Nehemias blameth the rich, for their oppressing the poor. His exhortation, and bounty to his countrymen.
Nehemias blameth couetous richmen, for oppressing the poore. 14. himselfe geueth largely of his owne to the needie.
1Now there was a great cry of the people, and of their wives against their brethren the Jews.Allora fu, che il popolo, e le loro mogli alzaron le strida contro de' loro fratelli Giudei.AND there was a great crie of the people, and of their wiues against their brethren the Iewes.Et factus est clamor populi et uxorum ejus magnus adversus fratres suos Judæos. 2And there were some that said: Our sons and our daughters are very many: let us take up corn for the price of them, and let us eat and live.E alcuni di essi dicevano: Noi abbiam troppi figliuoli, e troppe figliuole; prendiamo pel prezzo di essi del grano per mangiare, e vivere.And there were that said. Our sonnes and our daughters are verie manie: let vs take corne for the price of them, and let vs eate, and liue.Et erant qui dicerent: Filii nostri et filiæ nostræ multæ sunt nimis: accipiamus pro pretio eorum frumentum, et comedamus, et vivamus. 3And there were some that said: Let us mortgage our lands, and our vineyards, and our houses, and let us take corn because of the famine.Altri poi dicevano: Impegniamo i nostri poderi, e le vigne, e le nostre case, e prendiamo del grano per cacciar la fame.And there were that sayd: Let vs pledge our fieldes, and vineyardes, and our houses, and let vs take corne in famine.Et erant qui dicerent: Agros nostros, et vineas, et domus nostras opponamus, et accipiamus frumentum in fame. 4And others said: Let us borrow money for the king’s tribute, and let us give up our fields and vineyards:Altri dicevano: Prendiamo in prestito del denaro per pagare il tributo al re, e impegniamo i nostri campi, e le vigne.And others sayd: Let vs borow money for the kings tributes, and let vs giue our fields and vineyardes,Et alii dicebant: Mutuo sumamus pecunias in tributa regis, demusque agros nostros et vineas: 5And now our flesh is as the flesh of our brethren: and our children as their children. Behold we bring into bondage our sons and our daughters, and some of our daughters are bondwomen already, neither have we wherewith to redeem them, and our fields and our vineyards other men possess.Or quale è la carne de' nostri fratelli, tale è la nostra: e i nostri figliuoli sono da quanto i loro: e noi diamo in ischiavitù i nostri figliuoli, e le nostre figliuole, e non abbiamo il modo di riscattare quelle nostre figliuole, che sono schiave, e i nostri campi, e le nostre vigne sono in potere di altri.and now as the flesh of our bretheren, so is our flesh: and as their children so also our children. behold we subdew our sonnes, and our daughters into bondage, and our daughters there are bond we men neither haue we where with they may be redemed, and our fieldes and our vineyardes other men doe possesse.et nunc sicut carnes fratrum nostrorum, sic carnes nostræ sunt: et sicut filii eorum, ita et filii nostri: ecce nos subjugamus filios nostros et filias nostras in servitutem, et de filiabus nostris sunt famulæ, nec habemus unde possint redimi: et agros nostros et vineas nostras alii possident.
