PROVERBS, Book of. - Third (after Job and the Psalms) of the didactic books of the Old Testament, first of the "sapiential" books. Ecclesiasticus (v.) drew inspiration from it not infrequently, although there are quite notable differences of form and content between the two books.
Alongside the name of P. (Παραγία, Proverb), one finds that of Parables (Παραβολοί, Parabolae), which renders more literally the title prefixed to the book in its definitive redaction: Millè (Sèbhnàh), Parabolae (Salomonis), in the Latin versions (Prov. 1, 1). In the Talmud the abbreviated title Millè is current, more rarely Sèpher bohhnàh, to which corresponds the title of Σοφία, sometimes used by the Fathers (Eusebius, Hist. eccl., IV, 28, 14; PG 20, 597; cf. ἡ πανάρετος σοφία in I Clem. 57, 3; PG 1, 324), of Sapientia Salomonis (St. Cyprian, Testimon., II, 14; III, 56; PL 4, 768 [737], 781 [791]).
Māšāl (v.), which is rendered only approximately by "proverb," means similitude, comparison, parable, a brief sententious saying that serves to inculcate a truth or a principle of moral and practical order: it is the parable more properly so called (Ezek. 17, 2; 24, 3), the similitude and the example, the saying of popular use (more precisely proverb: I Kings 5, 12; Job 13, 12; Prov. 1, 1.6; 10, 1; 25, 1; 26, 7.9), the witty and sarcastic mot (Ezek. 12, 22 f.; 18, 2 f.; Mic. 2, 4; Hab. 2, 6), the words of mockery and the object of the same (Deut. 28, 37; I Kings 9, 7; Jer. 24, 9; Ezek. 14, 8 etc.). In P. the māšāl ranges from the elementary forms of simple maxims (chaps. 10-22, 25-29) to the curious numerical proverbs (6, 16-19; 30, 15-31), to lively little scenes and portraits of characters (23, 29-35; 24, 30-34; cf. 6, 6-11; 26, 13-16, etc.), to the imaginative presentations of wisdom and its opposite, folly, sometimes by the device of personification (7, 6-27; 9, 1-6; 13-18). The poetic form also varies: from the distich, almost constant in the two Solomonic collections, to the tetrastich, frequent in the others, to the stanza of ten and more verses in chaps. 1-9. Particular mention deserves the numerical māšāl, which groups, by certain common characteristics, determined objects, defining their number in two stages: first with one unit less, then with the figure that was actually intended, followed by the enumeration of the numbered objects: in the book of P. almost constantly four (30, 15 f. 18 f. 21 ff. 24-28, 29 ff.: seven, in 6, 16-19), with prior mention of three (note the exception of 30, 24); but in the other books, especially the prophetic ones, the complete number is also two (Job 40, 5; Ps. 62, 13), five, sometimes seven (Job 5, 19) and even eight (Matt. 5, 5) and ten (Ecclus. 25, 7).

The book of P. has only a redactional unity. The various collections are grouped around two principal ones. Even within the individual collections it is difficult or impossible to discover a unity and a logical arrangement, sentences following sentences without evident connection.
More positive indications of the multiplicity of the collections are, besides the diversity of style and doctrine, the repetition of very similar, or indeed identical, sentences, and the titles preserved at the beginning of the individual collections. After the extensive introduction of chaps. 1-9, the title of 1, 1 is repeated (10, 1), because at this point the first Solomonic collection begins (10, 1-22, 16). Two minor collections follow (22, 17-24, 22; 24, 23-34) of "sayings of the wise": the first is introduced (22, 17) without a title; but the small introduction of 24, 23 presupposes one. The second Solomonic collection (25-29) is the work of the "men of Hezekiah king of Judah" (25, 1). To this follow the "sayings of Agur son of Jāqeh of Maššā" (30, 1), which seem to be limited to 30, 1-14, followed by the numerical proverbs (30, 15-33). In the same way the "sayings of Lemuel, king of Maššā" (31, 1) are reduced to nine verses (31, 1-9: to flee wicked women, corrupters of kings, and the abuse of wine), while the final poem on the virtuous woman (31, 10-31) stands out clearly by its acrostic form (twenty-two distichs, corresponding to the letters of the alphabet): a vigorous portrait of the ideal spouse and mother of a family.
