Nehemias obtaining commission from king Artaxerxes cometh to Ierusalem: 11. secretty vieweth the broken walles, and ruines of the citie, 17. and exhorteth al the Iewes to the reedifying therof.
1And it came to pass in the month of Nisan, in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes the king: that wine was before him, and I took up the wine, and gave it to the king: and I was as one languishing away before his face.Or egli avvenne, che l'anno ventesimo del re Artaserse, nel mese di Nisan, essendo portato il vino dinanzi al re, io lo presi, e lo presentai al re; ma io era come languente davanti a lui.AND it came to passe in the moneth of Nisan, the twentith yeare of Artaxerxes the king: and there was wine before him, and I lifted vp the wine, and gaue to the king: and I was as it were languishing before his face.Factum est autem in mense Nisan, anno vigesimo Artaxerxis regis: et vinum erat ante eum, et levavi vinum, et dedi regi: et eram quasi languidus ante faciem ejus. 2And the king said to me: Why is thy countenance sad, seeing thou dost not appear to be sick? this is not without cause, but some evil, I know not what, is in thy heart. And I was seized with an exceeding great fear:E il re mi disse: Per qual motivo la tua faccia è maninconiosa non vedendo, che tu abbi alcun male? questo non è senza motivo; ma tu covi in cuor tuo non so che di sinistro. E io ebbi paura grandissima:And the king sayd to me: Why is thy countenance sad, whereas I doe not see thee sicke? this is not without cause, but some euil I know not what, is in thy hart. And I was very much and excedingly afrayd:Dixitque mihi rex: Quare vultus tuus tristis est, cum te ægrotum non videam ? non est hoc frustra, sed malum nescio quod in corde tuo est. Et timui valde, ac nimis: 3And I said to the king: O king, live for ever: why should not my countenance be sorrowful, seeing the city of the place of the sepulchres of my fathers is desolate, and the gates thereof are burnt with fire?E dissi al re: O re, sia eterno il tuo vivere: come vuoi tu, che la mia faccia non sia dolente, mentre la città, casa de' sepolcri de' padri miei, è deserta, e le sue porte consunte dal fuoco?and I sayd to the king: O king for euer mayst thou liue: why should not my countenance be heauie, because the citie of the house of the sepulchres of my fathers is desolate, and the gates therof are burnt with fire?et dixi regi: Rex, in æternum vive: quare non mœreat vultus meus, quia civitas domus sepulchrorum patris mei deserta est, et portæ ejus combustæ sunt igni ? 4Then the king said to me: For what dost thou make request? And I prayed to the God of heaven,E il re mi disse: Che domandi? E io pregai il Dio del cielo,And the king sayd to me: For what thing makest thou request? And I prayed the God of heauen,Et ait mihi rex: Pro qua re postulas ? Et oravi Deum cæli, 5And I said to the king: If it seem good to the king, and if thy servant hath found favour in thy sight, that thou wouldst send me into Judea to the city of the sepulchre of my father, and I will build it.E dissi al re: Se il re lo crede ben fatto, e se il tuo servo ha incontrato favore dinanzi a te, mandami nella Giudea alla città, dove posa il sepolcro del padre mio, e io la riedificherò.and I sayd to the king: If it seme good to the king, and if thy seruant do please before thy face, thou send me into Iewrie to the citie of the sepulchre of my father, and I wil build it.et dixi ad regem: Si videtur regi bonum, et si placet servus tuus ante faciem tuam, ut mittas me in Judæam ad civitatem sepulchri patris mei, et ædificabo eam.
6And the king said to me, and the queen that sat by him: For how long shall thy journey be, and when wilt thou return? And it pleased the king, and he sent me: and I fixed him a time.E il re, e la regina, che gli sedeva accanto, mi dissero: Quanto durerà il tuo viaggio, e quando ritornerai? E io fissai il tempo, e il re mostrò di esser contento: e mi diede licenza.And the king sayd to me, and the Queene that sate by him: Vnto what time wil thy iourney be, and when wilt thou returne? And it pleased before the king, and he sent me: and I appoynted him a time.Dixitque mihi rex, et regina quæ sedebat juxta eum: Usque ad quod tempus erit iter tuum, et quando reverteris ? Et placuit ante vultum regis, et misit me: et constitui ei tempus. 7And I said to the king: If it seem good to the king, let him give me letters to the governors of the country beyond the river, that they convey me over, till I come into Judea:Ma io dissi al re: Se al re così pare, mi dia lettere ai governatori del paese di là dal fiume, affinchè mi diano scorta, sino al mio arrivo nella Giudea:And I sayd to the king: If it seme good to the king, let him geue me letters to the gouernours of the country beyond the Riuer, that they conduct me, til I come into Iewrie:Et dixi regi: Si regi videtur bonum, epistolas det mihi ad duces regionis trans flumen, ut traducant me, donec veniam in Judæam: 8And a letter to Asaph the keeper of the king’s forest, to give me timber that I may cover the gates of the tower of the house, and the walls of the city, and the house that I shall enter into. And the king gave me according to the good hand of my God with me.E una lettera ad Asaph custode dei boschi reali, affinchè mi somministri del legname, ond'io possa formare le porte della torre del tempio, e le mura della città, e la casa, dov'io abiterò. E il re mi esaudì, perchè la mano aiutatrice del mio Dio era meco.and a letter to Asaph the keeper of the kings forest, to geue me timber that I may couer the gates of the towre of the house, and the walles of the citie, and the house that I shal enter into. And the king gaue according to the good hand of my God with me.et epistolam ad Asaph custodem saltus regis, ut det mihi ligna, ut tegere possim portas turris domus, et muros civitatis, et domum quam ingressus fuero. Et dedit mihi rex juxta manum Dei mei bonam mecum. 9And I came to the governors of the country beyond the river, and gave them the king’s letters. And the king had sent with me captains of soldiers, and horsemen.E io giunsi presso ai governatori del paese di là dal fiume, e diedi loro le lettere del re. Ma il re avea mandati meco dei capitani delle milizie, e de' cavalieri.And I came to the dukes of the countrie beyond the Riuer, and gaue them the kings letters. And the king had sent with me captaynes of soldiers, and horsemen.Et veni ad duces regionis trans flumen, dedique eis epistolas regis. Miserat autem rex mecum principes militum, et equites.
