potest esse communis, filius non potest, quem concipi non nisi ex uno necesse est. Perit ergo illi uni communitas, ipsa reclamante natura. Superest, ut tantummodo concordiae causa uxores velit esse communes. At nulla vehementior discordiarum causa est, quam unius foeminae a multis maribus appetitio. In quo Plato, si ratione non potuit, exemplis certe potuit admoneri, et mutorum animalium, quae ob hoc vel acerrime pugnant, et hominum, qui semper ob eam rem gravissima inter se bella gesserunt.
3.22 Chap. XXII.—Of the precepts of Plato, and censures of the same PL 6, 419
It remains that the community of which we have spoken admits of nothing else but adulteries and lusts, for the utter extinction of which virtue is especially necessary. Therefore he did not find the concord which he sought, because he did not see whence it arises. For justice has no weight in outward circumstances, not even in the body, but it is altogether employed on the mind of man. He, therefore, who wishes to place men on an equality, ought not to take away marriage and wealth, but arrogance, pride, and haughtiness, that those who are powerful and lifted up on high may know that they are on a level even with the most needy. For insolence and injustice being taken from the rich, it will make no difference whether some are rich and others poor, since they will be equal in spirit, and nothing but reverence towards God can produce this result. He thought, therefore, that he had found justice, whereas he had altogether removed it, because it ought not to be a community of perishable things, but of minds. For if justice is the mother of all virtues, when they are severally taken away, it is also itself overthrown. But Plato took away above all things frugality, which has no existence when there is no property of one’s own which can be possessed; he took away abstinence, since there will be nothing belonging to another from which one can abstain; he took away temperance and chastity, which are the greatest virtues in each sex; he took away self-respect, shame, and modesty, if those things which are accustomed to be judged base and disgraceful begin to be accounted honourable and lawful. Thus, while he wishes to confer virtue upon all, he takes it away from all. For the ownership of property contains the material both of vices and of virtues, but a community of goods contains nothing else than the licentiousness of vices. For men who have many mistresses can be called nothing else than luxurious and prodigal. And likewise women who are in the possession of many men, must of necessity be not adulteresses, because they have no fixed marriage, but prostitutes and harlots. Therefore he reduced human life, I do not say to the likeness of dumb animals, but of the herds and brutes. For almost all the birds contract marriages, and are united in pairs, and defend their nests, as though their marriage-beds, with harmonious mind, and cherish their own young, because they are well known to them; and if you put others in their way, they repel them. But this wise man, contrary to the custom of men, and contrary to nature, chose more foolish objects of imitation; and since he saw that the duties of males and females were not separated in the case of other animals, he thought that women also ought to engage in warfare, and take a share in the public counsels, and undertake magistracies, and assume commands. And therefore he assigned to them horses and arms: it follows that he should have assigned to men wool and the loom, and the carrying of infants. Nor did he see the impossibility of what he said, from the fact that no nation has existed in the world so foolish or so vain as to live in this manner.
Restat ut communio ista nihil aliud habeat, praeter adulteria, et libidines; propter quas funditus eruendas, virtus est vel maxime necessaria. Itaque non invenit concordiam, quam quaerebat; quia non videbat, unde oriatur. Nam justitia in extrapositis nihil momenti habet, ne in corpore quidem: sed tota in hominis mente versatur. Qui ergo vult homines adaequare, non matrimonia, non opes subtrahere debet; sed arrogantiam, superbiam, tumorem, ut illi potentes et elati pares esse se etiam mendicissimis sciant. Detracta enim divitibus insolentia et iniquitate, nihil intererit utrumne alii divites, alii pauperes sint, cum animi pares fuerint; quod efficere nulla res alia praeter religionem Dei potest. Putavit igitur se invenisse justitiam, cum eam prorsus everterit; quia non rerum fragilium, sed mentium debet esset communitas. Nam si justitia virtutum omnium mater est, cum illae singulae tolluntur, ipsa subvertitur. Tulit autem Plato ante omnia frugalitatem: quae utique nulla est, ubi proprii nihil habeatur. Tulit abstinentiam: siquidem nihil fuerit, quod abstineatur, alienum. Tulit temperantiam, tulit castitatem; quae virtutes in utroque sexu maximae sunt. Tulit verecundiam, pudorem, modestiam, si honesta et legitima esse incipiunt, quae solent flagitiosa et turpia judicari. Sic virtutem dum vult omnibus dare, omnibus adimit. Nam rerum proprietas, et vitiorum, et virtutum materiam continet: communitas autem nihil aliud, quam vitiorum licentiam. Nam viri, qui multas mulieres habent, nihil aliud dici possunt, quam luxuriosi ac nepotes. Item mulieres, quae a multis habentur, non utique adulterae, quia certum matrimonium nullum est, sed prostitutae ac meretrices sint necesse est.
Redegit ergo humanam vitam ad similitudinem, non dicam mutorum, sed pecudum ac belluarum. Nam volucres pene omnes faciunt matrimonia, et paria junguntur, et nidos suos tamquam geniales toros concordi mente defendunt; et foetus suos, quia certi sunt, amant; et si alienos objeceris, abigunt. At homo sapiens contra morem hominum, contraque naturam, stultiora sibi, quae imitaretur, elegit. Et quoniam videbat in caeteris animalibus officia marium foeminarumque non esse divisa, existimavit oportere etiam mulieres militare, et consiliis publicis interesse, et magistratus gerere, et imperia suscipere. Itaque his arma et equos assignavit: consequens est, ut lanam et telam viris, et infantium gestationes. Nec vidit impossibilia esse, quae diceret; ex eo quod adhuc in orbe terrae, neque tam stulta, neque tam vana ulla gens extiterit; quae hoc modo viveret.
3.23 Chap. XXIII.—Of the errors of certain philosophers, and of the sun and moon PL 6, 421
Since, therefore, the leading men among the philosophers are themselves discovered to be of such emptiness, what shall we think of those lesser ones, who are accustomed never to appear to themselves so wise, as when they boast of their contempt of money? Brave spirit! But I wait to see their conduct, and what are the results of that contempt. They avoid as an evil, and abandon the property handed down to them from their parents. And lest they should suffer shipwreck in a storm, they plunge headlong of their own accord in a calm, being resolute not by virtue, but by perverse fear; as those who, through fear of being slain by the enemy, slay themselves, that by death they may avoid death. So these men, without honour and without influence, throw away the means by which they might have acquired the glory of liberality. Democritus is praised because he abandoned his fields, and suffered them to become public pastures. I should approve of it, if he had given them. But nothing is done wisely which is useless and evil if it is done by all. But this negligence is tolerable. What shall I say of him who changed his possessions into money, which he threw into the sea? I doubt whether he was in his senses, or deranged. Away, he says, ye evil desires, into the deep. I will cast you away, lest I myself should be cast away by you. If you have so great a contempt for money, employ it in acts of kindness and humanity, bestow it upon the poor; this, which you are about to throw away, may be a succour to many, so that they may not die through famine, or thirst, or nakedness. Imitate at least the madness and fury of Tuditanus; scatter abroad your property to be seized by the people. You have it in your power both to escape the possession of money, and yet to lay it out to advantage; for whatever has been profitable to many is securely laid out.
But who approves of the equality of faults as laid down by Zeno? But let us omit that which is always received with derision by all. This is sufficient to prove the error of this madman, that he places pity among vices and diseases. He deprives us of an affection, which involves almost the whole course of human life. For since the nature of man is more feeble than that of the other animals, which divine providence has armed with natural means of protection, either to endure the severity of the seasons or to ward off attacks from their bodies, because none of these things has been given to man, he has received in the place of all these things the affection of pity, which is truly called humanity, by which we might mutually protect each other. For if a man were rendered savage by the sight of another man, which we see happen in the case of those animals which are of a solitary nature, there would be no society among men, no care or system in the building of cities; and thus life would not even be safe, since the weakness of men would both be exposed to the attacks of the other animals, and they would rage among themselves after the manner of wild beasts. Nor is his madness less in other things.