6And I was exceedingly angry when I heard their cry according to these words.Quand'io ebbi udite le loro strida, e questa maniera di parlare, ne sentii grande sdegno.And I was exceding angrie, when I had heard their crie according to these wordes.Et iratus sum nimis cum audissem clamorem eorum secundum verba hæc: 7And my heart thought with myself: and I rebuked the nobles and magistrates, and said to them: Do you every one exact usury of your brethren? And I gathered together a great assembly against them,E dopo matura riflessione ripresi agramente i magnati, e i magistrati, e dissi loro: Voi adunque, quanti siete, prendete l'usura da' vostri fratelli? E convocai una grande adunanza contro di essi.And my hart thought with my selfe: and I rebuked the princes and magistrates, and sayd to them: Do you euery one exact vsuries of your brethen? and I gathered against them a great assemblie,cogitavitque cor meum mecum, et increpavi optimates et magistratus, et dixi eis: Usurasne singuli a fratribus vestris exigitis ? Et congregavi adversum eos concionem magnam, 8And I said to them: We, as you know, have redeemed according to our ability our brethren the Jews, that were sold to the Gentiles: and will you then sell your brethren, for us to redeem them? And they held their peace, and found not what to answer.E dissi loro: Voi sapete, come noi secondo la nostra possibilità abbiam riscattati i Giudei venduti alle genti: e voi venderete i vostri fratelli, perché noi li ricomperiamo? E quelli si tacquero, e non seppero che rispondere.and I sayd to them: We as you know, haue redemed our bretheren the Iewes, that were sold to the gentiles, according to our abilitie: and wil you therfore sel your bretheren, and shal we redeme them? And they held their peace, neither did they find what to answer.et dixi eis: Nos, ut scitis, redemimus fratres nostros Judæos, qui venditi fuerant gentibus secundum possibilitatem nostram: et vos igitur vendetis fratres vestros, et redimemus eos ? Et siluerunt, nec invenerunt quid responderent. 9And I said to them: The thing you do is not good: why walk you not in the fear of our God, that we be not exposed to the reproaches of the Gentiles our enemies?E io dissi loro: Quello, che voi fate, non è ben fatto: per qual motivo non camminate voi nel timore del nostro Dio, affinchè non diventiamo lo scherno delle genti, che ci odiano?And I sayd to them: The thing is not good, which you doe: why walke you not in the feare of our God, lest we be vpbrayded with al the gentiles our enimies?Dixique ad eos: Non est bona res quam facitis: quare non in timore Dei nostri ambulastis, ne exprobretur nobis a gentibus inimicis nostris ?
10Both I and my brethren, and my servants, have lent money and corn to many: let us all agree not to call for it again; let us forgive the debt that is owing to us.Or io, e i miei fratelli, e la mia gente abbiamo a moltissimi dato in prestito grano, e denaro: accordiamoci tutti a non ripetere, e a rimettere tutto questo debito.I also and my bretheren, and my seruantes, haue lent money and corne to very manie: let vs not aske this againe in common, let vs remitte them the debt, that is dewe to vs.Et ego, et fratres mei, et pueri mei commodavimus plurimis pecuniam et frumentum. Non repetamus in commune istud: æs alienum concedamus quod debetur nobis. 11Restore ye to them this day their fields, and their vineyards, and their oliveyards, and their houses: and the hundredth part of the money, and of the corn, the wine, and the oil, which you were wont to exact of them, give it rather for them.Rendete oggi ad essi i loro campi, e le vigne, e gli uliveti, e le case: anzi la centesima del denaro, grano, e vino, e olio, che voi solete esiger da loro, pagatela voi per essi.Restore ye to them their fieldes this day, and their vineyards, and their oliuets, and their houses: yea the hundreth part also of money, corne, wine and oyle, which you were wont to exact of them, giue it rather for them.Reddite eis hodie agros suos, et vineas suas, et oliveta sua, et domos suas: quin potius et centesimum pecuniæ, frumenti, vini et olei, quam exigere soletis ab eis, date pro illis. 12And they said: We will restore, and we will require nothing of them: and we will do as thou sayest. And I called the priests and took an oath of them, to do according to what I had said.E quelli dissero: Restituiremo, e non cercheremo nulla da loro: e faremo, come tu dici. E chiamai i sacerdoti, e feci, che quelli giurasser di fare, come io avea detto.And they sayd: We wil restore, and we wil seeke nothing of them: and we wil do so as thou speakest. And I called the Priestes, and adiured them, to do according to that which I had sayd.Et dixerunt: Reddemus, et ab eis nihil quæremus: sicque faciemus ut loqueris. Et vocavi sacerdotes, et adjuravi eos ut facerent juxta quod dixeram. 13Moreover I shook my lap, and said: So may God shake every man that shall not accomplish this word, out of his house, and out of his labours, thus may he be shaken out, and become empty. And all the multitude said: Amen. And they praised God. And the people did according to what was said.E io scossi oltre a ciò la mia veste, e dissi: Così scuota Dio chiunque non osserverà questa parola, dalla sua casa, e da' suoi beni: così sia scosso, e resti senza niente. E tutta la moltitudine rispose: Amen. E lodarono Dio. E il popolo fece, come si era detto.Moreouer I shooke my bosome, and sayd: God so shake euery man, that shal not accomplish this word, out of his house, and out of his labours, so be he shaken out, and made emptie. And al the multitude sayd: Amen. And they praysed God. And the people did as it was sayd.Insuper excussi sinum meum, et dixi: Sic excutiat Deus omnem virum qui non compleverit verbum istud, de domo sua, et de laboribus suis: sic excutiatur, et vacuus fiat. Et dixit universa multitudo: Amen: et laudaverunt Deum. Fecit ergo populus sicut erat dictum.