10And Sanaballat the Horonite, and Tobias the servant, the Ammonite, heard it, and it grieved them exceedingly, that a man was come, who sought the prosperity of the children of Israel.E fu portata questa nuova a Sanaballath Horonita, e Tobia servo Ammonita: ed ebbero grandissimo dolore dell'arrivo di un uomo, che proccurava il bene de' figliuoli d'Israele.And Sanaballat an Horonite, and Tobias a seruant an Ammonite heard it, and were greiued with great affliction, that a man was come, which sought the prosperitie of the children of Israel.Et audierunt Sanaballat Horonites, et Tobias servus Ammanites: et contristati sunt afflictione magna, quod venisset homo qui quæreret prosperitatem filiorum Israël. 11And I came to Jerusalem, and was there three days.E giunsi a Gerusalemme, e mi riposai per tre giorni.And I came to Ierusalem and was there three dayes.Et veni Jerusalem, et eram ibi tribus diebus. 12And I arose in the night, I and some few men with me, and I told not any man what God had put in my heart to do in Jerusalem, and there was no beast with me, but the beast that I rode upon.E di notte tempo mi alzai io, e pochi altri con me, e non manifestai a veruno quel, che Dio mi aveva ispirato di fare in Gerusalemme; e non aveva meco altro giumento, che quello, ch'io cavalcava.and I arose in the night, I and a few men with me, and I told not anie man what God had put in my hart to doe in Ierusalem, and there was no beast with me, but the beast wheron I sate.Et surrexi nocte ego, et viri pauci mecum, et non indicavi cuiquam quid Deus dedisset in corde meo ut facerem in Jerusalem: et jumentum non erat mecum, nisi animal cui sedebam. 13And I went out by night by the gate of the valley, and before the dragon fountain, and to the dung gate, and I viewed the wall of Jerusalem which was broken down, and the gates thereof which were consumed with fire.E uscii di notte per la porta della valle, e dinanzi alla fontana del dragone, e presso la porta stercoraria, e considerava le mura di Gerusalemme atterrate, e le sue porte consunte dalle fiamme.And I went out by the gate of the valley by night, and before the fountayne of the dragon, and to the gate of the dung, and I viewed the wal of Ierusalem broken downe, and the gates therof consumed with fire.Et egressus sum per portam vallis nocte, et ante fontem draconis, et ad portam stercoris, et considerabam murum Jerusalem dissipatum, et portas ejus consumptas igni. 14And I passed to the gate of the fountain, and to the king’s aqueduct, and there was no place for the beast on which I rode to pass.E andai innanzi fino alla porta della fontana, e all'acquidotto del re; ma non v'era tanto di strada, per cui passasse il giumento, ch'io cavalcava.And I passed to the gate of the fountayne, and to the kinges conduite, and there was no place for the beast where on I sat, to passe.Et transivi ad portam fontis, et ad aquæductum regis, et non erat locus jumento cui sedebam ut transiret.