For what can be said respecting him who asserted that snow was black? How naturally it followed, that he should also assert that pitch was white! This is he who said that he was born for this purpose, that he might behold the heaven and the sun, who beheld nothing on the earth when the sun was shining. Xenophanes most foolishly believed mathematicians who said that the orb of the moon was eighteen times larger than the earth; and, as was consistent with this folly, he said that within the concave surface of the moon there was another earth, and that there another race of men live in a similar manner to that in which we live on this earth. Therefore these lunatics have another moon, to hold forth to them a light by night, as this does to us. And perhaps this globe of ours may be a moon to another earth below this. Seneca says that there was one among the Stoics who used to deliberate whether he should assign to the sun also its own inhabitants; he acted foolishly in doubting. For what injury would he have inflicted if he had assigned them? But I believe the heat deterred him, so as not to imperil so great a multitude; lest, if they should perish through excessive heat, so great a calamity should be said to have happened by his fault.
Cum igitur in tanta vanitate ipsi philosophorum principes deprehendantur, quid illos minores putabimus, qui numquam sibi tam sapientes videri solent, quam cum pecuniae contemptu gloriantur? Fortis animus. Sed expecto quid faciant, et quo ille contemptus evadat. Tradita sibi a parentibus patrimonia tamquam malum fugiunt, ac deserunt. Et ne in tempestate naufragium faciant, in tranquillo se ultro praecipitant, non virtute, sed perverso metu fortes; sicut illi, qui, cum timent ne ab hoste jugulentur, ipsi se jugulant, ut mortem morte devitent. Sic isti, unde possent gloriam liberalitatis acquirere, sine honore, sine gratia perdunt. Laudatur Democritus, quod agros suos reliquerit, eosque pascua publica fieri passus sit. Probarem, si donasset. Nihil autem sapienter fit, quod si ab omnibus fiat, inutile est ac malum. Sed haec negligentia tolerabilis. Quid ille, qui patrimonium in nummos redactum effudit in mare? Ego dubito utrumne sanus, an demens fuerit. Abite, inquit, in profundum, malae cupiditates; ego vos mergam, ne ipse mergar a vobis. Si tantus pecuniae contemptus est, fac illam beneficium, fac humanitatem, largire pauperibus: potest hoc, quod perditurus es, multis succurrere, ne fame, aut siti, aut nuditate moriantur. Imitare insaniam saltem furoremque Tuditani; sparge populo diripienda. Potes et pecuniam effugere, et tamen bene collocare; quia salvum est quidquid pluribus profuit.
Zenonis autem paria peccata quis probat? Sed omittamus id, quod est ab omnibus semper irrisum. Illud satis est ad coarguendum furiosi hominis errorem, quod inter vitia et morbos misericordiam ponit. Adimit nobis affectum, quo ratio humanae vitae pene omnis continetur. Cum enim natura hominis imbecillior sit quam caeterorum animalium, quae vel ad perferendam vim temporum, vel ad incursiones a suis corporibus arcendas, naturalibus munimentis providentia coelestis armavit: homini autem quia nihil istorum datum est, accepit pro istis omnibus miserationis affectum, qui plane vocatur humanitas, qua nosmet invicem tueremur. Nam si homo ad conspectum alterius hominis efferaretur, quod facere videmus animantes quarum natura solivaga est, nulla esset hominum societas, nulla urbium condendarum vel cura, vel ratio. Sic neque vita quidem satis tuta, cum et caeteris animalibus exposita esset imbecillitas hominum, et ipsi inter semetipsos belluarum more saevirent. Non minor in aliis dementia.
Quid enim dici potest de illo, qui nigram dixit esse nivem? quam consequens erat, ut etiam picem albam esse diceret! Hic est ille, qui se idcirco natum esse dicebat, ut coelum ac solem videret, qui in terra nihil videbat sole lucente. Xenophanes dicentibus Mathematicis orbem lunae duodeviginti partibus majorem esse, quam terram, stultissime credidit; et quod huic levitati fuit consentaneum, dixit, intra concavum lunae sinum esse aliam terram, et ibi aliud genus hominum simili modo vivere, quo nos in hac terra vivimus. Habent igitur illi lunatici homines alteram lunam, quae illis nocturnum lumen exhibeat, sicut haec exhibet nobis. Et fortasse noster hic orbis alterius inferioris terrae luna sit. Fuisse Seneca inter Stoicos ait, qui deliberaret utrumne Soli quoque suos populos daret: inepte scilicet, qui dubitaverit. Quid enim perderet, si dedisset? Sed, credo, calor deterrebat, ne tantam multitudinem periculo committeret; ne si aestu nimio periissent, ipsius culpa evenisse tanta calamitas diceretur.
3.24 Chap. XXIV.—Of the antipodes, the heaven, and the stars PL 6, 425
How is it with those who imagine that there are antipodes opposite to our footsteps? Do they say anything to the purpose? Or is there any one so senseless as to believe that there are men whose footsteps are higher than their heads? or that the things which with us are in a recumbent position, with them hang in an inverted direction? that the crops and trees grow downwards? that the rains, and snow, and hail fall upwards to the earth? And does any one wonder that hanging gardens are mentioned among the seven wonders of the world, when philosophers make hanging fields, and seas, and cities, and mountains? The origin of this error must also be set forth by us. For they are always deceived in the same manner. For when they have assumed anything false in the commencement of their investigations, led by the resemblance of the truth, they necessarily fall into those things which are its consequences. Thus they fall into many ridiculous things; because those things which are in agreement with false things, must themselves be false. But since they placed confidence in the first, they do not consider the character of those things which follow, but defend them in every way; whereas they ought to judge from those which follow, whether the first are true or false.
What course of argument, therefore, led them to the idea of the antipodes? They saw the courses of the stars travelling towards the west; they saw that the sun and the moon always set towards the same quarter, and rise from the same. But since they did not perceive what contrivance regulated their courses, nor how they returned from the west to the east, but supposed that the heaven itself sloped downwards in every direction, which appearance it must present on account of its immense breadth, they thought that the world is round like a ball, and they fancied that the heaven revolves in accordance with the motion of the heavenly bodies; and thus that the stars and sun, when they have set, by the very rapidity of the motion of the world are borne back to the east. Therefore they both constructed brazen orbs, as though after the figure of the world, and engraved upon them certain monstrous images, which they said were constellations. It followed, therefore, from this rotundity of the heaven, that the earth was enclosed in the midst of its curved surface. But if this were so, the earth also itself must be like a globe; for that could not possibly be anything but round, which was held enclosed by that which was round. But if the earth also were round, it must necessarily happen that it should present the same appearance to all parts of the heaven; that is, that it should raise aloft mountains, extend plains, and have level seas. And if this were so, that last consequence also followed, that there would be no part of the earth uninhabited by men and the other animals. Thus the rotundity of the earth leads, in addition, to the invention of those suspended antipodes.
But if you inquire from those who defend these marvellous fictions, why all things do not fall into that lower part of the heaven, they reply that such is the nature of things, that heavy bodies are borne to the middle, and that they are all joined together towards the middle, as we see spokes in a wheel; but that the bodies which are light, as mist, smoke, and fire, are borne away from the middle, so as to seek the heaven. I am at a loss what to say respecting those who, when they have once erred, consistently persevere in their folly, and defend one vain thing by another; but that I sometimes imagine that they either discuss philosophy for the sake of a jest, or purposely and knowingly undertake to defend falsehoods, as if to exercise or display their talents on false subjects. But I should be able to prove by many arguments that it is impossible for the heaven to be lower than the earth, were is not that this book must now be concluded, and that some things still remain, which are more necessary for the present work. And since it is not the work of a single book to run over the errors of each individually, let it be sufficient to have enumerated a few, from which the nature of the others may be understood.
