PATARIA. — Under this name is understood a political-religious movement that took place in Milan in the second half of the 11th century, during the age of the Gregorian Reform and in its service. The P. was the reaction by the pure elements of the Ambrosian Church against the corruption spreading within it in the dual form of simony and Nicolaitism. The origins of the movement are not very clear. After the death of Ariberto d’Intimiano (1045), the Ambrosian Church received from Emperor Henry III as its new archbishop Guido da Velate; he appears to have been proposed by a group of nobles, while the clergy had put forward other names. The imperial designation met with no resistance, but it should be noted that the reform movement later had as its leaders the ecclesiastics rejected by Henry III: Anselmo da Baggio, Landolfo Cotta, and Arialdo da Carimate (q.v.).
Archbishop Guido represented in the Ambrosian see the concordant interests of the powerful Milanese aristocracy and the high clergy that sprang from it; as St. Peter Damian assures us, the Milanese clergy was deeply corrupt: many had wives, many kept concubines, and access to ecclesiastical dignities regularly and openly took place for money.
The reform movement had as its leader Anselmo da Baggio, although in 1056 he had accompanied Archbishop Guido to the court of Henry III and the emperor had assigned him the episcopal see of Lucca: the Roman Church had already proclaimed the struggle against lay investiture. After Anselmo’s departure from Milan, the reforming group was led by Landolfo Cotta and Arialdo. The death of the emperor and the lack of a strong government allowed a vigorous campaign against the simoniacal and Nicolaitan clergy and against Archbishop Guido, who was the indolent exponent of Milanese corruption.
Against the opponents, who had begun their propaganda in the churches and in public, the archbishop turned to Pope Stephen IX, and at his invitation summoned his accusers to clear themselves at the Synod of Fontaneto (Novara). Arialdo and Landolfo did not appear and were excommunicated in absentia.
At this point, the term “Patarenes” appears in the sources, first in Arnulf (Gesta archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium), then in Bonizo and other writers. Arnulf, however, saying “ho talis cetera vulgaris Hyronicae Patarinos appellata,” confesses to not knowing the origin of the name. Bonizo, on the other hand (Liber ad Amicum), says that “patarini” meant “pannosi,” i.e., ragged, shabby people. Many attempts have been made to explain this term, and it has been linked to the street in Milan called “dei Pattari.” The P. soon transformed into a true organized party, thanks to the oath that, if it initially concerned only the commitment to a religious and temperate life, soon became a pledge of loyalty to the leaders.
Against the excommunication of Fontaneto, the leaders of the P. appealed to the Pope. Stephen IX sent to Milan Anselm of Lucca together with the Roman archdeacon Hildebrand (Dec. 1057). The two papal legates preached to the Milanese people, encouraging them to persist in the work of purification and admonishing the clergy to cooperate in the reform. But now not only the high clergy felt threatened, but also the Milanese aristocracy. Open clashes occurred in Milan; the people demanded a council. In 1059, the council sent two new commissioners to Milan, Anselm of Lucca and Peter Damian. The arrival of the two Roman legates caused serious disturbances: the anti-reform party tried to convince the people that the papal delegates wished to undermine the traditional Ambrosian ecclesiastical liberties. Peter Damian spoke to the people in the Cathedral and convinced them of the falsity of the accusations and the goodness of the reform program. The P. was thus the party of Rome, and Archbishop Guido submitted to the retraction formula and the oath of obedience drawn up by Peter Damian; indeed, he consented to make a penitential journey to Santiago de Compostela and to present himself at the Roman Council of 1060, where Nicholas II, having declared royal investiture invalid, solemnly invested him with the archiepiscopal see of Milan.
The P. considered the ascension of Anselmo da Baggio to the papal throne under the name of Alexander II (1061) as a triumph for itself. However, in Lombardy a strong reaction soon followed, with the gathering of imperialist bishops around their candidate, Cadalo, bishop of Parma, who was elected pope at Basel under the name of Honorius II (Oct. 1061). Archbishop Guido now reverted to his old stance: imperialism united all those who saw their material interests harmed by the moral reform of the P. After Landolfo’s death—apparently from wounds received at Piacenza—he was succeeded by his brother Erlembaldo (q.v.), a man of arms who gave the movement a more political character. Arialdo remained at his side. Against the P., its adversaries more vehemently insisted with accusations of heresy; the chronicler Landulf the Elder accused the Patarenes of being the continuators of the heresy discovered around 1030 at Monforte, which appeared to be of a Manichaean type. The accusation arose from the superficial resemblance between the P.’s theories against the marriage of ecclesiastics and those of the heretics of Monforte, who were distinctly hostile to marriage and procreation. Some heretical element may have infiltrated the Milanese Patarine movement, but there is no doubt that the conceptions of the P. have nothing in common with Manichaean heretical doctrines. Landulf the Elder calls the Patarenes of Milan false prophets and false puritans (falsis catha-ris). It is likely that it was precisely in the Milanese environment that the term “Cathari” first arose to designate the Patarenes, so that the two terms, “Cathari” and “Patarenes,” ambiguously indicated heretics of a Manichaean type for whom no specific term yet existed in common usage, and to say “Cathari” was the same as to say “Patarenes.”