15And I went up in the night by the torrent, and viewed the wall, and going back I came to the gate of the valley, and returned.Ed essendo ancor notte, salii pel torrente, e considerava le mura, e data volta indietro arrivai alla porta della valle, e tornai (a casa.)And I went vp by the torrent in the night, and viewed the wal, and going backe I came to the gate of the valley, and returned.Et ascendi per torrentem nocte, et considerabam murum, et reversus veni ad portam vallis, et redii. 16But the magistrates knew not whither I went, or what I did: neither had I as yet told any thing to the Jews, or to the priests, or to the nobles, or to the magistrates, or to the rest that did the work.Ma i magistrati non sapevano, dov'io fossi andato, né quel, ch'io mi facessi: e sino a quel punto io non mi era aperto di niente co' Giudei sia sacerdoti, sia magnati, e capi, né con alcuno di quelli, che erano destinati ai lavori.But the magistrastes knew not whither I went, or what I did: yea and to the Iewes, and the Priestes, and the nobles, and the magistrates, and the rest that did the worke vntil then I had shewed nothing.Magistratus autem nesciebant quo abiissem, aut quid ego facerem: sed et Judæis, et sacerdotibus, et optimatibus, et magistratibus, et reliquis qui faciebant opus, usque ad id loci nihil indicaveram. 17Then I said to them: You know the affliction wherein we are, because Jerusalem is desolate, and the gates thereof are consumed with fire: come, and let us build up the walls of Jerusalem, and let us be no longer a reproach.Quindi io dissi loro: Voi vedete in quale afflizione ci troviamo: Gerusalemme è deserta, e le sue porte consunte dal fuoco: venite, edifichiamo le mura di Gerusalemme, e non istiamo più in questa ignominia.And I sayd to them: You know the affliction wherin we are, because Ierusalem is made desolate, and the gates thereof are consumed with fire: Come, and let vs build the walles of Ierusalem, and let vs be no longer a reproch.Et dixi eis: Vos nostis afflictionem in qua sumus: quia Jerusalem deserta est, et portæ ejus consumptæ sunt igni: venite, et ædificemus muros Jerusalem, et non simus ultra opprobrium. 18And I shewed them how the hand of my God was good with me, and the king’s words, which he had spoken to me, and I said: Let us rise up, and build. And their hands were strengthened in good.E indicai loro come la mano aiutatrice di Dio era meco, e le parole dettemi dal re; e soggiunsi: Su via, mettiamoci a fabbricare. E quelli preser vigore a ben fare.And I shewed them the hand of my God, that it was good with me, and the kings wordes, which he had spoken to me, and I sayd: Let vs rise, and let vs build. And their handes were incouraged in good.Et indicavi eis manum Dei mei, quod esset bona mecum, et verba regis quæ locutus esset mihi, et aio: Surgamus, et ædificemus. Et confortatæ sunt manus eorum in bono.
19But Sanaballat the Horonite, and Tobias the servant, the Ammonite, and Gossem the Arabian heard of it, and they scoffed at us, and despised us, and said: What is this thing that you do? are you going to rebel against the king?Ma Sanaballath Horonita, e Tobia servo Ammonita, e Gosem Arabo, saputa la nuova, ci dileggiavano, e per ispregio dicevano: Che è quel, che voi fate? Vi ribellate forse contro del re?But Sanaballat the Horonite, and Tobias the seruant an Ammanite, and Gosem an Arabian heard of it, and they scorned vs, and despysed vs, and sayd: What is this thing, that you doe? Why do you rebel against the king?Audierunt autem Sanaballat Horonites, et Tobias servus Ammanites, et Gosem Arabs, et subsannaverunt nos, et despexerunt, dixeruntque: Quæ est hæc res quam facitis ? numquid contra regem vos rebellatis ? 20And I answered them, and said to them: The God of heaven he helpeth us, and we are his servants: let us rise up and build: but you have no part, nor justice, nor remembrance in Jerusalem.Ma risposi a coloro, e dissi: Il Dio del cielo egli è, che ci aiuta, e noi siamo suoi servi, e anderemo avanti, e fabbricheremo: ma voi non avete comunanza, né diritto, né ricordanza in Gerusalemme.And I answered them, and sayd to them: The God of heauen he helpeth vs, and we are his seruants: let vs rise and build: but you haue no part, nor iustice, nor memorie in Ierusalem.Et reddidi eis sermonem, dixique ad eos: Deus cæli ipse nos juvat, et nos servi ejus sumus: surgamus et ædificemus: vobis autem non est pars, et justitia, et memoria in Jerusalem.
2:1
Year of the World 3550, Year before Christ 454.
Year. It seems the Persians began the year with Tizri, since both Casleu (the third) and Nisan (the seventh month of the civil year) fall on the twentieth of the king.
Strabo xv
Wine. These kings drunk only that of Syria. (Strabo xv.)
Calmet
People of distinction were appointed cup-bearers; and even the children of kings did not esteem the office beneath them. (Herodotus 3:34.) (Athen. 10:6.) (Homer, etc.) (Calmet)
Haydock
I was. Protestants, "I had not been before-time sad in his presence." (Haydock)
Haydock
Hebrew literally, "I was not evil." Septuagint, "an enemy, or stranger." Arabic, "disagreeable." Syriac, "sorrowful." Septuagint also, "there was not another (ouk en eteros) present," 2 Esdras 5:6. St. Jerome seems not to have read the negation. (Haydock)
2:2
Menochius
Is not. Hebrew, "nothing but sorrow of heart;" (Syriac; Calmet; Protestants) or rather, thou art meditating only treason. Septuagint, "This is nothing but wickedness of heart," (Haydock) which often shews itself on the countenance. The king might suspect that he was giving him poison. (Menochius)
Tirinus
Hence Nehemias feared, (Calmet) dreading such suspicions, (Haydock) and aware lest the company might frustrate his good design, as contrary to the interests of the crown. (Tirinus)
2:3
Live; an usual salutation, Daniel 3:9., and 5:10. So Aelian (var. 1:32.) says, "O king Artaxerxes, mayst thou reign for ever."
