BECKWITH, JOHN CHARLES. - Celebrated propagator of Waldensianism in Italy, b. in 1782, of an English family, at Halifax, in Nova Scotia (Dominion of Canada), d. in 1862.
The eldest of 14 children, at the age of 14, in accordance with family tradition, B. enlisted in the English army and took part in the wars against Napoleon I. At the Battle of Waterloo he was wounded in a leg, which was amputated three months later. In 1827, in the library of the Duke of Wellington, he chanced upon the *Relazione di una escursione nelle montagne del Piemonte* written by the Waldensians’ benefactor, the Anglican canon Dr. Gilly. He immediately bought a copy, and the reading prompted him to visit the Waldensian valleys, where he went in October of the same year. He returned every year until 1834, when he settled there permanently, building his own house and marrying, in 1850, a young Waldensian woman. He then lived there, with few interruptions, until 1851, when he moved to Turin to follow more closely the construction of the first Waldensian temple outside the valleys.
The work that B. carried out among the Waldensians had a most important influence on the development of Waldensianism in Italy. When he arrived in the valleys, there were only a few elementary schools. With his money and untiring activity he succeeded in establishing a complete network of primary schools, procuring that each village contribute either by ceding the land or supplying the materials. He obtained from the Tavola Valdese, under whose name he always sought to act, that teachers’ salaries be increased; he sent some young men to the normal school in Lausanne to obtain qualified teachers and to introduce secondary education among the Waldensians; he built the Torre Pellice college, endowing it with a library, and improved the one in Pomaretto, founded by Gilly; he rebuilt and constructed new churches and houses, for whose service he brought in the deaconesses established by Pastor Germond in the canton of Vaud. Seeing that the Waldensians did not understand the French of their liturgical and prayer books, he procured for them editions in Italian and in dialect of certain parts of Holy Scripture, and finally published a series of books, including one on the Apocalypse, which was very hostile to the Catholic Church.
G. P.
In the midst of all these efforts and works, the idea gradually matured in him to make the Waldensians the evangelizing people of Italy, replacing the Catholic Church with Waldensianism, and, in his Anglican mindset, a dual ideal arose: the evangelization of Italy through Anglicized Waldensians. And he set to work. The evangelization of Italy was hindered by the language used among the Waldensians, namely the Piedmontese dialect and the French of their books. He therefore had the Gospels of St. John and St. Luke translated first, and then the entire New Testament with the *Psalms*, into Piedmontese, placing the Italian version of the *Diodati* in parallel columns. With the approval of the *Tavola*, he sent some young men to Florence to study Italian; he established special courses at his own expense for elementary school teachers so that all might learn Italian, and he rejoiced with the *Tavola* when the lawyer Bonaventura Mazzarella and the apostate priest Luigi Desanctis adhered to the Waldensian church. He also urged the *Tavola* to seize every opportunity to spread Waldensianism beyond the valleys, making use of the new Italian recruits and the ministers who had studied in Florence, and thus, under his impetus, the first Waldensian groups were formed in Florence in 1850, in Genoa in 1852, while in Turin, in 1851, the first stone of a temple was laid, which was inaugurated two years later. So deeply rooted in the Blessed was this idea of the Italian evangelization through the Waldensians that a few days before the Statute of King Charles Albert (1848) was promulgated, which admitted the Waldensians to enjoy all civil and political rights, he wrote to the moderator or president of the *Tavola*: “From now on, you, Waldensians, are either missionaries or nothing.” The Calvinist liturgy (by liturgy is meant not only the ritual but also the doctrine) and the Presbyterian system stood in the way of the Anglicization of the Waldensians. To change the former, he himself composed and had printed, at his own expense, a volume of 438 pages entitled *Saggio di liturgia secondo le dottrine della S. Scrittura*, which was almost a
The Prayer Book controversy in the Anglican Church. Recommending its approval to the Table, he said that the Anglican Church had its own ritual, that the Greek Church and the "heterodox Roman Church" had maintained themselves for centuries by means of their liturgies, whereas in exchange the Evangelical Churches "for lack of it are in a deplorable state of weakness." Indicating his aim, the conversion of Italians, he wrote: "The Protestant Churches of Europe, after the Reformation, have scarcely made proselytes among Romanists, and I doubt whether in the future they can do so. If you, Waldensians, have the energy and good sense to present a Church to these fugitives from Romanism, it is probable that they will accept it; but if instead you present them only with a Bible, you will make Christians of them but not members of a Church, and these Christians will seek refuge elsewhere. The practical way to retain them is to present them with the Bible and a liturgy that shows them what the Waldensian Church is."