The Fathers and the interpreters of the Middle Ages attributed the book of P. entirely to Solomon, deceived by the title of 1, 1 and by the erroneous translation of the names of Agur (v.) and of Lemuel (v. in 31, 1), taken not infrequently as pseudonyms or symbolic names of Solomon. Unity of authorship is no longer defended. The diversity of historical and cultural milieu is reflected too evidently in the individual collections listed above. There is no serious difficulty against the Solomonic origin of the content of the two collections 10, 1-22, 16 and 25-29. For this central nucleus the whole book could be named after Solomon as the Psalter is after David. The language of these two collections is of the best period; the form of the māšāl is simple but effective; frequent are the allusions to a monarchy passing through a period of splendor (16, 12-15; 20, 8.26.28), while there is never any allusion to national calamities. The content of these two collections may be considered as a sample of the three thousand "proverbs" spoken by Solomon, according to I Kings 5, 12 (Vulg. 4, 22). The second collection was made by the "men of Hezekiah" (25, 1); the first may be considerably earlier, without reaching the Solomonic age. It is difficult to determine when the minor collections were joined to the two Solomonic ones, and when the book reached its definitive form, with the long introduction of chaps. 1-9, which have the appearance of a little treatise on the nature and utility of wisdom. To descend, for this last part, as far as the Hellenistic age does not seem
(Ist. Esc. Cutt.)
PROVERBS. Book of - Incipit of the book of P. or of the Parables of Solomon. The miniature represents the judgment of Solomon; in the roundel below, Solomon as a youth - Vatican Library, cod. Urb. lat. 2, f. 31 v (15th cent.).
justified: different, in fact, is the way of conceiving wisdom in comparison with the books of Wisdom and of Ecclesiasticus, influenced, the first especially, by Greek culture.
Chaps. 1-9, although they have the prevailing character of a generic exhortation to follow wisdom, also treat of fleeing evil company (1, 8-19; 2, 10-22), especially wicked women (5; 6, 20-35), of the respect owed to one's neighbor (3, 17-33), of prudence in making commitments (6, 1-5), of fleeing laziness (6, 6-11). The predominant note is the invitation to follow wisdom (chap. 8), inviting to its own table (9, 1-6), to which is opposed the banquet of folly (9, 13-18).
Varied and disconnected is the content of the two Solomonic collections, in which one passes from the affirmation that children, according as they are good or bad, form the joy or the sorrow of their parents (10, 1), to the condemnation of wrongly acquired riches and the exaltation of justice (10, 2 f.), then to the stigmatization of laziness (10, 4 ff.), etc. Even where there is a certain unity of content, as in 10, 11-21 (wisdom in speech), maxims on wealth and poverty are intercalated, on the different use that the just and the wicked make of their own gains (10, 15 f.). Every aspect of individual, family and social life is considered there. Particular prominence is given to the dignity and the task of the king, of whom the model is outlined in 16, 10-15; 20, 26-21, 1. Cf. 25, 2-7; 29, 2-14.
The two collections of sayings of the sages (22:17-24:22 and 24:23-34) have the same character of maxims and counsels disconnected from one another; they treat of the manner of behaving toward one's neighbor, particularly the poor and defenseless (22:22-28; 24:11-18), of conduct at table (23:1 ff.), of the docility required for a good upbringing (23:12-28), and they give a vivid picture of the drunkard (23:29-35) and of the sluggard (24:30-34). The king is conceived as close to God in the exhortation to subjects not to provoke the anger of either the one or the other (24:21 f.).
The sayings of Agur (not identifiable) begin with a profession of the inaccessibility and transcendence of God (30:1-4) and of the immutability of his word (30:5 f.).
Agur loves the golden mean, for which reason he wants neither poverty nor riches, which expose one equally to moral dangers, but only what is necessary for life (30:7 ff.).