14And from the day, in which the king commanded me to be governor in the land of Juda, from the twentieth year even to the two and thirtieth year of Artaxerxes the king, for twelve years, I and my brethren did not eat the yearly allowance that was due to the governors.E dal giorno, in cui il re mi aveva ordinato, ch'io governassi il paese di Giuda, dall'anno vigesimo sino al trentesimo secondo del re Artaserse, per dodici anni, e io, e i miei fratelli non mangiammo delle vettovaglie, che eran dovute ai governatori.And from that day, wherin the king commended me to the duke in the land of Iuda, from the twenteth yeare til the two & thirteth yeare of Artaxerxes the king for twelue yearees, I and my bretheren did not eate the yearly allowance, that was dewe to the dukes.A die autem illa, qua præceperat rex mihi ut essem dux in terra Juda, ab anno vigesimo usque ad annum trigesimum secundum Artaxerxis regis per annos duodecim, ego et fratres mei annonas quæ ducibus debebantur non comedimus. 15But the former governors that had been before me, were chargeable to the people, and took of them in bread, and wine, and in money every day forty sicles: and their officers also oppressed the people. But I did not so for the fear of God.Or i primi governatori, che erano stati innanzi a me, aveano aggravato il popolo, ricevendone pane, e vino (oltre) i quaranta sicli per giorno in denaro: e di più i loro ministri angariavano il popolo. Ma io temendo Dio non feci così.But the former dukes, that had bene before me, burdened the people, and tooke of them in bread, and wine, and money euery day fourtie sicles: yea and their officers oppressed the people. But I did not so for the feare of God.Duces autem primi, qui fuerant ante me, gravaverunt populum, et acceperunt ab eis in pane, et vino, et pecunia, quotidie siclos quadraginta: sed et ministri eorum depresserunt populum. Ego autem non feci ita propter timorem Dei: 16Moreover I built in the work of the wall, and I bought no land, and all my servants were gathered together to the work.Anzi lavorai alla fabbrica delle mura, e non comprai verun campo, tutta la mia gente era occupata al lavoro.Yea I builded rather in the worke of the wal, and field I bought not, and al my seruantes were gathered together to the worke.quin potius in opere muri ædificavi, et agrum non emi, et omnes pueri mei congregati ad opus erant. 17The Jews also and the magistrates to the number of one hundred and fifty men, were at my table, besides them that came to us from among the nations that were round about us.E i Giudei, e i magistrati, centocinquanta persone, e quei, che venivano a noi da' paesi circonvicini, mangiavano alla mia mensa.Tke Iewes also and the magistrates an hundred fiftie men, and they that came to vs out of the nations, that were round about vs were at the table.Judæi quoque et magistratus centum quinquaginta viri, et qui veniebant ad nos de gentibus quæ in circuitu nostro sunt, in mensa mea erant.
18And there was prepared for me day by day one ox, and six choice rams, besides fowls, and once in ten days I gave store of divers wines, and many other things: yet I did not require my yearly allowance as governor: for the people were very much impoverished.E si uccideva ogni dì in casa mia un bue, e sei arieti scelti, oltre i volatili, e ogni dieci giorni vini diversi, e molte altre cose io dava: e oltre a ciò non cercai gli stipendi del mio governo: perocché il popolo era grandemente stenuato.And there was prepared for me day by day one oxe, six chosen rammes, beside foules, and within ten dayes diuers wines, & many other things did I giue. Moreouer also the yearly allowance of my dukedome I sought not, for the people was very much empouerished.Parabatur autem mihi per dies singulos bos unus, arietes sex electi, exceptis volatilibus, et inter dies decem vina diversa, et alia multa tribuebam: insuper et annonas ducatus mei non quæsivi: valde enim attenuatus erat populus. 19Remember me, O my God, for good according to all that I have done for this people.Ricorditi di me, Dio mio, per tua bontà, secondo il bene, che io no fatto a questo popolo.Remember me my God to good, according to al things, which I haue done to this peopleMemento mei, Deus meus, in bonum, secundum omnia quæ feci populo huic.