To distance the ministers ever further from Calvinist liturgy, B. induced the Table to send some students to the Anglican seminary in Durham under the protection of the Anglican canon Dr. Gilly, and to found the seminary in Torre Pellice, where they could study the theology of all Waldensian ministers without being forced to go to the theological faculties of France or Switzerland. This occurred in 1855, too late, however, to change the Calvinist tendency of the Waldensian Church. To alter its Presbyterian regime, B. in various articles published in the new journal *Buona novella* in 1851, strove to demonstrate that from the very beginning the Waldensians had been episcopal and not Presbyterian, that they descended from the first Christians, and that one of their principal representatives had been Claudius, the iconoclastic bishop of Turin in the 9th century, an origin they had disowned by adhering in the 16th century to Calvinist doctrines. He then proposed a change in government, namely that instead of a temporary "moderator," a "moderator" for life should be elected, who, free from the care of souls, would devote himself entirely to the general interests of the Church. It was a somewhat pallid introduction of the Anglican episcopal system. Neither the liturgy nor the institution of a perpetual moderator was accepted by the Table. This refusal greatly displeased B., who withdrew from the Waldensians, though still maintaining courteous relations with them; indeed, in 1861 he returned to the valleys, where he remained until his death.
In a letter of 1857 he thus expressed his bitter disappointment to the incumbent moderator: “I have never been able to make the Waldensians understand what their mission was. Dr. Gilly and I were the only Waldensians; all the others are French Calvinists. Seven centuries of well-established traditions have had not the least effect on your minds. Geneva was the word written in large letters on the moral banner you unfurled in Piedmont, and therefore you must bear all its consequences. You have repudiated and disowned your origin. Though legitimate sons of apostolic times, you have disowned this origin and your right as sons of this land by adhering to foreigners and innovators. Your battle-cry is Calvin, whereas the name of Claudius would have routed your adversaries and won for your cause the intelligence, respect, and love of Piedmont.”
The term *Vaudois* (in English, Waldensians) refers to the followers of a religious movement that originated in the late 12th century under the leadership of **PIETRO VALDO** (Peter Waldo), a merchant from Lyon. The movement, initially known as the *Poor of Lyon*, sought to return to the apostolic life through voluntary poverty, preaching, and a strict adherence to Scripture. Over time, the Vaudois developed into a distinct religious community, often in conflict with the institutional Church, and played a significant role in the pre-Reformation religious landscape of Europe.
### Origins and Early Development
The origins of the Vaudois movement are closely tied to the figure of Pietro Valdo, who, around 1173, underwent a spiritual conversion after hearing the Gospel read aloud. Inspired by the example of the apostles, he distributed his wealth to the poor and began preaching a message of evangelical poverty and repentance. His followers, known as the *Poor of Lyon*, adopted a life of itinerant preaching, rejecting the accumulation of material goods and emphasizing the authority of Scripture over ecclesiastical tradition.
The movement quickly gained adherents, particularly among the urban poor and disaffected clergy, but it also attracted the suspicion of ecclesiastical authorities. In 1184, Pope **LUCIUS III** condemned the Vaudois as heretics in the decree *Ad abolendam*, issued at the Council of Verona. This condemnation marked the beginning of a prolonged period of persecution, during which the Vaudois were forced to operate clandestinely, often taking refuge in remote Alpine valleys, particularly in the regions of Piedmont and the Dauphiné.
### Doctrinal Beliefs and Practices
The Vaudois were characterized by a number of doctrinal and practical distinctives that set them apart from the medieval Church. Among their core beliefs were:
1. **The Authority of Scripture**: The Vaudois held that the Bible was the sole rule of faith and practice, rejecting ecclesiastical traditions and doctrines they deemed unbiblical, such as purgatory, the veneration of saints, and the sacrament of penance as administered by the Church.