Quid illi, qui esse contrarios vestigiis nostris Antipodas putant, num aliquid loquuntur? aut est quisquam tam ineptus, qui credat esse homines, quorum vestigia sint superiora, quam capita? aut ibi, quae apud nos jacent, inversa pendere? fruges et arbores deorsum versus crescere? pluvias, et nives, et grandinem sursum versus cadere in terram? Et miratur aliquis, hortos pensiles inter septem mira narrari, cum philosophi et agros, et maria, et urbes, et montes pensiles faciant? Hujus quoque erroris aperienda nobis origo est. Nam semper eodem modo falluntur. Cum enim falsum aliquid in principio sumpserint, veri similitudine inducti, necesse est eos in ea, quae consequuntur, incurrere. Sic incidunt in multa ridicula; quia necesse est falsa esse, quae rebus falsis congruunt. Cum autem primis habuerint fidem, qualia sint ea, quae sequuntur, non circumspiciunt, sed defendunt omni modo; cum debeant prima illa, utrumne vera sint, an falsa, ex consequentibus judicare.
Quae igitur illos ad Antipodas ratio perduxit? Videbant siderum cursus in occasum meantium; solem atque lunam in eamdem partem semper occidere, atque oriri semper ab eadem. Cum autem non perspicerent, quae machinatio cursus eorum temperaret, nec quomodo ab occasu ad orientem remearent, coelum autem ipsum in omnes partes putarent esse devexum, quod sic videri, propter immensam latitudinem necesse est: existimaverunt, rotundum esse mundum sicut pilam, et ex motu siderum opinati sunt coelum volvi, sic astra solemque, cum occiderint, volubilitate ipsa mundi ad ortum referri. Itaque et aereos orbes fabricati sunt, quasi ad figuram mundi, eosque caelarunt portentosis quibusdam simulacris, quae astra esse dicerent. Hanc igitur coeli rotunditatem illud sequebatur, ut terra in medio sinu ejus esset inclusa. Quod si ita esset, etiam ipsam terram globo similem; neque enim fieri posset, ut non esset rotundum, quod rotundo conclusum teneretur. Si autem rotunda etiam terra esset, necesse esse, ut in omnes coeli partes eamdem faciem gerat, id est montes erigat, campos tendat, maria consternat. Quod si esset, etiam sequebatur illud extremum, ut nulla sit pars terrae, quae non ab hominibus caeterisque animalibus incolatur. Sic pendulos istos Antipodas coeli rotunditas adinvenit.
Quod si quaeras ab iis, qui haec portenta defendunt, quomodo non cadunt omnia in inferiorem illam coeli partem; respondent, hanc rerum esse naturam, ut pondera in medium ferantur, et ad medium connexa sint omnia, sicut radios videmus in rota; quae autem levia sunt, ut nebula, fumus, ignis, a medio deferantur, ut coelum petant. Quid dicam de iis nescio, qui, cum semel aberraverint, constanter in stultitia perseverant, et vanis vana defendunt; nisi quod eos interdum puto, aut joci causa philosophari, aut prudentes et scios mendacia defendenda suscipere, quasi ut ingenia sua in malis rebus exerceant, vel ostendant. At ego multis argumentis probare possem, nullo modo fieri posse, ut coelum terra sit inferius, nisi et liber jam concludendus esset, et adhuc aliqua restarent, quae magis sunt praesenti operi necessaria. Et quoniam singulorum errores percurrere non est unius libri opus, satis sit pauca enumerasse, ex quibus possit qualia sint caetera intelligi.
3.25 Chap. XXV.—Of learning philosophy, and what great qualifications are necessary for its pursuit PL 6, 428
We must now speak a few things concerning philosophy in general, that having strengthened our cause we may conclude. That greatest imitator of Plato among our writers thought that philosophy was not for the multitude, because none but learned men could attain to it. “Philosophy,” says Cicero, “is contented with a few judges, of its own accord designedly avoiding the multitude.” It is not therefore wisdom, if it avoids the concourse of men; since, if wisdom is given to man, it is given to all without any distinction, so that there is no one at all who cannot acquire it. But they so embrace virtue, which is given to the human race, that they alone of all appear to wish to enjoy that which is a public good; being as envious as if they should wish to bind or tear out the eyes of others that they may not see the sun. For what else is it to deny wisdom to men, than to take away from their minds the true and divine light? But if the nature of man is capable of wisdom, it was befitting that both workmen, and country people, and women, and all, in short, who bear the human form, should be taught to be wise; and that the people should be brought together from every language, and condition, and sex, and age. Therefore it is a very strong argument that philosophy neither tends to wisdom, nor is of itself wisdom, that its mystery is only made known by the beard and cloak of the philosophers. The Stoics, moreover, perceived this, who said that philosophy was to be studied both by slaves and women; Epicurus also, who invites those who are altogether unacquainted with letters to philosophy; and Plato also, who wished to compose a state of wise men.
They attempted, indeed, to do that which truth required; but they were unable to proceed beyond words. First, because instruction in many arts is necessary for an application to philosophy. Common learning must be acquired on account of practice in reading, because in so great a variety of subjects it is impossible that all things should be learned by hearing, or retained in the memory. No little attention also must be given to the grammarians, in order that you may know the right method of speaking. That must occupy many years. Nor must there be ignorance of rhetoric, that you may be able to utter and express the things which you have learned. Geometry also, and music, and astronomy, are necessary, because these arts have some connection with philosophy; and the whole of these subjects cannot be learned by women, who must learn within the years of their maturity the duties which are hereafter about to be of service to them for domestic uses; nor by servants, who must live in service during those years especially in which they are able to learn; nor by the poor, or labourers, or rustics, who have to gain their daily support by labour. And on this account Tully says that philosophy is averse from the multitude. But yet Epicurus will receive the ignorant. How, then, will they understand those things which are said respecting the first principles of things, the perplexities and intricacies of which are scarcely attained to by men of cultivated minds?
Therefore, in subjects which are involved in obscurity, and confused by a variety of intellects, and set off by the studied language of eloquent men, what place is there for the unskilful and ignorant? Lastly, they never taught any women to study philosophy, except Themiste only, within the whole memory of man; nor slaves, except Phædo only, who is said, when living in oppressive slavery, to have been ransomed and taught by Cebes. They also enumerate Plato and Diogenes: these, however, were not slaves, though they had fallen into servitude, for they had been taken captive. A certain Aniceris is said to have ransomed Plato for eight sesterces. And on this account Seneca severely rebuked the ransomer himself, because he set so small value upon Plato. He was a madman, as it seems to me, who was angry with a man because he did not throw away much money; doubtless he ought to have weighed gold as though to ransom the corpse of Hector, or to have insisted upon the payment of more money than the seller demanded. Moreover, they taught none of the barbarians, with the single exception of Anacharsis the Scythian, who never would have dreamed of philosophy had he not previously learned both language and literature.
Nunc pauca nobis de philosophia in commune dicenda sunt, ut confirmata causa peroremus. Summus ille noster Platonis imitator existimavit philosophiam non esse vulgarem, quod eam non nisi docti homines assequi possint. « Est, inquit Cicero , philosophia paucis contenta judicibus, multitudinem consulto ipsa fugiens. » Non est ergo sapientia, si ab hominum coetu abhorret: quoniam si sapientia homini data est, sine ullo discrimine omnibus data est, ut nemo sit prorsus, qui eam capere non possit. At illi virtutem humano generi datam sic amplexantur, ut soli omnium publico bono frui velle videantur, tam invidi, quam si velint deligare oculos aut effodere caeteris, ne solem videant. Nam quid est aliud hominibus negare sapientiam, quam mentibus eorum verum ac divinum lumen auferre? Quod si natura hominis sapientiae capax est, oportuit et opifices, et rusticos, et mulieres, et omnes denique, qui humanam formam gerunt, doceri, ut sapiant; populumque ex omni lingua, et conditione, et sexu, et aetate conflari. Maximum itaque argumentum est, philosophiam neque ad sapientiam tendere, neque ipsam esse sapientiam, quod mysterium ejus barba tantum celebratur et pallio. Senserunt hoc adeo Stoici, qui et servis, et mulieribus philosophandum esse dixerunt; Epicurus quoque, qui rudes omnium litterarum ad philosophiam invitat; item Plato, qui civitatem de sapientibus voluit componere.
