Cities and suburbes are appointed for the Leuites, among the other tribes. 6. Of which six shal be for refuge of such as vnwittingly kil anie man, 22. where, keping them selues til the death of the high Priest, they shal be safe. 30. VVilful murtherers conuicted (so it be by more then one witnes) must die forthwith.
1And the Lord spoke these things also to Moses in the plains of Moab by the Jordan, over against Jericho:Disse ancor queste cose il Signore a Mosè nelle pianure di Moab presso al Giordano dirimpetto a Gerico:THESE thinges also spake our Lord to Moyses in the champion countries of Moab vpon Iordan, against Iericho:Hæc quoque locutus est Dominus ad Moysen in campes tribus Moab supra Jordanem, contra Jericho: 2Command the children of Israel that they give to the Levites out of their possessions,Comanda a' figliuoli d'Israele, che de' loro dominii dieno a' LevitiCommand the children of Israel that they geue vnto the Leuites of their possessionsPræcipe filiis Israël ut dent Levitis de possessionibus suis 3Cities to dwell in, and their suburbs round about: that they may abide in the towns, and the suburbs may be for their cattle and beasts:Delle città da abitare, e i loro sobborghi all'intorno, affinché abitino le città, e i sobborghi sieno pe' loro greggi, e giumenti:cities to dwel in, and their suburbes round about: that them selues may abide in the townes, and the suburbes may be for their cattel and beastes:urbes ad habitandum, et suburbana earum per circuitum: ut ipsi in oppidis maneant, et suburbana sint pecoribus ac jumentis: 4Which suburbs shall reach from the walls of the cities outward, a thousand paces on every side:I quali sobborghi sì stenderanno fuori per lo spazio di mille passi dalle mura delle città all'intorno:which from the walles of the cities outward, round about, shal reach the space of a thousand paces.quæ a muris civitatum forinsecus, per circuitum, mille passuum spatio tendentur. 5Toward the east shall be two thousand cubits: and toward the south in like manner shall be two thousand cubits: toward the sea also, which looketh to the west, shall be the same extent: and the north side shall be bounded with the like limits. And the cities shall be in the midst, and the suburbs without.Da oriente saranno due mila cubiti, e da mezzodì parimente due mila cubiti: e verso il mare che guarda a occidente, vi sarà la stessa misura e dalla parte di settentrione sarà eguale spazio: e le città saranno nel mezzo, e fuori i sobborghi.Toward the East shal be two thousand cubites: and toward the South in like manner shal be two thousand: toward the sea also, which looketh to the West, shal be the same measure: and the North part shal be limitted with equal boundes. And the cities shal be in the middes, and the suburbes without.Contra orientem duo millia erunt cubiti, et contra meridiem similiter erunt duo millia: ad mare quoque, quod respicit ad occidentem, eadem mensura erit, et septentrionalis plaga æquali termino finietur, eruntque urbes in medio, et foris suburbana.
6And among the cities, which you shall give to the Levites, six shall be separated for refuge to fugitives, that he who hath shed blood may flee to them: and besides these there shall be other forty-two cities,Di queste città poi che voi assegnerete ai Leviti, sei saranno destinate al ricovero de' fuggiaschi, affinché in esse abbia rifugio chi avrà sparso del sangue: e oltre a queste vi saranno altre quarantadue città,And of the same townes, which you shal geue to the Leuites, six shal be separated for the ayde of fugitiues, that he may flee to them which hath shed bloud: and beside these other fourtie two townes,De ipsis autem oppidis, quæ Levitis dabitis, sex erunt in fugitivorum auxilia separata, ut fugiat ad ea qui fuderit sanguinem: et exceptis his, alia quadraginta duo oppida, 7That is, in all forty-eight with their suburbs.Vale a dire quarant'otto in tutto coi loro sobborghi.that is, in al fourtie eight with their suburbes.id est, simul quadraginta octo cum suburbanis suis. 8And of these cities which shall be given out of the possessions of the children of Israel, from them that have more, more shall be taken: and from them that have less, fewer. Each shall give towns to the Levites according to the extent of their inheritance.E di queste città il maggior numero sarà dato da quei figliuoli d'Israele, i quali possederanno maggiore spazio di terra: il minor numero da quelli che possederanno minore spazio: ciascuno secondo la misura delle lor possessioni daranno le città a' Leviti.And those cities, that shal be geuen of the possessions of the children of Israel, from them that haue more, moe shal be taken away: and that haue lesse, fewer. Eache shal geue townes to the Leuites according to the measure of their inheritance.Ipsæque urbes, quæ dabuntur de possessionibus filiorum Israël, ab his qui plus habent, plures auferentur: et qui minus, pauciores: singuli juxta mensuram hæreditatis suæ dabunt oppida Levitis. 9The Lord said to Moses:Disse il Signore a Mosè:Our Lord said to Moyses:Ait Dominus ad Moysen: 10Speak to the children of Israel, and thou shalt say to them: When you shall have passed over the Jordan into the land of Chanaan,Parla a' figliuoli d'Israele, e di' loro: Quando, passato il Giordano, sarete entrati nella terra di Canaan,Speake to the children of Israel, & thou shalt say to them: When you shal haue passed ouer Iordan into the Land of Chanaan,Loquere filiis Israël, et dices ad eos: Quando transgressi fueritis Jordanem in terram Chanaan, 11Determine what cities shall be for the refuge of fugitives, who have shed blood against their will.Determinate le città che dovranno essere il rifugio de' fuggiaschi, i quali senza volerlo avranno sparso del sangue:determine what cities shal be for the succour of fugitiues, that haue not voluntaryly shed bloud:decernite quæ urbes esse debeant in præsidia fugitivorum, qui nolentes sanguinem fuderint:
12And when the fugitive shall be in them, the kinsman of him that is slain may not have power to kill him, until he stand before the multitude, and his cause be judged.Nelle quali quando uno si sarà rifuggito, non potrà il parente dell'ucciso ammazzarlo, sino a tanto che egli si presenti dinanzi al popolo, e sia giudicata la sua causa.in which when the fugitiue shal be, the kinseman of him that is killed can not kil him, vntil he stand in the sight of the multitude, and his cause be iudged.in quibus cum fuerit profugus, cognatus occisi non poterit eum occidere, donec stet in conspectu multitudinis, et causa illius judicetur. 13And of those cities, that are separated for the refuge of fugitives,Di queste città destinate al ricovero de' fuggiaschi,And of those cities, that are separated for refuge of the fugitiues,De ipsis autem urbibus, quæ ad fugitivorum subsidia separantur, 14Three shall be beyond the Jordan, and three in the land of Chanaan,Tre saranno di qua dal Giordano, e tre nella terra di Canaan:three shal be beyond Iordan, and three in the Land of Chanaan,tres erunt trans Jordanem, et tres in terra Chanaan, 15As well for the children of Israel as for strangers and sojourners, that he may flee to them, who hath shed blood against his will.E (saranno) tanto pei figliuoli d'Israele, come pei forestieri di altre nazioni, affinché in esse trovi rifugio chi senza volerlo ha sparso del sangue.as wel for the children of Israel as for strangers and soiouners, that he may flee to them, which hath not voluntaryly shed bloud.tam filiis Israël quam advenis atque peregrinis, ut confugiat ad eas qui nolens sanguinem fuderit. 16If any man strike with iron, and he die that was struck: he shall be guilty of murder, and he himself shall die.Chi ha ferito con ferro, se il ferito viene a morire, egli è reo di omicidio, ed egli pur morirà.If any man strike with yron, and he die that was strooken, he shal be guiltie of murder, and him self shal die.Si quis ferro percusserit, et mortuus fuerit qui percussus est, reus erit homicidii, et ipse morietur. 17If he throw a stone, and he that is struck die: he shall be punished in the same manner.Se scaglierà un sasso, e muore il ferito, avrà la medesima pena.If he cast a stone, and he that is strooken die: he shal be punished in like manner.Si lapidem jecerit, et ictus occubuerit, similiter punietur. 18If he that is struck with wood die: he shall be revenged by the blood of him that struck him.Se colui che è stato percosso con bastone, viene a morire, sarà vendicato col sangue dell'uccisore.If he that is strooken with wood die, he shal be reuenged by the strikers bloud.Si ligno percussus interierit, percussoris sanguine vindicabitur.
19The kinsman of him that was slain, shall kill the murderer: as soon as he apprehendeth him, he shall kill him.Il parente dell'ucciso ucciderà l'omicida: lo ucciderà subito che lo avrà nelle mani.The kinsman of him that is slaine, shal kil the murderer, as sowne as he apprehendeth him, he shal kil him.Propinquus occisi, homicidam interficiet: statim ut apprehenderit eum, interficiet. 20If through hatred any one push a man, or fling any thing at him with ill design:Se uno per odio dà la spinta a un uomo, o getta sopra di lui qualche cosa con mala intenzione,If through hatred one push a man, or cast any thing at him by stratageme:Si per odium quis hominem impulerit, vel jecerit quippiam in eum per insidias: 21Or being his enemy, strike him with his hand, and he die: the striker shall be guilty of murder: the kinsman of him that was slain as soon as he findeth him, shall kill him.O se, essendo suo nemico, lo batte colle mani, e quegli viene a morire, il percussore è reo d'omicidio: il parente dell'ucciso, subito che lo troverà, potrà ammazzarlo.or being his enemie, strike him with his hand, and he die: the striker shal be guiltie of murder. the kinseman of him that is slaine as sowne as he findeth him, shal kil him.aut cum esset inimicus, manu percusserit, et ille mortuus fuerit: percussor homicidii reus erit: cognatus occisi statim ut invenerit eum, jugulabit. 22But if by chance medley, and without hatred,Ma se per accidente, e senza odioBut if by chance medlie, and without hatred,Quod si fortuitu, et absque odio 23And enmity, he do any of these things,E senza nimicizia (anteriore) egli ha fatto alcuna di tali cose,and enemitie, he do any of these thinges,et inimicitiis quidquam horum fecerit, 24And this be proved in the hearing of the people, and the cause be debated between him that struck, and the next of kin:E ne avrà recate le prove dinanzi al popolo, quando sarà stata ventilata la causa tra il percussore, e il parente del morto,and this be proued in the hearing of the people, and the question debated betwen him that stroke, & the next of bloud:et hoc audiente populo fuerit comprobatum, atque inter percussorem et propinquum sanguinis quæstio ventilata: 25The innocent shall be delivered from the hand of the revenger, and shall be brought back by sentence into the city, to which he had fled, and he shall abide there until the death of the high priest, that is anointed with the holy oil.Sarà egli liberato come innocente dalle mani del vendicatore, e sarà per sentenza ricondotto nella città, in cui erasi rifuggito, e ivi starà fino a tanto che il sommo sacerdote che è unto coll'olio santo venga a morire.the innocent shal be deliuered from the hand of the reuenger, & by sentence shal be brought backe into the citie, to which he had fled, and he shal tarie there, vntil the High priest, that is anointed with the holie oile, do die.liberabitur innocens de ultoris manu, et reducetur per sententiam in urbem, ad quam confugerat, manebitque ibi, donec sacerdos magnus, qui oleo sancto unctus est, moriatur.