Father, ver. 5. He knew that the Persians shewed great regard to the dead, (Calmet; Tirinus) whose bodies they sometimes cover with wax, and keep in their house, (Cic.[Cicero?] Tusc. i.; Alex. Genial 3:2.) or inter. (Herodotus 1:140.)
2:4
Menochius
Heaven, a fervent ejaculation, in secret, (Tirinus) to touch the king's heart, (Calmet) and to enable me to speak in a proper manner. (Menochius)
2:6
Calmet
And, etc. In private the queen might dine with her husband, but not in public, Esther 1:(Calmet)
Menochius
Queen; probably Esther, if she were married to this king. (Menochius)
Haydock
But this is uncertain. (Haydock)
Calmet
Usher thinks it was Damaspia, mentioned by Ctesias. (Calmet)
Calmet
Time, when I should return. Some say a year (Tirinus) or two afterwards; but it is generally believed that he begged to be absent twelve years. He then waited on the king eight or ten years, and returned into Judea towards the end of the reign of Artaxerxes, 2 Esdras 13:6. (Calmet)
Menochius
He perhaps asked permission to visit Jerusalem for only a short period, at first, but his presence being deemed necessary, he was permitted to continue there as governor full twelve years. (Menochius)
2:7
Menochius
Over; give me a guard, (Haydock) or accompany me to Jerusalem. (Menochius)
2:8
Grotius
Forest. Hebrew pordes, "paradise," or garden planted with trees. Pliny ([Natural History?] 5:23.) mentions a "paradise," in Coelosyria. (Grotius)
Haydock
But Nehemias might petition to be supplied with cedars from Libanus, (Tirinus) as they had been given for the temple, 1 Esdras 3:7. (Haydock)
Menochius
Tower. Hebrew bira, means also "a palace or temple." It may designate the porch of the temple, which was 120 cubits high; (2 Paralipomenon 3:4.; Calmet) though that had been lately repaired by Esdras. (Menochius)
Vatable
Others think the doors of the courts are meant, as they were as strong as those of towers. (Vatable)
Tirinus
They were not yet finished, 2 Esdras 10:9. Many believe that (Calmet) Nehemias speaks of the royal palace, which had been almost contiguous to the temple, (Menochius) where he intended to build one for himself, while he should reside in the city. (Tirinus)
Calmet
But this might give umbrage to the king. (Calmet)
Haydock
He could not, however, intend his favourite to remain without a suitable palace; and the latter seems to have designed not only to repair that which Solomon had founded, but also to erect another house for the governor. (Haydock)
Haydock
Good hand; favour, (Menochius) and powerful aid. (Haydock)
2:10
Horonite, a native, not (Calmet) a petty king (Grotius) of Horonaim, in the country of Moab, Jeremias 48:3. He must have been very old, if he lived till the temple was built at Garizim: (Josephus and Scaliger) but Petau supposes that there were two of the name.
Calmet
Servant; an officer appointed over the Samaritans, as well as Sanaballat. The Persian monarchs styled all their subjects servants or slaves. (Calmet)
Worthington
Grieved. Thus unbelievers repine when any one endeavours to propagate the truth, (Haydock) or to establish the Church. (Worthington)
2:12
Haydock
Any man, at Jerusalem, (ver. 16.) though he had informed the king, ver. 8. (Haydock)
No beast; that none might be alarmed.
2:13
Tirinus
Valley of Cedron, on the east, (Calmet) or west, near Calvary. (Menochius) (Tirinus)
Calmet
Dragon. Hebrew Tannin, or "great fish," which might be kept there, unless the fountain was famous for the appearance of some dragon, or the water proceeded from the mouth of a brazen one. Septuagint have read thanim, "figs." The fountain of Siloe might have many names. (Calmet)
Haydock
Viewed. Septuagint, "I walked upon the wall of Jerusalem, which these men are demolishing or clearing away," etc. (Haydock)
2:14
Aqueduct, or reservoir, made by Ezechias, 2 Paralipomenon 32:30.
2:15
Calmet
Torrent of Cedron, having gone round the city. (Calmet)
2:16
Calmet
Magistrates. Septuagint, "guards." Seganim denotes various officers. (Calmet)
Haydock
Work, or to any workmen. (Haydock)
Tirinus
None were now employed. (Tirinus)
2:18
Worthington
Hand. God had manifested his goodness and power, at the court of Persia. (Worthington)
2:19
Calmet
Arabian governor. He afterwards accuses Nehemias, 2 Esdras 6:6. (Calmet)
2:20
Haydock
Answered. Septuagint, "returned them an account (logon) ....we are his pure servants, and we will build." (Haydock)
Part, or business, 1 Esdras 4:4.
Calmet
Justice, or right to the city. (Calmet)
Tirinus
You may mind your own affairs. (Tirinus)
Remembrance. It was esteemed a high honour to be a citizen of Jerusalem, Psalm 86:5.
2:10
Infideles & Heretikes are greued, that others endeuoure to repayre the ruines of the Church in any countrie.