Conati quidem illi sunt facere, quod veritas exigebat: sed non potuit ultra verba procedi. Primum, quia multis artibus opus est, ut ad philosophiam possit accedi. Discendae istae communes litterae propter usum legendi, quia in tanta rerum varietate, nec disci audiendo possunt omnia, nec memoria contineri. Grammaticis quoque non parum operae dandum est, ut rectam loquendi rationem scias. Id multos annos auferat necesse est. Nec oratoria quidem ignoranda est; ut ea, quae didiceris, proferre atque eloqui possis. Geometria quoque, ac musica, et astrologia necessaria est, quod hae artes cum philosophia habent aliquam societatem: quae universa perdiscere neque foeminae possunt, quibus intra puberes annos officia mox usibus domesticis profutura discenda sunt neque servi, quibus per eos annos vel maxime serviendum est, quibus possunt discere; neque pauperes, aut opifices, aut rustici, quibus in diem victus labore est quaerendus. Ob eam causam Tullius ait abhorrere a multitudine philosophiam. At enim rudes Epicurus accipiet. Quomodo ergo illa, quae de principiis rerum dicuntur, intelligunt, quae perplexa et involuta vix etiam politi homines assequuntur?
In rebus igitur obscuritate implicitis, et ingeniorum varietate confusis, et eloquentium virorum exquisito sermone fucatis, quis imperito ac rudi locus est? Denique nullas unquam mulieres philosophari docuerunt, praeter unam ex omni memoria Themisten; neque servos, praeter unum Phaedonem, quem male servientem redemisse ac docuisse Cebetem tradunt. Enumerant etiam Platonem, ac Diogenem; qui tamen servi non fuerunt: sed his servitus evenerat; sunt enim capti. Platonem quidem redemisse Anniceris quidam traditur sestertiis octo. Itaque insectatus est conviciis hunc ipsum redemptorem Seneca, quod parvo Platonem aestimaverit. Furiosus, ut mihi videtur, qui homini fuerit iratus, quod non multam pecuniam perdidit: scilicet aurum appendere debuit, tamquam pro mortuo Hectore, aut tantum ingerere nummorum, quantum venditor non poposcit. Ex Barbaris vero nullum, praeter unum Anacharsim Scytham, qui philosophiam ne somniasset quidem, nisi et linguam, et litteras ante didicisset.
3.26 Chap. XXVI.—It is divine instruction only which bestows wisdom; and of what efficacy the law of God is PL 6, 431
That, therefore, which they perceived to be justly required by the demands of nature, but which they were themselves unable to perform, and saw that the philosophers could not effect, is accomplished only by divine instruction; for that only is wisdom. Doubtless they were able to persuade any one who do not even persuade themselves of anything; or they will crush the desires, moderate the anger, and restrain the lusts of any one, when they themselves both yield to vices, and acknowledge that they are overpowered by nature. But what influence is exerted on the souls of men by the precepts of God, because of their simplicity and truth, is shown by daily proofs. Give me a man who is passionate, scurrilous, and unrestrained; with a very few words of God,
“I will render him as gentle as a sheep.”
Give me one who is grasping, covetous, and tenacious; I will presently restore him to you liberal, and freely bestowing his money with full hands. Give me a man who is afraid of pain and death; he shall presently despise crosses, and fires, and the bull of Phalaris. Give me one who is lustful, an adulterer, a glutton; you shall presently see him sober, chaste, and temperate. Give me one who is cruel and bloodthirsty: that fury shall presently be changed into true clemency. Give me a man who is unjust, foolish, an evil-doer; forthwith he shall be just, and wise, and innocent: for by one laver all his wickedness shall be taken away. So great is the power of divine wisdom, that, when infused into the breast of man, by one impulse it once for all expels folly, which is the mother of faults, for the effecting of which there is no need of payment, or books, or nightly studies. These results are accomplished gratuitously, easily, and quickly, if only the ears are open and the breast thirsts for wisdom. Let no one fear: we do not sell water, nor offer the sun for a reward. The fountain of God, most abundant and most full, is open to all; and this heavenly light rises for all, as many as have eyes. Did any of the philosophers effect these things, or is he able to effect them if he wishes? For though they spend their lives in the study of philosophy, they are neither able to improve any other person nor themselves (if nature has presented any obstacle). Therefore their wisdom, doing its utmost, does not eradicate, but hide vices. But a few precepts of God so entirely change the whole man, and having put off the old man, render him new, that you would not recognise him as the same.
Quod ergo illi poscente natura faciendum esse senserunt, sed tamen neque ipsi facere potuerunt, neque a philosophis fieri posse viderunt, sola haec efficit doctrina coelestis; quia sola sapientia est. Illi scilicet persuadere cuiquam poterunt, qui nihil persuadent etiam sibi? aut cujusquam cupiditates oppriment, iram temperabunt, libidinem coercebunt, cum ipsi et cedant vitiis, et fateantur, plus valere naturam? Dei autem praecepta, quia et simplicia, et vera sunt, quantum valeant in animis hominum, quotidiana experimenta demonstrant. Da mihi virum, qui sit iracundus, maledicus, effraenatus: paucissimis Dei verbis: Tam placidum, quam ovem, reddam. Da cupidum, avarum, tenacem: jam tibi eum liberalem dabo, et pecuniam suam plenis manibus largientem. Da timidum doloris ac mortis: jam cruces, et ignes, et taurum contemnet. Da libidinosum, adulterum, ganeonem: jam sobrium, castum, continentem videbis. Da crudelem et sanguinis appetentem: jam in veram clementiam furor ille mutabitur. Da injustum, insipientem, peccatorem: continuo et aequus, et prudens, et innocens erit. Uno enim lavacro malitia omnis abolebitur. Tanta divinae sapientiae vis est, ut in hominis pectus infusa, matrem delictorum stultitiam uno semel impetu expellat: ad quod efficiendum, non mercede, non libris, non lucubrationibus opus est. Gratis ista fiunt, facile, cito; modo pateant aures, et pectus sapientiam sitiat. Nemo vereatur: nos aquam non vendimus, nec solem mercede praestamus. Dei fons uberrimus atque plenissimus patet cunctis: et hoc coeleste lumen universis oritur , quicumque oculos habent. Num quis haec philosophorum aut unquam praestitit, aut praestare, si velit, potest? Qui cum aetates suas in studio philosophiae conterant, neque alium quemquam, neque seipsos (si natura paululum obstitit) possunt facere meliores. Itaque sapientia eorum, ut plurimum efficiat, non excidit vitia, sed abscondit. Pauca vero Dei praecepta sic totum hominem immutant, et exposito vetere novum reddunt, ut non cognoscas eumdem esse.
3.27 Chap. XXVII.—How little the precepts of philosophers contribute to true wisdom, which you will find in religion only PL 6, 433
What, then? Do they enjoin nothing similar? Yes, indeed, many things; and they frequently approach the truth. But those precepts have no weight, because they are human, and are without a greater, that is, that divine authority. No one therefore believes them, because the hearer imagines himself to be a man, just as he is, who enjoins them. Moreover, there is no certainty with them, nothing which proceeds from knowledge. But since all things are done by conjecture, and many differing and various things are brought forward, it is the part of a most foolish man to be willing to obey their precepts, since it is doubted whether they are true or false; and therefore no one obeys them, because no one wishes to labour for an uncertainty. The Stoics say that it is virtue which can alone produce a happy life. Nothing can be said with greater truth. But what if he shall be tormented, or afflicted with pain? Will it be possible for any one to be happy in the hands of the executioners? But truly pain inflicted upon the body is the material of virtue; therefore he is not wretched even in tortures. Epicurus speaks much more strongly. The wise man, he says, is always happy; and even when shut up in the bull of Phalaris he will utter this speech: “It is pleasant, and I do not care for it.” Who would not laugh at him? Especially, because a man who is devoted to pleasure took upon himself the character of a man of fortitude, and that to an immoderate degree; for it is impossible that any one should esteem tortures of the body as pleasures, since it is sufficient for discharging the office of virtue that one sustains and endures them. What do you, Stoics, say? What do you, Epicurus? The wise man is happy even when be is tortured. If it is on account of the glory of his endurance, he will not enjoy it, for perchance he will die under the tortures. If it is on account of the recollection of the deed, either he will not perceive it if souls shall perish, or, if he shall perceive it, he will gain nothing from it.