26If the murderer be found without the limits of the cities that are appointed for the banished,Se l'uccisore sarà trovato fuori de' confini delle città destinate agli esuli,If the murderer be found without the limites of the cities, that are deputed to the banished,Si interfector extra fines urbium, quæ exulibus deputatæ sunt, 27And be struck by him that is the avenger of blood: he shall not be guilty that killed him.E sarà ucciso da colui che vuol vendicare il parente ucciso, un tal uccisore sarà senza colpa:and be strooken of him that is the reuenger of bloud: he shal be guiltles that killed him.fuerit inventus, et percussus ab eo qui ultor est sanguinis: absque noxa erit qui eum occiderit. 28For the fugitive ought to have stayed in the city until the death of the high priest: and after he is dead, then shall the manslayer return to his own country.Perocché doveva il fuggitivo starsene nella città fino alla morte del pontefice: dopo la morte del quale l'omicida può tornare nella sua patria.For the fugitiue ought to haue stayed in the citie vntil the death of the High priest. And after he is dead, then shal the murderer returne into his countrie.Debuerat enim profugus usque ad mortem pontificis in urbe residere. Postquam autem ille obierit, homicida revertetur in terram suam. 29These things shall be perpetual, and for an ordinance in all your dwellings.Queste leggi saranno osservate in perpetuo in qualunque luogo, dove voi abitiate.These thinges shal be perpetual, and for an ordinance in al your habitations.Hæc sempiterna erunt, et legitima in cunctis habitationibus vestris. 30The murderer shall be punished by witnesses: none shall be condemned upon the evidence of one man.L'omicida sarà punito, uditi i testimoni: sul deposto d'un solo testimone nissuno sarà condannato.The murderer shal be punished by witnesses: none shal be condemned, at the testimonie of one man.Homicida sub testibus punietur: ad unius testimonium nullus condemnabitur. 31You shall not take money of him that is guilty of blood, but he shall die forthwith.Non riceverete denaro da colui che ha sparso del sangue: egli pure dee immediatamente morire.You shal not take a price of him, that is guiltie of bloud, he also shal die forth with.Non accipietis pretium ab eo qui reus est sanguinis, statim et ipse morietur. 32The banished and fugitives before the death of the high priest may by no means return into their own cities.Gli esuli, e fuggitivi non potranno in verun modo tornare nelle loro città prima della morte del pontefice.The banished and fugitiues before the death of the High priest may by no meanes returne into their owne cities.Exules et profugi ante mortem pontificis nullo modo in urbes suas reverti poterunt,
33Defile not the land of your habitation, which is stained with the blood of the innocent: neither can it otherwise be expiated, but by his blood that hath shed the blood of another.Guardatevi dal contaminare la terra di vostra abitazione, la quale resta macchiata dal sangue degli innocenti, e non può esser espiata, se non col sangue di colui che ha sparso il sangue d'un altro.Pollute not the land of your habitation, which is polluted with the bloud of innocentes: neither can it otherwise be expiated, but by his bloud, that shedeth an other mans bloud.ne polluatis terram habitationis vestræ, quæ insontium cruore maculatur: nec aliter expiari potest, nisi per ejus sanguinem, qui alterius sanguinem fuderit. 34And thus shall your possession be cleansed, myself abiding with you. For I am the Lord that dwell among the children of Israel.In tal guisa sarà mondata la vostra terra, e io mi starò con voi: perocché io sono il Signore che abito tra i figliuoli d'Israele.And so shal your possession be cleansed my self abyding with you. For I am the Lord that dwel among the children of Israel.Atque ita emundabitur vestra possessio me commorante vobiscum. Ego enim sum Dominus qui habito inter filios Israël.