2:18
Gods hand was clearly shewed in the effect of obtaining the kings fauourable letters.
2:1
1. FACTUM EST AUTEM IN MENSE NISAN ANNO VIGESIMO ARTAXERXIS — Longimani; hic enim (non vero Xerxes pater ejus, cui proinde perperam hoc ascribit Josephus) 32 annis et amplius regnavit, ut dicitur cap. XIII, 6. Ita Julius Africanus, S. Hieronymus, Augustinus, Eusebius, Chrysostomus, Theodoretus, Beda, Rupertus et alii quos citat Pererius, lib. XI in Daniel, qui proinde passim ab hoc anno vigesimo Artaxerxis, quo ipse Nehemiæ facultatem dedit Jerosolymæ reædificandæ, inchoant 70 hebdomades Danielis, cap. IX, 25. Vide ibi dicta. Fuse enim ibidem hunc locum pertractavi. Quare ea hic non repetam. ET LEVAVI VINUM (de mensa) ET DEDI REGI, — in manus, ut biberet, quasi ejus pincerna. Quæres quomodo Nehemias adeo evectus sit, ut Artaxerxi monarchæ fuerit familiaris, imo a poculis, quod officium in aula est primarium, nec nisi magnis et fidelissimis committitur. Respondeo: Prima causa fuit sapientia, virtus et gratia Nehemiæ, ut dixi, qua se insinuabat in animos Principum, ut eos sibi suæque genti Judaicæ conciliaret. Secunda causa fuit, quod multi censeant Esther fuisse uxorem hujus Artaxerxis, quæ illum sibi, Nehemiæ et Judæis astrinxit. Sed hoc examinandum in libro Esther. Tertia causa magis particularis exstitit, quod reges Persarum biberent vinum Syriacum sive e Syria advectum, teste Suida, lib. XV, et Athenæo; Syriæ autem pars vel appendix est Judæa. Quare Nehemiam Judæum voluit Artaxerxes esse suum pincernam, ut is velut vinorum patriæ suæ apprime peritus, meliora vina e Judæa vel Syria sibi devehi curaret, eaque accurate conservaret et regeret ea arte et modo, quo in Syria conservari et regi solebant, ne acorem aliudve vitium contraherent. Audi Athenæum, lib. I, cap. XXIX: « Persarum reges, inquit, vinum Chalibonium tantum bibebant. Possidonius in Damasco Syriæ gigni tradit, illicque satas a Persis vites. » Porro de eorum aqua, quam potabant, ita scribit idem Athenæus, lib. II, cap. VI: « Herodotus, ait lib. I, scribit regi Persarum aquam vehi ex Choaspe fluvio Susa præterlabente, ex quo tantum et alio nullo bibit. » Fuit hæc mira regum superstitio, ut dignitate regia indignum ducerent aliam aquam bibere. Audi Ælianum, lib. XII: Cum alii commeatus magnificentia et ostentatione pleni sequebantur Xerxem, tum etiam aqua ex Choaspe simul vehebatur. Cum vero in loco deserto sitirent, neque siti remedium ullum inveniretur, proclamatum in exercitu est, si quis aquam ex Choaspe haberet, ut regi eam daret bibendam, et inventus est quidam qui pauxillum haberet idque putridum. Bibit igitur illam Xerxes, et eum qui dederat in benefactoris loco habuit; quoniam, nisi illa fuisset inventa, periisset. ET ERAM QUASI LANGUIDUS ANTE FACIEM EJUS. — Hebræus, et antea non fueram malus (hoc est tristis) coram eo. Ita Vatablus et Pagninus. Verum Noster pro אל lo per א, id est non, legit זל lo per ז, id est ei; unde vertit: Et eram quasi malus, id est tristis, macilentus, exhaustus, languidus coram eo; nimirum mœror, vigiliæ, jejunia faciem ejus pallentem, macilentam et languidam effecerant. Porro Septuaginta pro רע ra, id est malus, legentes aliis punctis rea, id est socius, vertunt: Et non erat alter (id est socius), coram eo, q. d. Ego solus eram cum rege.
2:2
2. DIXITQUE MIHI REX: QUARE VULTUS TUUS TRISTIS EST, CUM TE ÆGROTUM NON VIDEAM? NON EST HOC FRUSTRA, SED MALUM NESCIO QUOD EST IN CORDE TUO. — Suspicatus est rex ex vultu dejecto Nehemiæ illum habere aliquid quod eum valde affligeret, aut certe eum facinus aliquod machinari, et forte insidias aliquas contra se moliri. Unde causam tristitiæ ab eo exquirit, et ambigue loquitur, ut Nehemias causam sincere expromat, aitque: « Malum nescio quod est in corde tuo; » « malum, » id est afflictio, dolor, mœror, q. d. Mæstus est vultus tuus; ergo mœstitia aliqua est in corde tuo: hæc enim mæsto vultu se ostendit et pandit; aut « malum, » id est malitia, maligna machinatio, ut forte contra me quid mali mediteris; unde Septuaginta vertunt: Non est hoc nisi poneria, id est pravitas cordis. Hebraice enim רע ra, id est malum, tam pravitatem et malitiam, quam tristitiam et afflictionem significat, ut Matth. VI: « sufficit diei malitia, » id est afflictio « sua; » sicut ex adverso « bonum » significat tam bonitatem et honestatem virtutis, quam jucunditatem et felicitatem, juxta illud: « Ecce quam bonum et quam jucundum habitare fratres in unum, » Psal. CXXXIII, 2. Videtur metuisse rex ne Nehemias sibi in vino venenum propinaret. Reges enim, qui sibi suoque apici formidant multosque habent æmulos, omnia tuta timent, ac præsertim venena in cibo et potu; nam, ut ait Seneca in Thyeste: « Venenum in auro bibitur; » præsertim si Nehemias idipsum a rege oblatum ex mœrore bibere noluit, quod non est incredibile.