In the numerical mētālīm (30:15-31) he too exalts the king (v. 29 ff.). Lamuel (an unknown personality) traces the figure of a good prince (31:2-9). There follows the portrait of the virtuous woman (31:10-31).

The book of P., like other wisdom books, offers notable analogies with the dogmatic and moral doctrine of the New Testament; for which reason 25:21 is cited (Rom. 12:20) with regard to certain acts of courtesy to be performed even toward the enemy, whose misfortune one must not rejoice in (24:17 f.). A free use of 25:6 f. is found in Lk. 14:8 ff. Prov. 20:22 (cf. 24:29) forbids returning evil for evil: once the law of retaliation is surpassed, it approaches that of charity (cf. Rom. 12:17; I Thess. 5:15; I Pt. 3:9). The motive for not repaying the enemy in his own coin is trust not in the intervention of a vengeful God (Deut. 32:35), but in his protection.
In its more recent and more doctrinal part, the book of P. remotely preludes the Christian Revelation of the Trinitarian mystery with the presentation of wisdom as something distinct from God the creator: 8:22-31; cf. 1:20; 9:1-6 etc.
It must be recognized, however, that the mētālīm of directly dogmatic content are few. P. is an eminently practical book, for the conduct of life.
But at the basis of the practical directives stand premises or principles that touch the very foundation of religion. The morality of P. rests on the fear of God (1:7), that is, on a profound sentiment of dependence on him, united with an almost filial confidence (3:5-8).
P. presents undeniable similarities with the wisdom literature of the other peoples of the East. In particular, between 22:17-24:20 and the writing of the Egyptian Amen-em-ope (v.) the similarities are so numerous and precise that they cannot be considered fortuitous. Theoretically the problem could be resolved either by the dependence of P. on the Egyptian or of the latter on P. or, finally, of both on a common source. The first and second solutions have found fewer supporters than the third.
For the text of P. the most notable fact is the very strong diversity that runs between the Masoretic text and the Septuagint. With the former substantially agree the Peshitta, the Targum, the Greek versions of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, and the Vulgate. The translation of St. Jerome, very hurried (in three days he translated Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs: cf. Proef. in libros Salomonic: PL 28, 1241), reproduces, in substance, a Hebrew text slightly earlier than the era of the Masoretes. With the Septuagint coincide the Coptic, Syro-Hexaplar and Old Latin versions. The version of the Septuagint presents characteristics of excessive freedom. There are divergences of sense (e.g., 13:2-4 ff. 9 f.), texts translated twice (14:22; 22:8 f.; 25:20) and numerous additions (either the preceding text is paraphrased or the same concept is expressed with some variation in the images); but the additions can sometimes be (cf. 11:16; 27:20 f.) traces of a Hebrew text more ancient and better than the Masoretic one. The omissions are relatively few: 1:16; 4:52. 7; 7:25b; 8:29ab. 32b.
33; 11:4; 13:6; 15:31; 16:1-3. 6-9; 17:19b; 18:8-23 f.;
19:1 f.; 20:14-19; 21:5. 18b; 22:6; 23:23; 25:9a. 19b.
Transpositions occur both of entire sections (the first part
of the words of Agur, 30:1-14, comes after 24:22, that is,
after the first collection of the sayings of the sages; the second
part of the words of Agur, 30:15-33, and the words of Lamuel,
31:1-9, after 24:34, that is, after the second collection of the
words of the sages), and of individual mētālīm, especially
of the first Solomonic collection (e.g.: 16:7 after 15:
28; 20:22 ff. after 20:9). The Vulgate has very few
additions of its own, with respect to the Masoretic text and the
Septuagint: e.g., 14:21c. On the other hand a third of the additions
of the Septuagint are common to the Vulgate. Rather than
an influence of the Old Latin on the translator of the Vulgate,
it seems to be a matter of later interpolations. The Masoretic text and the Vulgate, purged of the interpolations,
are notably shorter than the Septuagint and fairly
in agreement with each other. Both represent a
synagogal text, freed, in the first centuries of the Christian era,
from the additions preserved in the Septuagint.
Bibliography24 works
Teodorico da Castel San Pietro