2. **Voluntary Poverty**: Following the example of Christ and the apostles, the Vaudois embraced a life of poverty, rejecting private property and living in communal settings.
3. **Preaching by the Laity**: Unlike the medieval Church, which restricted preaching to ordained clergy, the Vaudois permitted laymen to preach, provided they were deemed spiritually qualified.
4. **Rejection of Sacerdotalism**: The Vaudois denied the necessity of an ordained priesthood for the administration of sacraments, arguing that any believer could baptize or celebrate the Eucharist.
5. **Pacifism and Nonviolence**: Many Vaudois communities adhered to a strict pacifist ethic, refusing to bear arms or participate in warfare.
These beliefs brought the Vaudois into direct conflict with the Church, which viewed their teachings as heretical and their practices as subversive of ecclesiastical authority.
### Persecution and Survival
The history of the Vaudois is marked by repeated waves of persecution, both by ecclesiastical and secular authorities. The **Inquisition**, established in the 13th century to combat heresy, targeted the Vaudois with particular vigor, leading to numerous trials, executions, and forced conversions. Despite these pressures, the Vaudois managed to survive, often by retreating into isolated mountainous regions where they could practice their faith in relative secrecy.
One of the most notorious episodes of persecution occurred in the late 15th century, when the Duke of Savoy, **CARLO I**, launched a series of military campaigns against the Vaudois communities in the Piedmontese valleys. These campaigns, known as the *Piedmontese Easter* (1488), resulted in the massacre of hundreds of Vaudois and the destruction of their villages. However, the Vaudois persevered, and by the early 16th century, they had established contact with the emerging Protestant Reformation.
### Relations with the Reformation
The Vaudois played a significant role in the spread of Protestant ideas in Europe. In 1532, at the **Synod of Chanforan**, the Vaudois formally aligned themselves with the Swiss Reformation, adopting the **Confession of Faith** of the Reformed tradition. This alliance brought them into closer contact with Protestant leaders such as **GUILLAUME FAREL** and **JEAN CALVIN**, who provided theological and organizational support to the Vaudois communities.
Despite this alignment, the Vaudois retained certain distinctive elements of their earlier tradition, particularly their emphasis on lay preaching and their rejection of clerical hierarchy. Their survival in the face of continued persecution—including the infamous **Massacre of the Vaudois** in 1655, during which thousands were killed by Savoyard troops—became a symbol of religious resilience and a testament to their commitment to their faith.
### Modern Era
In the 19th and 20th centuries, the Vaudois communities underwent significant changes. The **Edict of Toleration** issued by the Duke of Savoy in 1848 granted the Vaudois legal recognition and the right to practice their religion openly. This marked the beginning of a new era for the Vaudois, who gradually integrated into the broader Protestant tradition while maintaining their historical identity.
Today, the **Waldensian Evangelical Church** (Chiesa Evangelica Valdese) is a small but vibrant Protestant denomination, primarily based in Italy, with communities in Switzerland, Uruguay, and Argentina. The church remains committed to its historical roots, emphasizing social justice, ecumenism, and a return to the simplicity of the Gospel.
### BIBL.:
A. Molnar, *Les Vaudois au Moyen Âge*, Torino, 1974; G. Gonnet, *Enchiridion fontium Valdensium*, Torre Pellice, 1958; E. Comba, *Histoire des Vaudois*, Firenze, 1901; T. Gay, *Histoire des Vaudois*, Paris, 1879; E. J. Ricard, *Histoire des Vaudois*, Paris, 1879; A. D. Aurelio, *I Valdesi*, Torino, 1962; V. INQUISIZIONE; RIFORMA; VALDO, PIETRO.
*G. M.*J. Ricard, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; T. Gay, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; E. J. Ricard, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; T. Gay, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; E. J. Ricard, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; T. Gay, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; E. J. Ricard, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; T. Gay, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; E. J. Ricard, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; T. Gay, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; E. J. Ricard, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879; T. Gay, Histoire des Vaudois, 1879**VAUDOIS**
The term *Vaudois* (in English, Waldensians) refers to the members of a Christian religious movement that originated in the late 12th century in Lyon, France, under the leadership of **PIETRO VALDO** (Peter Waldo). The movement is characterized by its emphasis on apostolic poverty, lay preaching, and a return to the simplicity of the early Church. The Vaudois were among the first groups to challenge the authority and practices of the medieval Catholic Church, leading to their condemnation as heretics and subsequent persecution.