(see also Erlembaldo)
The conflict between Alexander II and Honorius II was keenly felt in Milan, where open warfare broke out between the two factions. Ariald continued his religious preaching; Erlembald had organized a party, placed at its head a council of thirty men, and the burghers and people united in the *pataria* probably aimed to seize control of the city’s government. In 1064 Erlembald traveled to Rome and received from the hands of Alexander II the *vexillum sancti Petri*, signifying that the Milanese *patarines* fought for the Roman Church. The struggle, however, was fierce: the opponents of reform stood their ground energetically against Ariald and Erlembald. In 1065 the papal bull deposing two ecclesiastics who had seized the abbeys of St Celso and St Vincenzo served Erlembald as a pretext to stir up violent agitation against the archbishop; the latter abandoned Milan and was excommunicated by Alexander II. In turn, Guido da Velate threw the city into turmoil by laying an interdict upon it until Ariald should depart. After Ariald was secretly killed (1066), Erlembald remained alone to direct the movement. Two new papal legates now appeared posing as peacemakers, but Erlembald went to Rome to Alexander II and returned with unqualified approval for his actions. Confronted by the triumphant *pataria*, Archbishop Guido resolved to abandon the struggle and resigned his see (1071), designating as his successor to Henry IV the subdeacon Gotofredo; but when the Emperor proceeded to invest him, the Pope condemned the act and the *pataria* secured consent for its own candidate, Attone. The Milanese question became one of the points on which Papacy and Empire stood in absolute opposition. Imperial support enabled the old party of the simoniacs to make a
**PATARIA - PATER WALTER**
In the Mass, as an indispensable complement to the chalice and made of the same metal, the *paten* today is usually unadorned, with a diameter of 15–20 cm, and slightly concave in the center to match the rim of the chalice.
In the Mass the Host is placed on the *paten* until the Offertory (upon it the offering is made), and after the Pater noster the consecrated Host, broken, is returned to it until Holy Communion; in the meantime, at a Solemn Mass the *paten* is kept hidden beneath a veil by the subdeacon (formerly by the acolyte) called the *patenarius*; at Low Mass it is placed instead beneath the corporal.
The *paten* must be consecrated by the bishop and have its inner surface gilded. The consecration is not lost even if the gilding has to be renewed (CIC, can. 1305). Having become, through consecration, a sacred object in immediate contact with the Body of Jesus, the *paten* may be touched only by clerics or those entrusted with its custody (can. 1306). Symbolically the *paten* is regarded as a new stone of the sepulchre on which the Lord’s body lay (cf. Rabanus Maurus, *De instit. cleric.*, I, 33: PL 107, 324).
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Pietro Siffrin
ARTE. — In antiquity and the Middle Ages the *paten* was of considerable size and weight, since it had to serve as a plate to receive the bread offered by the faithful for consecration (the *patena ministerialis*), which was then divided in part for the Communion of the faithful. Popes and emperors vied with one another in having them fashioned, employing vast quantities of gold and rich adornment with gems. Outstanding examples may be seen at Città di Castello in the silver-gilt dishes of the Treasure of Canoscio (5th–6th c.), at the Louvre (in serpentine with sapphires, emeralds and pearls, donated by a Carolingian emperor to the abbey of St-Denis), in the Wiss collection in Washington, in the Stockel collection in Brussels, and in the Treasury of St Mark’s in Venice. In the Gothic period (14th c.) *patens* were adorned with reliefs or translucent enamels, such as the *paten* in the National Picture Gallery at Perugia with enamel enclosed in an arched frame depicting the scene of the Crucifixion and six other enamel roundels on the border with scenes from the Passion alternating with engraved motifs, a work by Cataluzio da Todi that influenced that of Ciccarello di Francesco with the representation of the Annunciation and the inscription around it (Sulmona, cathedral of St Panfilo) and another with enamels depicting the Crucifixion at Ravello (Cathedral). They also bore engraved decorations, representing at the center the blessing hand, which is seen added, in the 12th c., to the *paten* of Ottonian date in the church of the Collegiate of the Assumption at Cividale, with an inscription on the rim, compared with that called of St Bernard in the cathedral of Brunswick and in the *paten* of the chalice, held to be that of St Francis, in the basilica of Assisi, a work of Guccio del Mannaio. Notable also is the *paten* of the chalice of Wilten (Austria), c. 1180. In later periods decoration became increasingly rare; proportions diminished and the relationship between the raised rim and the center stabilized, adapting to the proportions of the chalices, whose base lost its polylobate or scalloped outline, becoming in the 16th and 17th c. almost always circular. — *See* pl. LXXII.
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