What other advantage is there then in virtue? what happiness of life? Is it that a man may die with equanimity? You present to me the advantage of a single hour, or perhaps moment, for the sake of which it may not be expedient to be worn out by miseries and labours throughout the whole of life. But how much time does death occupy? on the arrival of which it now makes no difference whether you shall have undergone it with equanimity or not. Thus it happens that nothing is sought from virtue but glory. But this is either superfluous and short-lived, or it will not follow from the depraved judgments of men. Therefore there is no fruit from virtue where virtue is subject to death and decay. Therefore they who said these things saw a certain shadow of virtue; they did not see virtue itself. For they had their eyes fixed on the earth, nor did they raise their countenances on high that they might behold her
“Who showed herself from the quarters of heaven.”
This is the reason why no one obeys their precepts; inasmuch as they either train men to vices, if they defend pleasure; or if they uphold virtue, they neither threaten sin with any punishment, except that of disgrace only, nor do they promise any reward to virtue, except that of honour and praise only, since they say that virtue is to be sought for its own sake, and not on account of any other object. The wise man therefore is happy under tortures; but when he suffers torture on account of his faith, on account of justice, or on account of God, that endurance of pain will render him most happy. For it is God alone who can honour virtue, the reward of which is immortality alone. And they who do not seek this, nor possess religion, with which eternal life is connected, assuredly do not know the power of virtue, the reward of which they are ignorant; nor look towards heaven, as they themselves imagine that they do, when they inquire into subjects which do not admit of investigation, since there is no other cause for looking towards heaven, unless it be either to undertake religion, or to believe that one’s soul is immortal. For if any one understands that God is to be worshipped, or has the hope of immortality set before him, his mind is in heaven; and although he may not behold it with his eyes, yet he does behold it with the eye of his soul. But they who do not take up religion are of the earth, for religion is from heaven; and they who think that the soul perishes together with the body, equally look down towards the earth: for beyond the body, which is earth, they see nothing further, which is immortal. It is therefore of no profit that man is so made, that with upright body he looks towards heaven, unless with mind raised aloft he discerns God, and his thoughts are altogether engaged upon the hope of everlasting life.
Quid ergo? nihilne illi simile praecipiunt? Imo permulta; et ad verum frequenter accedunt. Sed nihil ponderis habent illa praecepta, quia sunt humana, et auctoritate majori, id est divina illa, carent. Nemo igitur credit; quia tam se hominem putat esse, qui audit, quam est ille, qui praecipit. Praeterea nihil apud eos certi est, nihil quod a scientia veniat. Sed cum omnia conjecturis agantur, multa etiam diversa et varia proferantur, stultissimi est hominis, praeceptis eorum velle parere, quae utrum vera sint, an falsa, dubitatur; et ideo nemo paret, quia nemo vult ad incertum laborare. Virtutem esse Stoici aiunt, quae sola efficiat vitam beatam. Nihil potest verius dici. Sed quid, si cruciabitur aut dolore afficietur? Poteritne quisquam inter carnifices beatus esse? Imo vero illatus corpori dolor materia virtutis est: itaque ne in tormentis quidem miser est. Epicurus multo fortius. Sapiens, inquit, semper beatus est; et vel inclusus in Phalaridis tauro hanc vocem emittet: « Suave est, et nihil curo. » Quis eum non irriserit? Maxime, quod homo voluptarius personam sibi viri fortis imposuit, et quidem supra modum, non enim fieri potest, ut quisquam cruciatus corporis pro voluptatibus ducat, cum satis sit, ad officium virtutis implendum, perferre ac sustinere. Quid dicitis Stoici? Quid tu Epicure? Beatus est sapiens, etiam cum torquetur. Si propter gloriam patientiae; non fruetur; in tormentis enim fortasse morietur. Si propter memoriam; aut non sentiet, si occidunt animae, aut si sentiet, nihil ex ea consequetur.
Quis ergo alius fructus est in virtute? quae beatitudo vitae? ut aequo animo moriatur? Bonum mihi affertis unius horae, aut fortasse momenti, propter quod non expediat in tota vita miseriis et laboribus confici. Quantum autem temporis mors occupat? quae cum veniat utrum aequo an iniquo animo eam subieris, jam nihil refert. Ita fit, ut nihil aliud ex virtute captetur, nisi gloria. Sed haec aut supervacua et brevis est, aut pravis hominum judiciis non sequetur. Nullus igitur ex virtute fructus est, ubi virtus mortalis est et caduca. Ita qui haec locuti sunt, umbram quamdam virtutis videbant, ipsam virtutem non videbant. Defixi enim fuerunt in terram, nec vultus suos in altum erigebant, ut eam possent intueri, Quae sese a coeli regionibus ostentabat. Haec causa est, cur praeceptis eorum nullus obtemperet: quoniam aut ad vitia erudiunt, si voluptatem defendunt; aut si virtutem asserunt, neque peccato poenam minantur, nisi solius turpitudinis, neque virtuti ullum praemium pollicentur, nisi solius honestatis et laudis, cum dicant, non propter seipsam expetendam esse virtutem.
Beatus est igitur sapiens in tormentis: sed cum torquetur pro fide, pro justitia, pro Deo, illa patientia doloris beatissimum faciet. Est enim Deus, qui solus potest honorare virtutem; cujus merces immortalitas sola est: quam qui non appetunt, nec religionem tenent, cui aeterna subjacet vita, profecto neque virtutis vim sciunt, cujus praemium ignorant; neque in coelum spectant, quod ipsi se facere putant, cum res non vestigabiles quaerunt, quia ratio in coelum spectandi nulla alia est, nisi aut religionem suscipere, aut animam suam immortalem esse credere. Quisquis enim aut Deum colendum esse intelligit, aut immortalitatis spem sibi propositam habet, mens ejus in coelo est; et licet id non aspiciat oculis, animae tamen lumine aspicit. Qui autem religionem non suscipiunt, terreni sunt; qui religio de coelo est, et qui animam putant cum corpore interire, aeque in terram spectant, quia ultra corpus quod est terra, nihil amplius vident, quod sit immortale. Nihil igitur prodest hominem ita esse fictum, ut recto corpore spectet in coelum; nisi erecta mente Deum cernat, et cogitatio ejus in spe vitae perpetuae tota versetur.
3.28 Chap. XXVIII.—Of true religion and of nature. whether fortune is a goddess, and of philosophy PL 6, 436
Wherefore there is nothing else in life on which our plan and condition can depend but the knowledge of God who created us, and the religious and pious worship of Him; and since the philosophers have wandered from this, it is plain that they were not wise. They sought wisdom, indeed; but because they did not seek it in a right manner, they sunk down to a greater distance, and fell into such great errors, that they did not even possess common wisdom. For they were not only unwilling to maintain religion, but they even took it away; while, led on by the appearance of false virtue, they endeavour to free the mind from all fear: and this overturning of religion gains the name of nature. For they, either being ignorant by whom the world was made, or wishing to persuade men that nothing was completed by divine intelligence, said that nature was the mother of all things, as though they should say that all things were produced of their own accord: by which word they altogether confess their own ignorance. For nature, apart from divine providence and power, is absolutely nothing. But if they call God nature, what perverseness is it, to use the name of nature rather than of God! But if nature is the plan, or necessity, or condition of birth, it is not by itself capable of sensation; but there must necessarily be a divine mind, which by its foresight furnishes the beginning of their existence to all things. Or if nature is heaven and earth, and everything which is created, nature is not God, but the work of God.