35:1
Year of the World 2553.
35:3
Drusius
Cities, in all forty-eight, with a thousand paces round them. This land belonged to the community: but some built upon it, Josue 21:18., and 1 Paralipomenon 6:60. The burial place for the Levites lay behind it. (Drusius)
Abulensis
In these cities alone, the Levites had houses and gardens of their own; others might live with them, and indeed the cities acknowledged other lords, as Hebron belonged to Caleb, Josue 14:14. The Levites were dispersed throughout the land, that they might instruct the people both by word and by example, Deuteronomy 33:10. They had a clear revenue without labour of husbandry, equivalent to any two of the other tribes. (Abulensis.)
Salien
Six of their cities were assigned for places of refuge, as they were the proper judges of the cases, in which murder may be excused, and to remind them that they ought to be very merciful. Hence arose the privileges, granted to some churches, of protecting those who fled to them for an asylum. That none might be hindered from enjoying this benefit, three of these cities were situated on each side of the Jordan, and at equal distances. (Salien)
35:4
Haydock
Paces. This is equivalent to 2000 cubits, (ver. 5,) or a sabbath day's journey. (Selden, Jur. 3:9.; St. Jerome, q. 9. ad algas.) Hebrew retains the same word, amma, "cubit," in both verses: but some copies of the Septuagint, Philo, and Josephus, have "2000 cubits," (Calmet) which Dr. Wall and Kennicott deem to be the original reading. (Haydock)
Menochius
Bonfrere would also correct the Hebrew by the Vulgate, as a pace among the Greeks consisted of three feet, and a cubit of half that quantity. The geometric pace of the Romans contained five feet, and the sacred cubit of Villalpand, half as much; so that 2000 sacred cubits make 1000 geometric paces. Thus the Vulgate is perfectly consistent with itself. (Menochius)
Some imagine that Moses speaks of the common cubit here and of the sacred one, which was doubly as large, ver. 5. But this is not probable; and the distinction of cubits, (Calmet) at least in his days, (Haydock) is very uncertain. Perhaps Moses may first specify the depth of this space of ground from the wall, and afterwards its length, which would be doubly greater. (Calmet) See Servius on Jos. xxi. q. 8, etc.
Du Hamel
The semidiameter was probably 1000 cubits. (Du Hamel)
35:5
Sea. Hebrew simply, "on the west side 2000 cubits, and on the north side 2000 cubits, and the city in the midst. This shall be to them the suburbs of the city."
35:6
Philo
Cities. Maimonides pretends, that all the forty-eight cities of the Levites were asylums; though only six were bound to receive the fugitive gratis. Moses had promised a place of refuge, which he now grants, Exodus 21:13. The altar and temple enjoyed the like privilege: the latter even till its destruction. (Philo)
Calmet
Josephus mentions only six cities of refuge. Those who could not be supposed to have killed a person designedly, were not obliged to flee to them; as, on the other hand, the murderer was not permitted to enter, if his malice were notorious, or his negligence extreme. (Rabbins ep. Selden, Jur. 4:2.) To be secured at the altar of holocausts, it was necessary to touch the grate. If the judges declared that the person's case was such as the law admitted, he was conducted away, under a strong guard, to one of the cities; or, if he were deemed unworthy, he was put to death, out of the holy place. The altar was commonly the refuge only of priests. Those who were not of Hebrew extraction, could not claim the rights of an asylum, according to the Rabbins. But the contrary seems to be asserted, ver. 15. The roads to the cities of refuge were to be kept in good repair, and in case more than six should be found necessary, three others might be appointed, Deuteronomy 19:3, 8. This privilege is founded on the law of nature, which decrees that the life of the innocent man, who has had the misfortune to kill another, should not be taken away. Other nations extended this right to almost every crime, that the weak might have an opportunity of defending themselves. The sons of Hercules erected for this purpose the altar of mercy, at Athens. Some of the pagan temples could protect even the greatest criminals, as well as the innocent, who might fear oppression. Those of Apollo, at Delphos, of Bacchus, at Ephesus, etc., were very famous. See Marsham, Chron. saec. 13. Tiberius found it necessary to recall these privileges among the Greeks, as they were greatly abused. (Tacitus, An. 3:6.) But his decree was not much regarded. The Romans had their asylums also, at Naples, etc., where those who had been condemned to die, might be secure. Rome itself was an asylum for all strangers, as St. Augustine remarks, City of God 1:The Christian emperors afforded the like privileges to our churches. But some who were guilty of the crimes of adultery, murder, heresy, etc., were deprived of the benefit. (Calmet)
Tirinus
Those who fled to the altar among the Jews were first to be purified; (Philo) and if they had committed murder publicly, like Joab, they were dragged away, 3 Kings 2:(Tirinus)
35:12
Masius
Kinsman, the nearest relation, who was called the revenger of blood, (ver. 25, 27.; Haydock) or the redeemer, because it was his duty to see that justice was done to the deceased. When the person, who had involuntarily committed murder, arrived at the city, he was to make his appearance before the judges of it, and, if they thought his account satisfactory, they admitted him, but upon condition that he should take his trial before the judges and the people of that country, where the murder had taken place, (ver. 25., and Josue 20:4, 9.; Tirinus) though some think that the judges of the city of refuge, passed sentence. (Masius; etc.)