5:1
Year of the World 3550.
Worthington
Cry. Ven. Bede (III. 21.) complains of some pastors who neglect the flock, but exacted revenues. May not the same complaint still be made? (Worthington)
5:2
Very. Syriac, "and our brethren are too numerous" to find meat.
Abenezra
For, etc. Hebrew, Septuagint, etc., "by force." (Abenezra, etc.)
5:3
Let us. Protestants, "We have mortgaged."
Haydock
Famine, or "hunger." (Haydock)
5:4
Let us. Septuagint Mont.[Montanus?], "We have borrowed" on usury, contrary to Exodus 22:25. The Jews were still obliged to pay tribute.
5:5
Menochius
Brethren, who are still in captivity, or we are of the same nature as the rich, (Calmet) who so cruelly oppress us. (Menochius)
5:7
Tirinus
Against them, as a private rebuke would not suffice. (Tirinus)
5:8
Calmet
Redeemed, by paying the ransom to the Babylonians, or by using all our endeavours to procure the releasement of our brethren. (Calmet)
Haydock
For us. Protestants, "or shall they be sold unto us?" (Haydock)
Worthington
A true pastor practises what he preaches to others. (Worthington)
5:11
Haydock
For them, to the Persian governors, ver. 14. (Haydock)
Wolphius
Nehemias remits this pension, which was before paid by the people, and exacted by the rich. (Wolphius)
Menochius
Du Moulin asserts that there is no question of usury, which the Jews always abhorred, much less of that which the Romans called the 100th, (Calmet) consisting in the payment of 12 per cent, (Tirinus) or one every month. (Menochius)
Hebrew, "Give back to them, " (Haydock) that they may enjoy those things.
5:12
Piscator
Oath of them. Priests, in private, (Menochius) who were not innocent; (Tirinus) or these were witnesses of the oath taken by the rich. (Piscator)
5:13
Tirinus
Lap, or skirt of my robes. (Tirinus)
Calmet
Such figurative actions were very common. Thus a Roman ambassador at Carthage, folding up his garment, said he brought peace or war. (Livy 21:18.) (Calmet)
Tirinus
Said. Behold how easily was that effected at Jerusalem, which the Romans could never perfectly bring about, after the most violent riots! (Tirinus)
5:14
Menochius
Not eat, out of pity for the poor. (Menochius)
He was supported by the king, (Calmet) or by his own patrimony. (Haydock) (Ver. 11.)
5:16
Calmet
Wall, pleading no exemption, but making my servants work. (Calmet)
Tirinus
Though no particular portion was assigned to him, he helped all. (Tirinus)
Haydock
No land, as I might have done, on advantageous terms. (Haydock)
5:17
Grotius
Men, my brethren, not (Calmet) Persians. (Grotius)
Menochius
Them; ambassadors. (Menochius)
If Nehemias behaved with such generosity for twelve years, he must have been very rich; or he received a great pension from the king, or voluntary and abundant contributions from the rich.
5:18
Calmet
Wines. This was only produced, in abundance, on extraordinary occasions; for the people of the East do not drink wine at every feast, Ecclesiasticus 31:17. (Calmet)
Haydock
Yearly. Septuagint, "Moreover, loaves of extortion I did not seek, because a hard servitude lay upon this people." (Haydock)
5:19
Worthington
Good. A good conscience confidently hopeth for a reward. (Worthington)
5:1
S Beda in his time lamented that some spiritual Superiors neglected to feede their flock, either spiritually or temporally, and yet exacted temporal reuenewes, and oppressed the poore people, li 3. c. 21. in •sd. How much more may we with him, wish an other Nehemias, that is a comforter from our Lord to correct this fault, & to releeue poore Catholiques distressed?