By a similar error they believe in the existence of fortune, as a goddess mocking the affairs of then with various casualties, because they know not from what source things good and evil happen to them. They think that they are brought together to do battle with her; nor do they assign any reason by whom and on what account they are thus matched; but they only boast that they are every moment carrying on a contest for life and death with fortune. Now, as many as have consoled any persons on account of the death and removal of friends, have censured the name of fortune with the most severe accusations; nor is there any disputation of theirs on the subject of virtue, in which fortune is not harassed. M. Tullius, in his Consolation, says that he has always fought against fortune, and that she was always overpowered by him when he had valiantly beaten back the attacks of his enemies; that he was not subdued by her even then, when he was driven from his home and deprived of his country; but then, when he lost his dearest daughter, he shamefully confesses that he is overcome by fortune. I yield, he says, and raise my hand. What is more wretched than this man, who thus lies prostrate? He acts foolishly, he says; but it is one who professes that he is wise. What, then, does the assumption of the name imply? What that contempt of things which is laid claim to with magnificent words? What that dress, so different from others? Or why do you give precepts of wisdom at all, if no one has yet been found who is wise? And does any one bear ill-will to us because we deny that philosophers are wise, when they themselves confess that they neither have knowledge nor wisdom? For if at any time they have so failed that they are not even able to feign anything, as their practice is in other cases, then in truth they are reminded of their ignorance; and, as though in madness, they spring up and exclaim that they are blind and foolish. Anaxagoras pronounces that all things are overspread with darkness. Empedocles complains that the paths of the senses are narrow, as though for his reflections he had need of a chariot and four horses. Democritus says that the truth lies sunk in a well so deep that it has no bottom; foolishly, indeed, as he says other things. For the truth is not, as it were, sunk in a well to which it was permitted him to descend, or even to fall, but, as it were, placed on the highest top of a lofty mountain, or in heaven, which is most true. For what reason is there why he should say that it is sunk below rather than that it is raised aloft? unless by chance he preferred to place the mind also in the feet, or in the bottom of the heels, rather than in the breast or in the head.
So widely removed were they from the truth itself, that even the posture of their own body did not admonish them, that the truth must be sought for by them in the highest place. From this despair arose that confession of Socrates, in which he said that he knew nothing but this one thing alone, that he knew nothing. From this flowed the system of the Academy, if that is to be called a system in which ignorance is both learnt and taught. But not even those who claimed for themselves knowledge were able consistently to defend that very thing which they thought that they knew. For since they were not in agreement with one another, through their ignorance of divine things they were so inconsistent and uncertain, and often asserting things contrary to one another, that you are unable to determine and decide what their meaning was. Why therefore should you fight against those men who perish by their own sword? Why should you labour to refute those whom their own speech refutes and presses? Aristotle, says Cicero, accusing the ancient philosophers, declares that they are either most foolish or most vainglorious, since they thought that philosophy was perfected by their talents; but that he saw, because a great addition had been made in a few years, that philosophy would be complete in a short time. What, then, was that time? In what manner, when, or by whom, was philosophy completed? For that which he said, that they were most foolish in supposing that philosophy was made perfect by their talents, is true; but he did not even himself speak with sufficient discretion, who thought that it had either been begun by the ancients, or increased by those who were more recent, or that it would shortly be brought to perfection by those of later times. For that can never be investigated which is not sought by its own way.
Quapropter nihil aliud est in vita, quo ratio, quo conditio nostra nitatur, nisi Dei, qui nos genuit, agnitio et religiosus ac pius cultus: unde quoniam philosophi aberraverunt, sapientes utique non fuerunt. Quaesierunt illi quidem sapientiam: sed quia non rite quaerebant, prolapsi sunt longius; et in tantos errores inciderunt, ut etiam communem sapientiam non tenerent. Non enim tantum religionem asserere noluerunt: verum etiam sustulerunt; dum specie falsae virtutis inducti, conantur animos omni metu liberare: quae religionis eversio naturae nomen invenit. Illi enim, cum aut ignorarent, a quo esset effectus mundus, aut persuadere vellent, nihil esse divina mente perfectum, naturam esse dixerunt rerum omnium matrem, quasi dicerent, omnia sua sponte esse nata: quo verbo plane imprudentiam suam confitentur. Natura enim, remota providentia et potestate divina, prorsus nihil est. Quod si Deum naturam vocent, quae perversitas est, naturam potius quam Deum nominare? Si autem natura ratio est, vel necessitas, vel conditio nascendi, non est per seipsam sensibilis: sed necesse est mentem esse divinam, quae sua providentia nascendi principium rebus omnibus praebeat. Aut si natura est coelum atque terra, et omne, quod natum est, non est Deus natura, sed Dei opus.
Non dissimili errore credunt esse fortunam, quasi deam quamdam res humanas variis casibus illudentem; quia nesciunt, unde sibi bona, et mala eveniant. Cum hac se compositos ad praeliandum putant; nec ullam tamen rationem reddunt, a quo et quam ob causam: sed tantum cum fortuna se digladiari momentis omnibus gloriantur. Jam quicumque aliquos consolati sunt ob interitum amissionemque charorum, fortunae nomen acerrimis accusationibus prosciderunt; nec omnino ulla eorum disputatio de virtute est, in qua non fortuna vexetur. M. Tullius in sua Consolatione pugnasse se semper contra fortunam loquitur, eamque a se esse superatam, cum fortiter inimicorum impetus retudisset; ne tum quidem se ab ea fractum, cum domo pulsus patria caruit: tum autem, cum amiserit charissimam filiam, victum se a fortuna turpiter confitetur. Cedo, inquit, et manum tollo. Quid hoc homine miserius, qui sic jaceat? Insipienter, inquit: sed qui profitetur se esse sapientem. Quid ergo sibi vult assumptio nominis? Quid contemptus ille rerum, qui magnificis verbis praetenditur? Quid dispar caeteris habitus? Aut cur omnino praecepta sapientiae datis, si nemo, qui sapiat, adhuc inventus est? Et quisquam nobis invidiam facit, quia philosophos negamus esse sapientes? cum ipsi nec scire se quidquam, nec sapere fateantur. Nam si quando ita defecerint, ut ne affingere quidem quidquam possint, quod faciunt in rebus caeteris: tum vero ignorantiae admonentur, et quasi furibundi exiliunt, et exclamant se caecos esse et excordes. Anaxagoras pronuntiat circumfusa esse tenebris omnia. Empedocles angustas esse sensuum semitas queritur, tamquam illi ad cogitandum rheda et quadrigis opus esset. Democritus quasi in puteo quodam sic alto, ut fundus sit nullus, veritatem jacere demersam; nimirum stulte, ut caetera. Non enim tamquam in puteo demersa veritas est, quo vel descendere, vel etiam cadere illi licebat, sed tamquam in summo montis excelsi vertice, vel potius in coelo, quod est verissimum. Quid enim est, cur eam potius in imum depressam diceret, quam in summum levatam? nisi forte mentem quoque in pedibus, aut in imis calcibus constituere malebat potius, quam in pectore, aut in capite.
Adeo remotissimi fuerunt ab ipsa veritate, ut eos ne status quidem sui corporis admoneret, veritatem in summo illis esse quaerendam. Ex hac desperatione confessio illa Socratis nata est, qua se nihil scire dixit, nisi hoc unum, quod nihil sciat. Hinc Academiae disciplina manavit; si tamen disciplina dici potest, in qua ignoratio et discitur et docetur. Sed ne illi quidem, qui scientiam sibi assumpserunt, id ipsum, quod se scire putabant, constanter defendere potuerunt. Qui, quoniam ratio illis non quadrabat, per ignorantiam rerum divinarum tam varii, tam incerti fuerunt, sibique saepe contraria disserentes, ut quid sentirent, quid vellent, statuere ac dijudicare non possis. Quid igitur pugnes adversus eos homines, qui suo sibi gladio pereunt? Quid labores, ut eos destruas, quos sua ipsos destruit atque afficit oratio? Aristoteles, inquit Cicero , veteres philosophos accusans, ait eos aut stultissimos, aut gloriosissimos fuisse, qui existimassent philosophiam suis ingeniis perfectam: sed se videre, quod paucis annis magna accessio facta esset, brevi tempore philosophiam plane absolutam fore. Quod igitur fuit illud tempus? quo more? quando est aut a quibus absoluta? Nam quod ait stultissimos fuisse, qui putassent ingeniis suis perfectam esse sapientiam, verum est: sed ne ipse quidem satis prudenter, qui aut a veteribus coeptam, aut a novis auctam, aut mox a posterioribus perfectum iri putavit. Nunquam enim potest investigari, quod non per viam suam quaeritur.