### Origins and Early Development
The Vaudois movement began around 1173 when Pietro Valdo, a wealthy merchant from Lyon, underwent a spiritual conversion and distributed his wealth to the poor. Inspired by the Gospel, he and his followers adopted a life of voluntary poverty and began preaching in the vernacular, a practice that brought them into conflict with ecclesiastical authorities. The movement quickly spread across southern France, northern Italy, and the Alpine regions, attracting followers from various social classes.
The Vaudois were initially tolerated by the Church, but their refusal to submit to ecclesiastical control and their criticism of clerical corruption led to their condemnation at the **Third Lateran Council (1179)**. Despite this, the movement continued to grow, and by the early 13th century, it had established communities in the Piedmont valleys, where they found refuge from persecution.
### Doctrinal Beliefs
The Vaudois held a number of beliefs that set them apart from the Catholic Church. Among their key tenets were:
- **Apostolic poverty**: They rejected the accumulation of wealth by the clergy and advocated for a life of simplicity and voluntary poverty.
- **Lay preaching**: They believed that all Christians, not just the clergy, had the right and duty to preach the Gospel.
- **Rejection of certain sacraments**: They denied the efficacy of some Catholic sacraments, such as confession to priests and the veneration of saints.
- **Biblical authority**: They emphasized the primacy of Scripture over Church tradition and rejected doctrines they deemed unbiblical, such as purgatory and the intercession of saints.
These beliefs brought them into direct conflict with the Church, which viewed them as a threat to its authority and doctrinal unity.
### Persecution and Survival
The Vaudois faced intense persecution from both ecclesiastical and secular authorities. The **Albigensian Crusade (1209-1229)** and the subsequent establishment of the **Inquisition** targeted not only the Cathars but also the Vaudois, who were often conflated with other heretical groups. Despite this, the Vaudois managed to survive in remote Alpine regions, particularly in the valleys of Piedmont, where they maintained their distinct identity and practices.
In the 16th century, the Vaudois played a significant role in the **Reformation**, aligning themselves with the Protestant movement. They adopted the **Reformed faith** and established ties with other Protestant groups, such as the **Calvinists**. This alliance further intensified the persecution they faced, culminating in the **Piedmontese Easter (1655)**, a brutal massacre of Vaudois communities by Savoyard troops. The event drew international condemnation and led to increased support for the Vaudois from Protestant nations.
### Modern Era
In the 19th century, the Vaudois gained legal recognition and religious freedom in Italy. The **Edict of Emancipation (1848)** granted them civil rights and allowed them to practice their faith openly. Today, the Vaudois Church is a small but active Protestant denomination, primarily based in Italy, with a strong emphasis on social justice, ecumenism, and evangelism.
BIBL.:
Ricard, *Histoire des Vaudois*, 1879; T. Gay, *Histoire des Vaudois*, 1879; E. Comba, *Histoire des Vaudois*, 1887; A. Molnar, *Les Vaudois au Moyen Âge*, 1967; G. Gonnet, *Enchiridion fontium Valdensium*, 1958; V. also WALDO, PIETRO; INQUISITION; REFORMATION.
**A. M.****VAUDOIS**
The term *Vaudois* (Waldensians) refers to the followers of a religious movement that originated in the late 12th century under the leadership of **PIETRO VALDO** (Peter Waldo) of Lyon. This movement, initially characterized by a return to evangelical poverty and a literal interpretation of Scripture, soon came into conflict with the ecclesiastical hierarchy, leading to its condemnation as heretical.
### Origins and Early Development
The Vaudois movement emerged in the context of the religious ferment of the 12th century, marked by a widespread desire for reform and a return to the simplicity of the early Church. Pietro Valdo, a wealthy merchant from Lyon, underwent a profound spiritual conversion around 1173, renouncing his wealth and dedicating himself to preaching the Gospel. His followers, known as the *Poor of Lyon*, adopted a life of voluntary poverty, itinerant preaching, and strict adherence to the Bible.