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3. Rex, in æternum vive, — q. d. Opto ut diutissime et in æternum, si fieri potest, vivas. Dicit hoc, ut timorem regi eximat, sciatque se nihil contra ejus vitam moliri. QUIA CIVITAS DOMUS SEPULCRORUM PATRIS MEI DESERTA EST, — q. d. Ego mæstus sum, quia Jerusalem, in qua sepulti sunt patres mei, exstantque eorum sepulcra, deserta est. Sepulcra vocat domus, quia domus Hebræis significat quemvis locum, antrum, thecam, loculum, qui aliquod corpus ambit et continet: sic nidi vocantur domus avium, flumen et mare vocantur domus piscium. Porro magna fuit priscis cura et religio sepulcri patrum et avorum, ne ossa eorum exhumarentur, et abjicerentur, aut profanarentur, et rebus profanis vel immundis miscerentur. Unde Baruch, cap. II, 24, idipsum a Chaldæis factum luget et deplorat dicens: « Statuisti verba tua quæ locutus es in manibus puerorum tuorum Prophetarum, ut transferrentur ossa regum nostrorum et ossa patrum nostrorum de loco suo, et ecce projecta sunt in calore solis et in gelu noctis. Hoc enim eis comminatus erat Deus per Jeremiam, cap. VIII, 1. « Ejicient, inquit, ossa regum Juda; et ossa sacerdotum, et ossa prophetarum, et ossa eorum qui habitaverunt Jerusalem de sepulcris suis. » Apud omnes gentes enim valde gravis injuria et infamia habita fuit violatio sepulcrorum. Unde Horatius in Epodo, Ode 16, id metuens ita luget: Barbarus, heu, cineres insistet victor, et urbem Eques sonante verberabit ungula. Quæque carent ventis, et solibus ossa Quirini (Nefas videre) dissipabit insolens. Quocirca Artaxerxes hanc justam gravemque Nehemiæ querelam æquis auribus accepit, memor quid Scythæ Dario avo suo respondissent. Rem gestam narrat Valerius Maximus, lib. V, cap. IV: « Dario, inquit, totius regni sui viribus in eorum regiones subinde impetum facienti; paulatim cedentes ad ultimas Asiæ solitudines pervenerant. Interrogati deinde ab eo per legatos quem fugiendi finem, aut quod initium pugnandi facturi essent, responderunt se neque urbes ullas, neque agros cultos, pro quibus dimicarent, habere. Cæterum, cum ad parentum suorum monumenta venisset, sciturum quemadmodum Scythæ præliari solerent. » Sic etiamnum Arabes, licet feri et barbari, sepulcra suorum ducum et patrum tuentur, pro iisque quasi pro aris et focis depugnant, uti mihi Romæ narrarunt eorum vicini Maronitæ.
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4. ORAVI DEUM, — brevi oratione jaculatoria, sed ardenti, ut sicut ipse cœperat regem mihi meisque facere benevolum, sic et pergeret, ut postulationi meæ quam ei propositurus eram de reædificanda Jerusalem, annueret.
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6. DIXITQUE MIHI REX ET REGINA, (scilicet Esther, inquit Torniellus, Gordonus, Serarius, Salianus, Sanchez et Bellarminus, tom. I, lib. I, cap. VII, de quo plura in proœmio Esther:) USQUE AD QUOD TEMPUS ERIT ITER TUUM? q. d. Quantum temporis in itum et reditum insumes? optamus enim te quam citissime redire, ut in tuo pincernæ officio, quo tam egregie perfungeris, nobis inservire pergas; nolumus enim diu tua tam grata nobis carere præsentia. Quid ad hæc responderit Nehemias non narrat; certum tamen est ipsum respondisse et tempus aliquod assignasse, idque breve, quamvis forte postea dicto et opinione sua diutius detentus fuerit Jerosolymæ; illi enim ut dux præfuit per duodecim annos, scilicet ab anno 20 Artaxerxis usque ad 32, ut patet cap. VI, 1, et cap. XIII, 6. Unde nonnulli putant eum toto hoc tempore abfuisse a rege per duodecim annos, sed regis et reginæ desiderium non videtur tulisse tam longam absentiam; quare verisimile est Nehemiam paulo post 52 dies, quibus murorum fabricam perfecit, ad regem rediisse, ut patebit cap. VI, vers. 14.