3.29 Chap. XXIX.—Of fortune again, and virtue PL 6, 440
But let us return to the subject which we laid aside. Fortune, therefore, by itself, is nothing; nor must we so regard it as though it had any perception, since fortune is the sudden and unexpected occurrence of accidents. But philosophers, that they may not sometimes fail to err, wish to be wise in a foolish matter; and say that she is not a goddess, as is generally believed, but a god. Sometimes, however, they call this god nature, sometimes fortune, “because he brings about,” says the same Cicero, “many things unexpected by us, on account of our want of intelligence and our ignorance of causes.” Since, therefore, they are ignorant of the causes on account of which anything is done, they must also be ignorant of him who does them. The same writer, in a work of great seriousness, in which he was giving to his son precepts of life drawn from philosophy, says, “Who can be ignorant that the power of fortune is great on either side? For both when we meet with a prosperous breeze from her we gain the issues which we desire, and when she has breathed contrary to us we are dashed on the rocks.” First of all, he who says that nothing can be known, spoke this as though he himself and all men had knowledge. Then he who endeavours to render doubtful even the things which are plain, thought that this was plain, which ought to have been to him especially doubtful; for to a wise man it is altogether false. Who, he says, knows not? I indeed know not. Let him teach me, if he can, what that power is, what that breeze, and what the contrary breath.
It is disgraceful, therefore, for a man of talent to say that, which if you were to deny it, he would be unable to prove. Lastly, he who says that the assent must be withheld because it is the part of a foolish man rashly to assent to things which are unknown to him, he, I say, altogether believed the opinions of the vulgar and uninstructed, who think that it is fortune which gives to men good and evil things. For they represent her image with the horn of plenty and with a rudder, as though she both gave wealth and had the government of human affairs. And to this opinion Virgil assented, who calls fortune omnipotent; and the historian who says, But assuredly fortune bears sway in everything. What place, then, remains for the other gods? Why is she not said to reign by herself, if she has more power than others; or why is she not alone worshipped, if she has power in all things? Or if she inflicts evils only, let them bring forward some cause why, if she is a goddess, she envies men, and desires their destruction, though she is religiously worshipped by them; why she is more favourable to the wicked and more unfavourable to the good; why she plots, afflicts, deceives, exterminates; who appointed her as the perpetual harasser of the race of men; why, in short, she has obtained so mischievous a power, that she renders all things illustrious or obscure according to her caprice rather than in accordance with the truth. Philosophers, I say, ought rather to have inquired into these things, than rashly to have accused fortune, who is innocent: for although she has some existence, yet no reason can be brought forward by them why she should be as hostile to men as she is supposed to be. Therefore all those speeches in which they rail at the injustice of fortune, and in opposition to fortune arrogantly boast of their own virtues, are nothing else but the ravings of thoughtless levity.
Wherefore let them not envy us, to whom God has revealed the truth: who, as we know that fortune is nothing, so also know that there is a wicked and crafty spirit who is unfriendly to the good, and the enemy of righteousness, who acts in opposition to God; the cause of whose enmity we have explained in the second book. He therefore lays plots against all; but those who are ignorant of God he hinders by error, he overwhelms with folly, he overspreads with darkness, that no one may be able to attain to the knowledge of the divine name, in which alone are contained both wisdom and everlasting life. Those, on the other hand, who know God, he assails with wiles and craft, that he may ensnare them with desire and lust, and when they are corrupted by the blandishments of sin, may impel them to death; or, if he shall have not succeeded by stratagem, he attempts to cast them down by force and violence. For on this account he was not at once thrust down by God to punishment at the original transgression, that by his malice he may exercise man to virtue: for unless this is in constant agitation, unless it is strengthened by continual harassing, it cannot be perfect, inasmuch as virtue is dauntless and unconquered patience in enduring evils. From which it comes to pass that there is no virtue if an adversary is wanting. When, therefore, they perceived the force of this perverse power opposed to virtue, and were ignorant of its name, they invented for themselves the senseless name of fortune; and how far this is removed from wisdom, Juvenal declares in these verses:—
“No divine power is absent if there is prudence; but we make you a goddess, O Fortune, and place you in heaven.”
It was folly, therefore, and error, and blindness, and, as Cicero says, ignorance of facts and causes, which introduced the names of Nature and Fortune. But as they are ignorant of their adversary, so also they do not indeed know virtue the knowledge of which is derived from the idea of an adversary. And if this is joined with wisdom, or, as they say, is itself also wisdom, they must be ignorant in what subjects it is contained. For no one can possibly be furnished with true arms if he is ignorant of the enemy against whom he must be armed; nor can he overcome his adversary, who in fighting does not attack his real enemy, but a shadow. For he will be overthrown, who, having his attention fixed on another object, shall not previously have foreseen or guarded against the blow aimed at his vitals.
Sed repetamus id quod omisimus. Fortuna ergo per se nihil est; nec sic habendum est, tamquam sit in aliquo sensu. Siquidem fortuna est accidentium rerum subitus atque inopinatus eventus. Verum philosophi, ne aliquando non errent, in re stulta volunt esse sapientes; qui fortunae sexum mutant, eamque non deam, sicut vulgus, sed deum esse dicunt. Eumdem tamen interdum naturam, interdum fortunam vocant; « quod multa, inquit idem Cicero, efficiat inopinata nobis, propter obscuritatem ignorationemque causarum. » Cum igitur causas ignorent, propter quas fiat aliquid, et ipsum qui faciat ignorent, necesse est. Idem in opere valde serio, in quo praecepta vitae deprompta ex philosophia filio dabat: « Magnam, inquit, esse fortunae vim in utramque partem, quis nesciat? Nam et, cum prospero flatu ejus utimur, ad exitus pervenimus optatos; et, cum reflaverit, affligimur. » Primum, qui negat sciri posse quidquam, sic hoc dixit, tamquam et ipse, et omnes sciant. Deinde, qui, etiam quae clara sunt, dubia conatur efficere, hoc putavit esse clarum, quod illi esse debuit vel maxime dubium; nam sapienti omnino falsum est. Quis, inquit, nescit? Ego vero nescio. Doceat me, si potest, quae sit illa vis, qui flatus iste, et qui reflatus.
Turpe igitur est, hominem ingeniosum dicere id, quod, si neges, probare non possit. Postremo, quod is, qui dicit assensus esse retinendos, quod stulti sit hominis, rebus incognitis temere assentiri, is plane vulgi et imperitorum opinionibus credidit, qui fortunam putant esse, quae hominibus tribuat bona et mala. Nam simulacrum ejus cum copia et gubernaculo fingunt, tamquam haec et opes tribuat, et humanarum rerum regimen obtineat. Cui opinioni et Virgilius assentit, qui fortunam omnipotentem vocat; et historicus, qui ait: Sed profecto fortuna in omni re dominatur. Quid ergo caeteris diis loci superest? Cur non aut ipsa regnare dicitur, si plus potest; aut sola colitur, si omnia? Vel, si tantum mala immittit, aliquid causae proferant, cur, si dea sit, hominibus invideat, eosque perditos cupiat, cum ab his religiose colatur: cur aequior sit malis, iniquior autem bonis: cur insidietur, affligat, decipiat et exterminet: quis illam generi hominum vexatricem perpetuam constituerit: cur denique tam malam sortita sit potestatem, ut res cunctas ex libidine magis, quam ex vero celebret, obscuretque? Haec, inquam, philosophos inquirere oportuit potius, quam temere innocentem accusare fortunam: quae etiamsi sit aliqua, nihil tamen afferri ab his potest, cur hominibus tam inimica sit, quam putatur. Itaque illae omnes orationes, quibus iniquitatem fortunae lacerant, se suasque virtutes contra fortunam superbissime jactant, nihil aliud sunt, quam deliramenta inconsideratae levitatis.