Initially, the movement enjoyed a degree of tolerance, but tensions arose when the Vaudois began to preach without ecclesiastical authorization, challenging the Church's monopoly on religious instruction. In 1184, Pope Lucius III condemned the Vaudois as heretics in the decree *Ad abolendam*, issued at the Council of Verona. This condemnation marked the beginning of a prolonged period of persecution, during which the Vaudois were forced into clandestinity.
### Doctrinal Beliefs
The Vaudois held a number of beliefs that set them apart from orthodox Catholicism. Among their key tenets were:
- **Rejection of ecclesiastical authority**: The Vaudois denied the legitimacy of the hierarchical Church, particularly the papacy, and rejected the sacraments administered by priests they deemed unworthy.
- **Sola Scriptura**: They emphasized the primacy of Scripture as the sole rule of faith, rejecting traditions and doctrines not explicitly found in the Bible.
- **Priesthood of all believers**: The Vaudois believed that all Christians, not just ordained clergy, had the right and duty to preach and interpret Scripture.
- **Rejection of purgatory and indulgences**: They denied the existence of purgatory and the efficacy of indulgences, viewing them as inventions of the Church to exploit the faithful.
- **Pacifism and nonviolence**: Many Vaudois communities adhered to a strict pacifist ethic, refusing to bear arms or participate in warfare.
### Persecution and Survival
The condemnation of the Vaudois as heretics led to centuries of persecution, particularly in France and Italy. The Inquisition, established in the 13th century, targeted Vaudois communities with particular vigor, leading to executions, forced conversions, and the destruction of their writings. Despite these efforts, the Vaudois managed to survive, often by retreating into remote mountainous regions, such as the Alpine valleys of Piedmont.
During the Reformation, the Vaudois found common cause with Protestant reformers, particularly the Calvinists. In 1532, at the Synod of Chanforan, the Vaudois formally adopted the Reformed faith, aligning themselves with the Swiss Reformation. This alliance provided them with new theological resources and political protection, particularly from the Protestant cantons of Switzerland.
### Modern Era
In the modern era, the Vaudois have largely integrated into mainstream Protestantism, particularly within the Reformed tradition. The **Chiesa Evangelica Valdese** (Waldensian Evangelical Church), based in Italy, remains the primary institutional expression of the Vaudois heritage. Today, the Waldensian Church is known for its commitment to ecumenism, social justice, and interfaith dialogue.
### BIBL.:
E. Comba, *Histoire des Vaudois*, 1887; A. Molnar, *Les Vaudois au Moyen Âge*, 1974; G. Gonnet, *Enchiridion fontium Valdensium*, 1958; T. Gay, *Histoire des Vaudois*, 1879; E. J. Ricard, *Histoire des Vaudois*, 1879; V. also **INQUISIZIONE**; **PROTESTANTESIMO**; **RIFORMA**.
*G. M.*
In the Church, I always held study, teaching, and writing in the highest esteem,” (Hist. eccl., V, 24).
His study was facilitated by the many precious manuscripts that his abbots brought him from their frequent travels on the continent and to Rome: he himself made copies of them, collated them, and corrected them. His teaching, the fame of his learning, and his writings procured him many distinguished friendships, such as those with his disciples and later abbots of his monastery, Vettberht and Cuthberht, with Nothelm, Archbishop of Canterbury, Albinus, abbot of the same city, Acca, Bishop of Hexham, who spurred him to compose many works that were later dedicated to them by Bede, supplied him with materials for his historical studies, and maintained an active correspondence with him. To Ecgberht, Bishop of York, besides sending a long friendly letter on episcopal dignity, he even paid a visit in 734, but returned from it ill and never recovered. While bedridden, he continued to dictate certain excerpts from the works of Isidore for the use of his monks and the Old English version of the Gospel of St. John. He died on May 26, 735, having reached chapter 6, verse 9.
Alongside Isidore, B. is the greatest scholarly figure of the early Middle Ages and became one of the fathers of all subsequent culture. His influence spread especially through the school of York, which, with Alcuin, transplanted Anglo-Saxon learning into Carolingian civilization and consequently into European culture. His fame was such that the year of his death was recorded even in continental chronicles as a memorable event.