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7. TRANS FLUMEN (Euphraten) UT TRADUCANT ME, DONEC VENIAM IN JUDÆAM. — Cis Euphraten enim omnes fere gentes usque ad Judæam erant æmulæ et inimicæ Judæorum, ut nollent Jerusalem urbem olim tam potentem et celebrem sibique formidabilem restaurari. Deus enim omnes regiones a Jerusalem usque ad Euphraten dederat Judæis, et Euphraten eis dederat limitem. Unde et David victoriosa sua arma protulit usque ad Euphraten. Hinc et Josephus, lib. XI, cap. v, ait has gentes tempore Nehemiæ diu noctuque grassatas fuisse in agros Judæorum, omnia cædibus, rapinis et cladibus miscendo. Quare id sciens Nehemias merito a rege petiit, ut curaret salvum se conduci usque in Jerusalem; rex vero hoc et amplius ei indulsit; addidit enim ei ad tutelam militum præsidium.
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8. ET EPISTOLAM AD ASAPH CUSTODEM SALTUS REGIS, — qui erat in monte Libano, ut inde darentur mihi ligna, ac per mare in Joppen mitterentur ad fabricam urbis Jerusalem. Ita Sanchez et Vilalpandus, tom. III, lib. III. UT TEGERE POSSIM PORTAS TURRIS DOMUS — Dei, puta templi, ut habent Complutentia. Licet enim templum jam esset exstructum, appendices tamen templi necdum erant exstructæ. Ita Vatablus. Unde Hebraice est: Ut tegere possim portas palatii regii, quod erat domui, scilicet Dei, id est templo annexum.
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11. ET ERAM IBI TRIBUS DIEBUS, — latens et absconditus, ut noctu lustrarem ruinas urbis, videremque quid statim resarciri oporteret, ne Sanaballat et socii consilia mea rescirent et impedirent.
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12. ET JUMENTUM NON ERAT MECUM, NISI ANIMAL CUI SEDEBAM, q. d. Ego solus ob senium et fatigationem vehebar equo vel asino; socii vero mei pedites incedebant, ne ex equorum equitumque numero et strepitu hostes nostri excitarentur ad nos infestandum.
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13. EGRESSUS SUM PER PORTAM VALLIS. (Porta hæc non erat illa orientalis, quæ ducebat in vallem Josaphat, sed altera occidentalis, quæ respiciebat valles cadaverum et Calvariæ. Ita Septuaginta.) Et ante fontem draconis, (ex quo scilicet aquæ saliebant et vomebantur per os ænei vel lapidei draconis:) et portam stercoris, — per quam stercora evehebantur. Ita Borchardus, Vilalpandus, Adrichomius, Salianus. ET CONSIDERABAM MURUM JERUSALEM DISSIPATUM. — Hebræus, הם פרוצים hem parutsim, id est ipsi, scilicet muri dissipati, ubi in hem mem finale, quod solet esse clausum, est apertum, ut indicetur murus urbis fuisse hians et apertus, quia disjectus et dissipatus.
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14. ET TRANSIVI AD PORTAM FONTIS (Siloe) ET AD AQUÆDUCTUM REGIS — Ezechiæ; Ezechias enim aquas fontis Siloe per aquæductum, perfossa rupe, derivavit in puteos urbis Jerusalem, ut cives obsessi a Sennacherib haberent aquam ad potum, et Assyrii obsidentes, aquarum inopia laborantes siti conficerentur. Id patet ex libro II Paralip. cap. XXXII, vers. 30: « Ipse est Ezechias, qui obturavit superiorem portam aquarum Gihon, et avertit eas subter ab occidente urbis David. » Et clarius Eccli. cap. XLVIII, vers. 19: « Ezechias munivit civitatem suam, et induxit in medium ipsius aquam, et fodit ferro rupem, et ædificavit ad aquam puteum. » Vide ibi dicta. ET NON ERAT LOCUS JUMENTO, UT TRANSIRET, — quia hinc erant rupes præruptæ, inde rudera murorum disjectorum, atque aquæ omnia opplentes; quare iter reflectere coactus sum.
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15. Et ascendi per torrentem (Cedron) nocte, ET CONSIDERABAM MURUM, — ut viderem quid primo in eo restaurandum foret, et cui parti statim manus adhibere deberem: ET REVERSUS VENI AD PORTAM VALLIS cadaverum et Calvariæ, de qua vers. 12.
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16. ET RELIQUIS QUI FACIEBANT OPUS, — id est opificibus et præfectis operum, qui scilicet destinati erant ad fabricam murorum, sed ob hostium incursus et vexationes opus intermiserant, vel tarde et remisse illud exercebant.
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18. ET INDICAVI EIS MANUM DEI MEI, QUOD ESSET BONA MECUM. — Manus symbolum est opis et auxilii, item directionis et protectionis; hanc enim a Deo senserat Nehemias, tum quod regem Artaxerxem tam sibi benevolum et liberalem effecisset, tum quod suum iter per tot hostes et difficultates, iis superatis prosperasset. Igitur Nehemias significans Judæis partim Dei, partim regis erga se et ipsos benevolentiam, animavit eos ut fabricam murorum urbis ob Samaritarum insultus omissam, vel negligenter curatam generose et ferventer resumerent.