If it proved favourable, he was bound to remain in the city, till the death of the high priest, otherwise the relations might kill him as an outlaw; as they might also if he was declared guilty. In case the murder were voluntary, the judges of the place where it was committed set to demand the criminal, Deuteronomy 19:11.
35:18
Haydock
If, etc. Hebrew, "or he smite him with a wooden weapon, (wherewith he may die,) and he die, he is a murderer; the murderer shall surely be put to death." The two former verses are expressed in the same awful manner, intimating that the weapon must be of such a nature that it might easily give a mortal wound, and also that the effect really followed. In these cases, if the person could not clear himself, no refuge or reprieve was allowed. (Haydock)
Menochius
But the deceased must have been killed upon the spot, otherwise the person who struck him could only be required to pay a fine, Exodus 21:19. (Menochius)
35:19
Estius
Him, with impunity. If the judges have passed sentence, he shall be obliged to put it in execution, ver. 21, 31. (St. Augustine, q. 65.) (Estius)
Demost
The laws of Athens required also that a relation should put the murderer to death, though the deceased were even of servile condition. (Demost.)
Those of Rome condemned the involuntary manslayer to retire for a year, and afterwards to appease some one of the relations, and to offer the sacrifices, and submit to the usual purifications. Even at the present day, the Persians and Arabs deliver the murderer to be slain by the kinsmen of the deceased, after sentence has been passed by the judges.
35:21
Menochius
Kill him. It seems when the case was evident, he was not only permitted, but commanded to punish the criminal. (Bonfrere) (Deuteronomy 19:12.) (Menochius)
35:25
Haydock
Delivered. Hebrew, "the multitude shall deliver the slayer." It seems the judges pronounced sentence, according to the votes of the people assembled; (Calmet) or the plurality of voices among the 21 judges decided the matter. (Grotius) (Haydock)
Challoner
High priest. This mystically signified that our deliverance was to be effected by the death of Christ, the high priest and the anointed of God. (Challoner)
Theodoret
He rescued us from the hand of the revenger, the devil. (Theodoret, q. 50, 51.)
Worthington
Before his death, the way to our true country was not open, nor secure. (St. Gregory, hom 6. in Ezec.) (Worthington)
Masius
By this law, Moses shewed a horror for murder, and the respect due to the person of the high priest, during whose life even the involuntary murderer was obliged to keep himself retired in a city of refuge. (Masius)
Maimonides
At the death of the pontiff, all Israel put on mourning, so that private injuries were to be forgotten, when the public had such cause for sorrow; and in the mean time the vengeance of kinsmen would relent. (Maimonides; More. 3:40.)
Calmet
Murder was punished by the Greeks, in the days of Homer, with banishment, though sometimes this was remitted by the relations, for a sum of money. (Iliad ix.) (Calmet)
35:27
Grotius
Him. Custom explained this law, as giving leave to any person to inflict the punishment upon the wandering murderer, though the relation seem only to be specified. (Grotius)
Calmet
Some think, that to kill such a person was still criminal in the sight of God. But others believe that, as he had forfeited the privilege of an asylum, by absenting himself from it, (Calmet) the law subjected him to the same rigour, with which he might have been treated before he came thither; (ver. 19.; Haydock) and provided proper moderation were observed, and malicious revenge avoided, no guilt would attach to him, who executed the implied sentence of death. The Jews observe, that God allows us to revenge another sooner than ourselves, as there is less danger of excess or of delusion. (Calmet)
35:30
Man. A person might be tried on such evidence, Deuteronomy 19:15.
35:32
Grotius
Cities. Hebrew, "you shall take no money to retire to a city of refuge, to return into his own country, till the death of the priest." The Septuagint supply, "you shall take no redemption money, to permit (a voluntary murderer) to flee into a city of refuge, (nor of an involuntary one,) to return," etc. (Grotius)
Haydock
The banished, may refer to people of the former description, who had gone away to screen themselves from persecution. But they could never be allowed to inhabit the country any more. Their presence would seem to defile it. (Haydock)
"You shall not take money of him who has fled to a city of refuge, to suffer him to return home." (Chaldean)
35:33
Haydock
Defile not. To inspire a greater horror for murder, the earth was represented as defiled by blood, and only to be purified by the death of the criminal. Without shedding of blood, there is no remission, Hebrews 9:22. (Haydock)
Calmet
On the same principle, our churches, etc., are deemed profane, when murder, or some great indecencies, have been committed in them, so that they require a fresh consecration. (Calmet)
35:25
Until the death, etc.... This mystically signified that our deliverance was to be effected by the death of Christ, the high priest and the anointed of God.