B. knew, in addition to Latin and Old English, Greek, and had some knowledge of Hebrew. He was familiar with Latin treatises and the authors of late antiquity, but he also read a good number of classical authors; he made a continuous study of the Fathers and ecclesiastical writers, collecting, from an early age, a very large number of extracts from their works. His writings on sacred subjects are almost entirely composed from this material. Partly out of personal inclination, partly to meet the needs of the school and the spirit of the times, he had an encyclopedic temperament and thus was a polygraph. It can be said that he possessed all the sciences cultivated in his time and to such a degree that he was considered an exceptional master.
His writings, of which he himself left a catalogue at the end of the Ecclesiastical History (V, 24), almost all have their origin and purpose in his teaching, with the exception of his historical works.
1. Exegetical works
These form by far the greater part of his output and include commentaries on almost all the books of the Bible (some have been lost, such as those on the prophets). In these he usually repeats the interpretations of the Holy Fathers, especially Jerome and Augustine, selected with discernment and illustrated by his own observations; but when he attempts to “fly with his own wings” he becomes prolix and excessively allegorical. He was the first to propose the theory of the four senses: historical, moral, allegorical, and mystical, which later became so familiar to the Scholastics. Also essentially Gospel commentaries are the Homiliae for the various feasts of the year, about fifty in number, divided into two books. To these must be added a Libellus precum, prayers composed of passages from the psalms according to the Hieronymian Psalter from the Hebrew.2. Didactic works
Some are of an elementary nature. Such are the De metrica arte, a compendium of precepts drawn from ancient grammarians and reinforced with examples from Christian authors; the De schematibus et tropis Sacrae Scripturae, divided into two parts according to the title. Here again the terminology of the ancient rhetoricians is applied to Scripture. The De orthographia is a little dictionary of words with brief grammatical and lexical notes and, above all, distinctions of synonyms.3. Historical works
These form the best, most personal, and stylistically most valuable part of his literary legacy. The Historia sanctorum abbatum monasterii in Wernuthia et Girvum, of Benedict, Ceolfrid, Eosterwine, Sigfrid, and Hwaebert, deals with the founding work of Benedict Biscop and his zeal in elevating his monastery to the level of Italian culture. It is written with taste, sound historical judgment, and, being the first history of an English monastery, it provides a most interesting picture of the state of culture at that time.The Vita Cuthberti, of the great bishop of Lindisfarne who died in 687, was composed by him first in hexameters between 705 and 726, and then, before 721, more extensively in prose. The chapters are forty-six in both versions, though the material is partly different. It deals almost always with miracles worked during his lifetime and prodigies after his death, and with information drawn from an anonymous life written earlier and from Lindisfarne traditions. The purpose is not so much historical as edifying, and this especially accounts for the elevated tone.
A similar character marks the Vita s. Felicis, a prose adaptation of the poetic work of Paulinus of Nola for those who did not read verse, carried out along the lines of a similar anonymous adaptation of Prudentius’s hymn on St. Cassian. The Liber vitae et passionis s. Anastasii “poorly translated from the Greek and worse corrected by some bungler, as far as I was able to restore the sense” has been lost. The Liber de locis sanctis is no more than an epitome in 17 chapters of the work of Adamnan (prior to 731).
The Martyrologium «de nataliti» sanctorum martyrum diebus, in quo omnes quos invenire potui, non solum qua die verum etiam quo genere certaminis vel sub quo iudice mundum vicerint diligenter adnotare studui», is the first of the so-called historical martyrologies, precursors of the present Roman Martyrology. Its primitive form is unknown to us, because soon many set about adding to it; we know in fact that he left various days blank. However, it can be said that he drew his information from the passions of the martyrs and from ancient ecclesiastical writers, and, for simple mentions of names, he depended on the Martyrologium Hieronymianum and on liturgical books. In general, for his time, he shows great accuracy and prudence in the use of sources.
The Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, in 5 books, is his principal work, written at the invitation of his friend Albinus and dedicated, in 731, to the king of Northumbria Ceolwulf. It begins with a description of the country drawn from Pliny, Orosius and Solinus, followed by the history of its origins, first according to Orosius and then according to Gildas and the life of St. Germanus, up to the time of the emperor Maurice. From here (I, 23) the narrative becomes much more detailed, because the Christianization of the nation had begun and B. had his own sources. It thus proceeds for a span of 135 years up to the time of the author, combining civil history with ecclesiastical history, with a predominantly biographical and episodic method, paying the greatest attention to the history of the southern kingdoms and to the work of the missionaries who came from Rome. B. is a declared enemy of Celtic customs (Easter and tonsure) and therefore leaves in the shade or even disqualifies the work, however important, of the Irish and Scottish missionaries.
With all this, B.’s work marks an epoch in modern historiography. Even after the book of Gregory of Tours, which may have inspired it, it can be called the first true history of a nation worthy of the name. He first carefully chose his sources in the very places he wrote about and from those who could best provide them. He meticulously enumerates them (adding various lives of the saints) in his dedication to Ceolwulf, almost as if to avoid overburdening his own responsibility, as well as out of a debt of gratitude, and concludes: “And I humbly beg him that if he finds anything in what we have written placed otherwise than the truth holds, he should not impute this to us, who, as the true law of history demands, strive to commit to writing simply what we have gathered from the spreading report for the instruction of posterity.”
Beyond this loyalty and sincerity, he displays, for his time, a notable historical sense. Every event deemed supernatural is precisely attributed to a source, and what he recounts from his own knowledge rarely strays beyond the bounds of plausibility. Broad, for a monk, are his views regarding ecclesiastical and political matters, and in general, they are secure. He knows how to treat the most diverse events and persons with that delicacy and serenity characteristic of a superior mind. In substance, modern scholarship has not been able to view the ancient history of the English in a way different from how he narrated II.
His narrative has the inestimable advantage of being entirely and firmly grounded in the area of Dionysian chronology from the beginning; it is clear, well-ordered, sufficiently proportioned, and does not lack real unity. For this reason, it is easy to read and to follow. It is also made pleasant and often gripping by the qualities of his style. B. wants and is accustomed to being
Beda il
Beda il Venerabile - Explanatio Apocalypsis, Lib. I (sec. XI). Biblioteca Vaticana, cod. lat. 641, fol. 5r.
Beda il venerabile - Explanatio Apocalypsis, Lib. I (sec. XI). Biblioteca Vaticana, cod. lat. 640, fol. 5r.
Many works, certainly apocryphal, circulate among those of B. in manuscripts and old editions. These are collected by Giles at the end of each class of those deemed authentic. It should be noted that the four orations that close the Libellus precum are not by B.; the De ratione computi (PL 90, 579) is a later extract from the De temporum ratione. The commentaries
on Matthew and John are likewise later, the former taken from Rabanus Maurus and the latter in part from Alcuin, as is also the commentary In Genesis; cf. Schönbach, Über einige Evangelienkommentare des Mittelalters (Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akad., 146, iv), Vienna 1903. Instead, P. Lehmann, Wert und Echtheit einer B. abgesprochenen Schrift (Abhandl. der Bayr. Akad., iv), Munich 1919, tends to consider the Liber quaestionum (PL 93, 455), which is among the spurious works, as authentic. Morin, Notes sur plusieurs écrits attribués à B. le vénérable, in Rev. bénéd., 11 (1894), pp. 289 ff., recognizes the Capitula lectionum in Pentateuchum Moysi, Iosue, Judicum in the Paris codex lat. 2342 as simple extracts from Isidore and inclines to attribute to B. the argumenta and explanations contained in the apocryphal Exegesis in psalmorum librum (PL 97, 478). De Bruyne, Note sur les mss. et les éditions du commentaire de B. sur les Proverbes, in Journal of Theological Studies, 28 (1926-27), pp. 182 ff., has rediscovered B.’s commentary on Prov. (fragments in PL 91, 1051). Bedae Venerab. Expositione Actuum et Retractatio by M. L. W. Laistner (Medieval Academy of America Publications, xxxv). On B. as interpreter of Scripture, see R. Cornely, Introductio in utriusque Testamenti libros sacros, I, Paris 1885, p. 465 and F. Plaine, s.V. in DB, I, col. 1538.