Quare non invideant nobis quibus aperuit veritatem Deus: qui sicut scimus, nihil esse fortunam; ita scimus esse pravum ac subdolum spiritum, qui sit inimicus bonis, hostisque justitiae; qui contraria faciat, quam Deus, cujus invidiae causam in secundo libro explicavimus. Hic ergo insidiatur universis; sed eos, qui nesciunt Deum, errore impedit, stultitia obruit, tenebris circumfundit, ne quis possit ad divini nominis pervenire notitiam, in quo uno et sapientia continetur, et vita perpetua. Eos autem, qui Deum sciunt, dolis et astu aggreditur, ut cupiditate ac libidine irretiat, ac peccatis blandientibus depravatos impellat ad mortem; vel, si dolo nihil profecerit, vi et violentia dejicere conatur. Idcirco enim in primordiis transgressionis non statim ad poenam detrusus a Deo est, ut hominem malitia sua exerceat ad virtutem: quae nisi agitetur, ni assidua vexatione roboretur, non potest esse perfecta; siquidem virtus est perferendorum malorum fortis ac invicta patientia. Ex quo fit, ut virtus nulla sit, si adversarius desit. Hujus itaque perversae potestatis cum vim sentirent virtuti repugnantem, nomenque ignorarent, fortunae vocabulum sibi inane finxerunt. Quod quam longe a sapientia sit remotum, declarat Juvenalis his versibus: Nullum numen abest, si sit prudentia: sed nos Te facimus, Fortuna, deam, coeloque locamus. Stultitia igitur, et error, et caecitas, et, ut Cicero ait, ignoratio rerum atque causarum, Naturae ac Fortunae nomina induxit. Sed ut adversarium suum nesciunt: sic nec virtutem quidem sciunt, cujus scientia ab adversarii notione descendit. Quae si conjuncta est cum sapientia, vel, ut ipsi dicunt, eadem ipsa sapientia est, ignorent necesse est in quibus rebus sita sit. Nemo enim potest veris armis instrui, si hostem contra quem fuerit armandus, ignorat; nec adversarium vincere, qui in dimicando non hostem verum, sed umbram petit. Prosternetur enim, qui alio intentus, venientem vitalibus suis ictum nec praeviderit ante, nec caverit.
3.30 Chap. XXX.—The conclusion of the things before spoken; and by what means we must pass from the vanity of the philosophers to true wisdom, and the knowledge of the true god, in which alone are virtue and happiness PL 6, 444
I have taught, as far as my humble talents permitted, that the philosophers held a course widely deviating from the truth. I perceive, however, how many things I have omitted, because it was not my province to enter into a disputation against philosophers. But it was necessary for me to make a digression to this subject, that I might show that so many and great intellects have expended themselves in vain on false subjects, lest any one by chance being shut out by corrupt superstitions, should wish to betake himself to them as though about to find some certainty. Therefore the only hope, the only safety for man, is placed in this doctrine, which we defend. All the wisdom of man consists in this alone, the knowledge and worship of God: this is our tenet, this our opinion. Therefore with all the power of my voice I testify, I proclaim, I declare: Here, here is that which all philosophers have sought throughout their whole life; and yet, they have not been able to investigate, to grasp, and to attain to it, because they either retained a religion which was corrupt, or took it away altogether. Let them therefore all depart, who do not instruct human life, but throw it into confusion. For what do they teach? or whom do they instruct, who have not yet instructed themselves? whom are the sick able to heal, whom can the blind guide? Let us all, therefore, who have any regard for wisdom, betake ourselves to this subject. Or shall we wait until Socrates knows something? or Anaxagoras finds light in the darkness? or until Democritus draws forth truth from the well? or Empedocles extends the paths of his soul? or until Arcesilas and Carneades see, and feel, and perceive?
Lo, a voice from heaven teaching the truth, and displaying to us a light brighter than the sun itself. Why are we unjust to ourselves, and delay to take up wisdom, which learned men, though they wasted their lives in its pursuit, were never able to discover. Let him who wishes to be wise and happy hear the voice of God, learn righteousness, understand the mystery of his birth, despise human affairs, embrace divine things, that he may gain that chief good to which he was born. Having overthrown all false religions, and having refuted all the arguments, as many as it was customary or possible to bring forward in their defence; then, having proved the systems of philosophy to be false, we must now come to true religion and wisdom, since, as I shall teach, they are both connected together; that we may maintain it either by arguments, or by examples, or by competent witnesses, and may show that the folly with which those worshippers of gods do not cease to upbraid us, has no existence with us, but lies altogether with them. And although, in the former books, when I was contending against false religions, and in this, when I was overthrowing false wisdom, I showed where the truth is, yet the next book will more plainly indicate what is true religion and what true wisdom.
Docui, quantum mea mediocritas tulit, longe devium philosophos iter a veritate tenuisse. Sentio tamen, quam multa praeterierim, quia non erat mihi propria contra philosophos disputatio. Sed huc necessario divertendum fuit, ut ostenderem, tot et tanta ingenia in rebus falsis esse consumpta; ne quis forte a pravis religionibus exclusus, ad eos se conferre vellet, tamquam certi aliquid reperturus. Una igitur spes homini, una salus in hac doctrina, quam defendimus, posita est. Omnis sapientia hominis in hoc uno est, ut Deum cognoscat et colat: hoc nostrum dogma, haec sententia est. Quanta itaque voce possum, testificor, proclamo, denuntio. Hic, hic est illud, quod philosophi omnes in tota sua vita quaesierunt, nec unquam tamen investigare, comprehendere, tenere valuerunt, qui religionem aut pravam retinuerunt, aut totam penitus sustulerunt. Facessant igitur illi omnes, qui humanam vitam non instruunt, sed turbant. Quid enim docent? aut quem instruunt qui se ipsos nondum instruxerunt? Quem sanare aegroti, quem regere caeci possunt? Huc ergo nos omnes, quibus est cura sapientiae, conferamus. An expectabimus donec Socrates aliquid sciat? aut Anaxagoras in tenebris lumen inveniat? aut Democritus veritatem de puteo extrahat? aut Empedocles dilatet animi sui semitas? aut Arcesilas et Carneades videant, sentiant, percipiant?
Ecce vox de coelo veritatem docens, et nobis sole ipso clarius lumen ostendens. Quid nobis iniqui sumus? et sapientiam suscipere cunctamur, quam docti homines, contritis in quaerendo aetatibus suis, nunquam reperire potuerunt? Qui vult sapiens ac beatus esse, audiat Dei vocem, discat justitiam, sacramentum nativitatis suae norit; humana contemnat, divina suscipiat, ut summum illud bonum, ad quod natus est, possit adipisci. Dissolutis religionibus universis, et omnibus, quaecumque in earum defensionem dici vel solebant, vel poterant, refutatis, deinde convictis philosophiae disciplinis, ad veram nobis religionem sapientiamque veniendum est, quoniam est, ut docebo, utrumque conjunctum; ut eam vel argumentis, vel exemplis, vel idoneis testibus asseramus, et stultitiam, quam nobis isti deorum cultores objectare non desinunt, ut nullam penes nos, sic totam penes ipsos esse doceamus. Et quamquam prioribus libris, cum falsas arguerem religiones, et hoc, cum falsam sapientiam tollerem, ubi veritas sit, ostenderim; planius tamen, quae religio, et quae sapientia vera sit, liber proximus indicabit.