5:10
A right propertie of a true pastor, to do that good which he preacheth to others. S. Beda ibidem.
5:19
A good conscience hath great confidence in God and iustly hopeth for reward.
5:3
3. Let us pledge our houses, — that is let us mortgage them to the usurers. For they had recently returned from Babylon, and had consumed all their possessions in traveling expenses and in the building of the city. Wherefore they were laboring under great poverty, to relieve which they were thinking of mortgaging their possessions, indeed of selling their sons and daughters verse 2. 4. IN THE TRIBUTES OF THE KING, — so that namely we may provide what we ought to pay to the king of the Persians yearly in place of tribute. 5. And now (understand very harshly and unjustly we are drained by the richer ones, for) AS THE FLESH OF OUR BRETHREN, SO IS OUR FLESH; AND AS THEIR SONS, SO ALSO ARE OUR SONS. — as if to say, We and our sons here serve a hard servitude similar to that which our brethren, that is our fellow-countrymen, who remained in Babylon and Persia, serve, and this by the iniquity and injury of the richer Jews, who oppress us their poor brethren by usury and the purchase of their sons, as follows. Wherefore we are in a worse condition than our brethren in Persia: for they are afflicted by the Persians, foreigners and idolaters; we however by our fellow-countrymen, who are our brethren in blood and religion. For it is more bitter to be tormented by a friend and brother, than by an enemy and foreigner. For since the law Deut. XXIII, 19, commands that a loan be given to brethren freely, they themselves exact great usury from us for a loan: wherefore we are compelled to sell or deliver our sons and daughters into servitude, so that we may pay these usuries. Thus Cajetan, Vatablus, and others.
5:7
7. I gathered against them (the rich usurers) A GREAT ASSEMBLY, — that is, a great gathering of all the people, so that before them they might be rebuked and confounded by me and abandon their usuries. 11. THE HUNDREDTH PART OF MONEY, GRAIN, WINE AND OIL. — "The hundredth part," namely usury, by which indeed they exacted monthly for the use of a loan or usury one per hundred; that is annually twelve per hundred. From this it is clear that this usury was frequent among the Jews, as it was later among the Romans; and it was grievous inasmuch as in it every year the eighth part of the sum of capital borrowed was paid, for twelve, for example, gold coins are the eighth part of one hundred gold coins, because eight times twelve make 96, to which add four, you will have one hundred. Wherefore in the eighth year the usury equaled almost the capital itself, and therefore doubled it, so that for a loan of one hundred gold coins nearly two hundred gold coins had to be paid, namely precisely 196, and after another eight years the same tripled it, and after another eight quadrupled it. But when half of this usury, six per hundred annually, was paid, they were called usuries of halves, or halved; when four per hundred was paid, they were called trientary; when one only, they were named unciary, which was the minimum usury, just as that of twelve was the maximum.
5:11
GIVE FOR THEM, — that is, forgive them, and indeed return what was received, and restore it, as has preceded: whence these do not exist in the Hebrew, because they are to be understood as repeated from what precedes. Since usury is against commutative justice, it does not pass into the ownership of the usurer; hence it must be restored by him to him who gave it for the loan.
5:12
12. AND THEY SAID (moved partly by shame, partly by the authority and example of Nehemiah, partly by love of the common good, partly by compassion for the poor): WE WILL RESTORE (the fields, vineyards and olive groves which the poor pledged to us for the loan received, and as it were gave as pledges, until they should repay the loan): AND FROM THEM (henceforth) WE WILL REQUIRE NOTHING, — that is, we will exact nothing for usury. AND I CALLED THE PRIESTS (guilty of this usury), AND (privately out of respect for the priesthood, lest I shame them before the people) I ADJURED THEM, — that they should remit the usuries, and in this matter go before the laity and usurers as an example of justice and charity.
5:13
13. THUS MAY GOD SHAKE OUT EVERY MAN WHO SHALL NOT FULFILL THIS WORD FROM HIS HOUSE (so that stripped of his house, an exile and vagrant he may be forced to wander about) AND FROM HIS LABORS, — so that he may be deprived of the fruit and reward of his labors, as I shook out my lap. For those who shake out others through usuries deserve also themselves to be shaken out from their houses and riches, to be exiled and impoverished, as often happens by the just judgment of God.