35:19
Yet not before sentence of death. •. 12. & 24. S. Aug. q. 65. in Num.
35:25
Mystically this signified, that the way to true life was not open before Christs death Theodor. q. 51. in Num. S. Grig. ho. 6. in Ezechielem.
35:6
san Girolamo † 420 d.C. Against the Pelagians 1.28
A. Your argument is ingenious, but you do not see that it goes against Holy Scripture, which declares that even ignorance is not without sin. Hence it was that Job offered sacrifices for his sons, lest, perchance, they had unwittingly sinned in thought. And if, when one is cutting wood, the axe-head flies from the handle and kills a man, the owner is
35:7
san Gregorio Nazianzeno † 389 d.C. Select Orations of Saint Gregory Nazianzen 18.24
… For among men of ancient and modern days, each is supposed to have had some special success, as each chanced to have received from God some particular virtue: Job unconquered patience in misfortune, Moses and David meekness, Samuel prophecy, seeing into the future, Phineas zeal,
35:11
Socrate Scolastico † 440 d.C. The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus 3.8
… If they charge us with ‘cowardice,’ it is in utter insensibility to the condemnation it pronounces on themselves. If they asperse these holy men by asserting that they acted contrary to the will of God, they demonstrate their ignorance of Scripture. For it was commanded in the Law that ‘cities of refuge’ should be constituted,
35:13
san Girolamo † 420 d.C. Against the Pelagians 1.28
Numbers xxxv. 13 . The cities of refuge provided for manslayers.
35:30
san Girolamo † 420 d.C. To Pammachius against John of Jerusalem 39
… “Not once, nor thrice, but again and again they swore that they knew the individual in question to be orthodox, and that they had never suspected him of heresy.” What undisguised and shameless lying! A witness borne by a man to himself! Such witness as is not believed even in the mouth of a Cato, for
35:1
1. HAEC QUOQUE LOCUTUS EST DOMINUS, etc., SUPRA JORDANEM, — apud, juxta Jordanem.
35:2
2 et 3. PRAECIPE FILIIS ISRAEL UT DENT LEVITIS DE POSSESSIONIBUS SUIS, URBES AD HABITANDUM. — «Levitis,» scilicet tam sacerdotibus quam Levitis proprie dictis. Levita enim hic significat omnes de tribu Levi; his enim omnibus nulla hereditas quidem, sed habitatio tamen danda erat. Unde assignatae sunt eis variae urbes, in quibus communiter et promiscue morarentur. Fuerunt eae numero 48, ut patet Josue xxi, et hic vers. 7. Et in una harum fere erat tabernaculum, quo singuli, cum ipsorum ministrandi vices recurrerent, se conferebant, et expletis vicibus, domum ad suas urbes revertebantur. Lyranus censet has urbes fuisse sacerdotum tantum quoad usum; nam dominium earum fuisse penes alios, et probat de Hebron, quae data est sacerdotibus, Josue xxi, et tamen dominus ejus erat Caleb de tribu Juda, Josue XIV, 3. Verum fallitur Lyranus. Nam Levit. xxv, 32 et sequent., dicitur quod urbes et suburbana Levitarum sint eorum possessio sempiterna, quodque possint in eis aedes suas vendere et redimere; denique quod illae in jubilaeo ad eos, quasi ad absolutos dominos, redire debeant, aeque ac domus laicorum. Quod ad Hebron attinet, soli agri et vineae, quae erant in territorio Hebron, fuerunt Caleb; urbs autem et suburbana fuerunt sacerdotum, uti dicitur Josue cap. xxi, 11. Rursum Levit. cap. ult., 21, statuitur ut, si quis agrum Domino voverit, eum sacerdotes possideant. Sic III Reg. II, dicit Salomon Abiathar sacerdoti: «Vade ad agrum tuum.» Ita Jeremias sacerdos erat, et tamen, cap. xxxii, scribit ipsemet se emisse ac possedisse agrum. Denique Act. cap. IV, dicitur quod Barnabas Levites, Cyprius genere, vendiderit agrum quem habebat. Ex quibus patet Levitas non tantum agros et suburbana in Judaea, sed et alibi agros et vineas partim emere, partim ex oblationibus et votis populi habere potuisse. Extra Judaeam vero fundos, aeque ut alii, haereditare, emere et possidere poterant. Tantum enim in divisione terrae sanctae, facta a Josue, Levitae cum aliis tribubus sortem suam non acceperunt. Unde Barnabas in Cypro, et alii Levitae alibi, suas habebant possessiones.