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19. AUDIERUNT AUTEM SANABALLAT HORONITES — Alius est hic a Sanaballat socero Manassis, primi Pontificis Samaritanorum in monte Garizim. Ille enim Horonites hunc Manassis socerum antecessit 109 annis, ait Salianus, de quo plura inferius. Et Tobias servus Ammonites, — qui ex servo et mancipio evectus, ac Ammonitidis Præfectus a rege Persarum erat constitutus, æque ac Sanaballat Samariæ, et Gosem Arabiæ. Hi ergo tres Præfecti vicinarum regionum Nehemiæ et Judæis erant infensi et in fabrica adversarii.
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20. VOBIS AUTEM NON EST PARS ET JUSTITIA, ET MEMORIA IN JERUSALEM. — « Justitia, » id est jus, q. d. Vos quasi Samaritani estis (olim ab Assyriis traducti ad incolendam Samariam, IV Reg. XVII). Ammonitæ et Arabes, a Persis jus accepistis ad administrandam Samariam, Ammonitidem et Arabiam, non autem ad Judæam et Jerusalem, nec hactenus in Jerusalem habitastis; nulla enim in ea vestri est memoria. Quare agite res vestras apud vestros vobis commissos, nostris autem rebus nolite vos immiscere; ego enim a rege Persarum potestatem reædificandæ Jerusalem pleno jure accepi: quare cavete ne vos mihi opponatis; alioquin enim regi Persarum vos opponetis, eumque vindicem experiemini. Ita Cajetanus, Sanchez et alii.
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… Il favore dimostrato alla restaurazione di Esdra (Esd. 7, 1-23), poi di Neemia coppiere alla sua corte e in assidue relazioni col re (Neh. 2, 1-8; 5, 14; 13, 6), come il divieto poi fatto a Esdra (4, 11-22), si addicono alla politica di A., cui la fedeltà dei Giudei, posti sulla via dell'Egitto, appariva preziosa, e ogni sospetto in
NISĀN (DAL BABILONESE NISANNU)
NISĀN (dal babilonese nisannu). - Primo mese dell'anno in Israele; nella letteratura biblica più antica, si identifica con ḥōdheṣ hā-'ābhībh « mese delle spighe in maturazione » (v. 'ABIB): Neh. 2, 1; Esth. 3, 7 (Volgata, anche Esth. 3, 12; 11, 2). Il primo di n. fu compiuta la costruzione del tabernacolo (Ex. 40, 17); dal giorno 1-12 l'inaugurazione dell'altare a mezzo …
T. fa parte dei nomi di mese di origine babilonese, introdotti in Palestina in epoca piuttosto tarda, poiché s'incontrano solo nei testi biblici postesilici (tēbhēth in Esth. 2, 16; nīsān in Esth. 3, 7; Neh. 2, 1; 'ādhār in Esth. 3, 13; 8, 12; kislēw in Neh. 1, 1).
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… All'inizio del regno israelitico, almeno nominalmente ed in occasioni particolari, sembra sia stato raggiunto tale confine (cf. II Sam. 8, 3; 7 Rep. 4, 24). Sul periodo persiano l'E. segnava il limite della satrapia Abur Nahara (ebraico 'ebher han-ndâd' « al di là del fiume »; cf. Eud. 8, 36; Neh. 2, 7, 9), che comprendeva la zona estendentesi fra esso ed il Mediterraneo.
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Altri tre A. ricorrono nel Vecchio Testamento: il padre di Joab annalista della corte di Ezechia (II Reg. 18, 18, 37; Is. 36, 3, 22), un levita che fu capo dei cantori sotto Neemia (Neh. 11, 17), il gran custode delle foreste reali di Artaserse (ibid. 2, 8).
Il termine ebraico pardēs appare solo nella letteratura postesilica (Neh. 2, 8; Eccle. 2, 5; Cant. 4, 13); è di origine persiana: pairi daeza, « cinta, siepe » e quindi « orto cintato », o « riserva ». I Settanta (παράδεισος), seguiti dalle versioni latine e …
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Durante l'esilio e ancor più dopo, gli A. tentano di unirsi ai Giudei per assorbirli (Ier. 40, 14-41, 15; Esd. 9, 1; Neh. 6, 17-18; 13, 4). Il loro capo, al tempo di Neemia, era Tobia, detto «servo» (Neh. 2, 10, 19) perché vassallo del re di Persia. …
SANABALLAT (EBR. SANBALLAT, IN ACCADICO SIN-UBALLIT « [IL DIO] SIN DIEDE LA VITA »)
… Come i due colleghi, era straniero: è detto con intenzione spregiativa « horonita » (di Hōrōnajim in Moab) in Neh. 2, 10, 19.
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… Dopo l'esilio babilonese, gli Arabi furono un serio ostacolo alla restaurazione di Gerusalemme (Neh. 2, 19, ecc.). …
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · Douay-Rheims originale (Douai 1609-10), trascrizione EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Pubblico dominio.