5:14
14. BUT FROM THE DAY THAT THE KING COMMANDED ME TO BE GOVERNOR IN THE LAND OF JUDA, FROM THE TWENTIETH YEAR EVEN TO THE THIRTY-SECOND YEAR OF ARTAXERXES, I AND MY BRETHREN DID NOT EAT THE BREAD OF THE GOVERNOR. — The governors were accustomed to receive from the citizens of Jerusalem over whom they presided provisions, that is, necessaries for food, for example, a certain measure of grain, wine, oil, money, etc.; but Nehemiah was unwilling to receive them, both lest he burden the poor people with this contribution, and to give an example to the rich of remitting usuries: and he did this for twelve years, during which he presided over Jerusalem as governor: whence many think he remained continuously for twelve years in Jerusalem. But this does not sufficiently answer the desire of the king and queen wishing that Nehemiah return to them immediately, and at a time fixed by him, as was said in chapter II, 6. Wherefore it seems that Nehemiah, shortly after the completion of the building of the walls, namely after 52 days, as is said in chapter VI, 15, returned to the king, and left a vicar in his place or vice-governor of Jerusalem, who would preside over the people. For Artaxerxes had constituted him governor of Jerusalem for 13 years, whether he was absent or present. Wherefore being absent, he could by his right exact these provisions as it were the stipend of his governorship from the people, especially since he was absent on account of the summons and service of the king; but he was unwilling to receive them for the reasons already stated. Thus Salianus and Sanchez. These things will be more clear in verse 17 and chapter XIII, 6, where Nehemiah returning to Jerusalem in the 32nd year of Artaxerxes corrected many abuses which during the twelve years in which he himself was absent had crept into Jerusalem.
5:15
15. And the former governors that had been before me (appointed by the king's command, as was said in Esdras VII, 25), OPPRESSED THE PEOPLE, AND TOOK FROM THEM IN BREAD AND WINE (a certain measure of bread and wine), AND MONEY DAILY FORTY SHEKELS. — From the Hebrew it is clear that they took, besides bread and wine, forty shekels in money. For thus it has it: They oppressed the people in bread and wine after forty shekels of silver, which make forty Brabantine florins, or forty French francs, which was an enormous sum and insoluble for the people so poor. 16. But rather in the work of the wall I built (cap. III), we hear of no particular place assigned to Nehemias for building, but he himself, as it were a leader, was present to all building in a place determined for him, and presided over all, directing, urging, and helping the work through himself and his assistants; AND I BOUGHT NOT A FIELD, — that is to say, I did not increase my property and estates, but rather spent myself and all mine for the advantage of the city and citizens. This was a wonderful continence of Nehemias, as much as charity and liberality toward his citizens. For many leaders and governors plunder their subjects, that they may enrich themselves; whence in a few years of their prefecture they return home laden with riches. Nehemias did not thus, whose memory therefore is in blessing. The same did Thomas More, who, although he had been Chancellor of England for many years, yet did not increase his property and annual income to two hundred gold pieces, as Stapleton relates in his Life.
5:17
17. AND THE JEWS ALSO AND THE MAGISTRATES (whom I had appointed throughout Judea by the king's command) 150 MEN, AND THEY THAT CAME TO US FROM THE NATIONS (ambassadors of the nations neighboring) THAT WERE IN THE CIRCUIT ABOUT US, WERE AT MY TABLE. — That is to say, I fed all these at my own expense, or from my own resources, which the king had given me. Hence it is clear that Nehemias did not remain twelve years in Jerusalem. For he could not have borne such daily expenses for so many guests for so many years, indeed he would have exhausted the royal treasures.