35:3
3 et 4. Et suburbana sint pecoribus ac jumentis, QUAE A MURIS CIVITATUM FORINSECUS, PER CIRCUITUM, MILLE PASSUUM SPATIO TENDENTUR. — Suburbana hic Levitis dantur ad mille passus circumcirca urbes eorum, idque pro pabulo pecorum. Hic versus, in Hebraeo, Septuaginta et aliis, videtur omnino contrariari sequenti: hic enim dantur Levitis tantum mille amma, id est cubiti; sequenti vero versu dantur bis mille amma, id est cubiti, idque ad quamlibet mundi plagam. Primo, Rabbi Salomon, Lyranus et Vatablus respondent datos fuisse Levitis mille cubitos, sed prioribus mille non licuisse arare et serere, posterioribus vero id licuisse. Verum haec responsio ex cerebro conficta videtur; nihil enim tale innuit Scriptura. Secundo Burgensis, quem sequitur Arias Montanus in Josue xiv, respondet circum urbem quamlibet Levitarum, ejusque suburbana, descriptum fuisse quadratum, ita ut ejus quasi semidiameter a muris urbis usque ad finem suburbanorum contineret mille cubitos; ipsum vero latus quadrati quodlibet, contineret bis mille cubitos. Verum constat urbes fere non esse quadratas, sed rotundas, ac proinde circa eas suburbana ad mille cubitos, non in quadrum, sed in rotundum describi debuisse. Tertio, respondet Masius in Josue xiv, et Serarius in Josue xxi, scilicet suburbana haec, ad quamlibet plagam habuisse tantum mille cubitos; dici tamen eos bis mille, quia si linea recta mille cubitorum ad Orientem, v. g. protendatur in latus oppositum, quod est ad Occidentem, quod etiam est mille cubitorum, erunt bis mille cubiti. Verum hoc videtur adversari verbis textus, quae hos bis mille cubitos computant non a latere opposito ad oppositum, sed ab uno eodemque latere et plaga; aiunt enim: «Contra Orientem duo millia erunt cubiti, et contra Meridiem similiter erunt duo millia,» et totidem ad Septentrionem, totidem ad Occidentem.
Conciliatio Mille et Duorum Millium Cubitorum Quarto, Abulensis censet hic sequendum esse, non textum Hebraeum, sed nostrum Interpretem: suburbana enim haec continuisse mille passus, mille autem passus faciunt bis mille cubitos. Licet enim passus sit major cubito, contineatque quinque pedes, cum passum fixum metimur, videlicet utrumque pedem mensoris, et tres pedes, inter utrumque ejus pedem, in passu interceptos, tamen si passum mobilem et continue progredientem metiaris et accipias, invenies eum tantum quatuor pedes continere. Nam primus pes tantum in primo passu numeratur, ita ut primus hic passus habeat quinque pedes; in sequentibus vero passibus tantum numerantur reliqui quatuor pedes, continuo sibi succedentes, ut patet experienti; quatuor autem pedes faciunt duos cubitos, et paulo amplius. Ergo mille hi passus idem sunt quod bis mille cubiti, de quibus vers. seq. Addit Vilalpandus, part. I De urbe et templo, lib. II, cap. II, quod cubitus communis sit pes cum dimidio, sed cubitus sacer sit duo pedes cum dimidio, ita ut duo cubiti sacri faciant passum, id est quinque pedes. Dices: In Hebraeo tam hoc versu quam sequenti est eadem vox אמה amma, quae cubitum significat: quomodo ergo noster Interpres eam hic passum, versu vero sequenti cubitum vertit? Responderi posset amma non tantum cubitum, sed et passum significare: id enim non tantum docet noster Interpres, sed et Eugubinus; quod vero Interpres eamdem vocem amma primo passum, deinde mox cubitum vertat, non est mirum, quia vidit ipse hoc exigere loci circumstantias; alioqui enim esset hic manifesta contradictio. Quinto, quia Hebraea constanter habent amma, per aleph, non per ain, quod in Scriptura semper cubitum, nunquam passum significat, itaque hic vertunt Chaldaeus, Septuaginta et omnes alii interpretes, potius dixerim nostrum Interpretem passum hic, non majorem sive geometricum, qui quinque pedes complectitur, sed minorem sive vulgarem accipere, ut idem sit quod cubitus. Nam in incessu passus vulgaris, qualis est lente et modeste ambulantium, aequalis est cubito, si ab eo primum pedem, utpote in quo consistis, demas, atque tantum numeres spatium inter duos pedes interjectum, ipsumque pedem, quem in passu hoc extendis et promoves. Sic enim passus hic minor continet pedem circiter cum dimidio; tantumdem autem continet cubitus. Dices: Quomodo ergo hoc versu numerantur suburbana ad mille passus sive cubitos, versu vero sequenti ad bis mille cubitos? Suppono tam urbes quam suburbana haec, circulari vel ovali forma fuisse. Nunc dico: Antilogia haec dupliciter solvi et conciliari potest: primo, si cum Cajetano dicamus suburbana haec fuisse mille cubitorum, sed circulum sive peripheriam ipsorum fuisse octo circiter millium cubitorum; ita ut peripheria haec a quolibet mundi angulo, id est