5:18
18. WITHIN TEN DAYS VARIOUS WINES. — This place is obscure: whence first Pagninus thus translates and explains it, that is to say, These guests consumed in one day as much wine as would have sufficed me and my household for ten days. Secondly, Vatablus, more aptly to the Hebrew and Greek, translates: On the tenth day also wine was given to all in abundance; but on the other nine days a certain measure was given. Thirdly Sanchez: There were offered, he says, ten kinds of wine, each on single days, so that when the course of ten days was completed, those ten wines had already been served, and again and again the same kind and series of wines would recur in the same order. This opinion is more conformable to the vulgate version, if you refer the ten not to wines (for it is unusual and strange in one banquet to serve ten kinds of wine to guests, which not even kings and the greatest gluttons did), but to days, that is to say, Various wines were given on single days, and this through ten days, which being completed the casks were exhausted, and other wines likewise of diverse kinds had to be supplied. Great therefore and magnificent was Nehemias as a leader, and in all things he showed himself distinguished. Truly Bias: "Magistracy," he says, "shows the man." And Cicero, in the book On Old Age, concerning that great Cato the Censor says: "He is a good senator, a good commander, a good farmer." The same and more you might say of Nehemias. 19. REMEMBER ME, etc., — that is to say, Grant me, O Lord, such things as I have granted to your people and mine, that you may be as liberal toward me as I was toward them.
Machine translation from the Latin, not reviewed.
5:5
… sold as a slave to foreigners; indeed, he should never have been reduced to such a condition (Lev. 25:42-46). In practice, however, often, for financial reasons or for insolvency toward a creditor, even Israelites were subjected to slavery (II Reg. 4:1; Neh. 5:5, 8). A thief who could not return the stolen goods became the property of the one he had robbed (Ex. 22:3). The poor sometimes found themselves in such conditions that they had to sell …
5:8
… 204); they could embrace the Jewish religion (v. proselutti); and the prophets announce their aggregation to the messianic kingdom: Is. 2:2; 42:6; 49:6; 60:3; Zach. 2:15; 8:23; Mal. 1:11, etc. In the persecutions suffered upon the return from exile (Neh. 5:8; 9:2; 13:1-3) and particularly by the Seleucids (I-II Maccabees) there developed among the Jews that hatred against the "ethnics" or "gentiles," which the Pharisees consecrated in their program.
5:11
… The tribe then merged its history with that of Judah, while still preserving its own individuality (Ezra 2; Neh. 5:11). St. Paul is careful to note his belonging to B. (Rom. 11:1; Phil. 3:5).
5:12
… Shiloh (who, by dividing his cloak into twelve parts, symbolized the division of Solomon's Kingdom: 1 Kings 11, 29-39), by a son of the prophets (ibid. 20, 35-43), by the false prophet Zedekiah (ibid. 22, 11), by Elisha (2 Kings 14-19), by Nehemiah (Neh. 5, 12-13). In the New Testament, symbols connected with water may be considered to be the Baptism of John the Baptist (a sign of penance), that of Jesus (an efficacious sign of Grace), the ablutions
5:13
… for the most part, to the wish that this very thing may come to pass (cf. 1 Kings 1:36; Jer. 11:5; 28:6). The a. thus takes on the value of a religious acclamation (Deut. 27:15-26; cf. Num. 5:22), especially in the exercise of worship (1 Chron. 16:36; Neh. 5:13; 8:6). In this sense it occurs in the final doxologies of the first four books of the Psalms (v.) (at the end of Psalms 40 [41]; 71 [72]; 88 [89]; 53, the a. is doubled; in 105 [106], …
5:14
… The favor shown to the restoration of Ezra (Ezra 7, 1-23), then of Nehemiah, cupbearer at his court and in constant relations with the king (Neh. 2, 1-8; 5, 14; 13, 6), as well as the prohibition afterward imposed on Ezra (4, 11-22), suit the policy of A., to whom the loyalty of the Jews, placed on the road to Egypt, appeared precious, and …
5:17
From as early as 722 B.C., and especially from the Babylonian exile (6th century B.C.), Israel was reduced to the tribe of Judah alone; the Israelites therefore called themselves "Jews" (Jer. 40, 11-15; 44, 26; Zech. 8, 23; Esth. 2, 5; 3, 6; 9, 29, etc.; Ezra 4, 12, etc.; Neh. 4, 2; 5, 17; 6, 6, etc.; very often in I-II Macc. and in the New Testament).
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · original Douay-Rheims (Douay 1609-10), transcription by EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Public domain.