plaga, habuerit bis mille cubitos. Pro quo nota: In circulo circumferentia habet proportionem triplam ad diametrum, et paulo amplius, ita ut si diameter sit duorum millium cubitorum, circumferentia sit sex millium cubitorum. Hic vero semidiameter suburbanorum erant mille cubiti: his adde diametrum urbis ipsius, qui erat circiter sexcentorum cubitorum, ita ut diameter tam urbis quam suburbanorum fuerit 2600 cubitorum; ex quibus necessario sequitur circumferentiam tam urbis quam suburbanorum horum, fuisse circiter octo millium cubitorum; ter enim 2600 faciunt octo millia, exceptis ducentis, quae hic addenda sunt, quia circumferentia paulo plus quam tripla est ad diametrum: jam divide octo millia per quatuor mundi plagas, invenies partem quartam circumferentiae suburbanorum, quae cuilibet plagae obvertebatur, fuisse bis mille circiter cubitorum. Et hoc est quod dicitur vers. seq., ad quamlibet plagam fuisse bis mille cubitos. «Moses, inquit Cajetanus, circumferentiam suburbanorum, octo millium cubitorum instituit, sive civitas sit magna, sive parva, ut una esset lex communis de spatio suburbanorum. Arbitratus est enim aequum esse ut cujuslibet civitatis diameter intrinsecus haberetur sexcentorum cubitorum; quamvis enim una civitas major esset alia, pensando tamen majorem cum minore, et e converso, instituit suburbana aequalia; existente enim diametro 2600 cubitorum, aeque secundum proportiones geometricas, circumferentia decernitur esse octo millium cubitorum, secundum proportionem triplam, et paulo plus.» Verum, quia angulus (uti est in Hebraeo) cujusque plagae, vers. seq. protrahi jubetur ad bis mille cubitos, et quia angulus proprie, non peripheriam circuli, sed angulum sive triangulum significat, et quia praecise hic mille passus, id est cubitos, extra singulas urbes numerari jubet Deus; urbes autem aliae erant magnae, aliae parvae: hinc secundo, aptius haec duo millia cubitorum accipias, non in peripheria, sed in canthis sive lineis a centro, puta a muris urbis ductis usque ad peripheriam suburbanorum; hae enim lineae, cum sint binae ad quamlibet mundi plagam, ut totam inter se capiant et comprehendant, faciunt unam angulum in centro in quo coeunt, et duos angulos in peripheria in qua terminantur, sitaque faciunt triangulum. Unde Hebraea sic ad verbum vertas, mensurabitis ad angulum Orientis duo millia cubitorum: totidem ad angulum Meridiei, Occidentis et Septentrionis. Videtur enim Deus hic describere circulum urbis cum suburbanis, ita ut centrum sit urbs, peripheria vero terminetur ad mille cubitos circumquaque extra muros urbis. Circulum autem hunc, ad quatuor plagas, dividit in quatuor quasi triangulos, quorum quisque est isosceles, id est duo latera, quae a centro ad peripheriam ducuntur, habet aequalia. Jubet ergo hic Deus ut suburbana quaquaversum, ad quatuor mundi plagas, extendantur ad mille cubitos, utque Orientalis plaga describatur duabus lineis, ductis ab urbe ad peripheriam suburbanorum, quae duae lineae comprehendant latus Orientale, instar trianguli. Pari modo, per duas lineas triangulum secundum jubet describi, ad plagam Occidentalem, et pari modo, tertium triangulum ad Meridiem, et quartum ad Septentrionem; sic ut quaelibet plaga describatur per triangulum, ductis duabus lineis ab urbe usque ad peripheriam jam dictam, quarum quaeque contineat mille cubitos, ita ut duae lineae ad peripheriam cujuslibet plagae ductae, quae sunt trianguli hujus duo latera aequalia, simul contineant bis mille cubitos. Sic ergo facile conciliamus hanc antilogiam; dicimus enim suburbana tantum extensa fuisse ad mille cubitos circumquaque, sed quamlibet plagam fuisse descriptam quasi per triangulum, ita ut duo haberet latera, quorum quodque erat mille cubitorum, ac consequenter utrumque latus simul sumptum erat bis mille cubitorum.
35:6
6. DE IPSIS AUTEM OPPIDIS, QUAE LEVITIS DABITIS, SEX ERUNT IN FUGITIVORUM AUXILIA SEPARATA, UT FUGIAT AD EA QUI FUDERIT SANGUINEM, — qui aliquem occiderit, intellige nolens vel nescius, ut dicitur vers. 11, et Josue xx, 3; haec enim urbium asyla constituta sunt ad tutelam innocentium: unde debebat homicida praetendere innocentiam, antequam ad haec asyla admitteretur. «Stabit, inquit Josue, xx, 4, ante portam civitatis, et loquetur senioribus urbis illius ea quae se comprobent innocentem, sicque suscipient eum, et dabunt ei locum ad habitandum.» Nam lege veteri, ob populi illius duritiem, permissum erat cognatis occidere percussorem propinqui sui, sine alia judicis condemnatione, quocumque loco eum reperirent, ut patet vers. 19 et 27. Ergo constitui jussit Deus has urbes refugii, ad quas qui caedem admiserant, se reciperent, ut ibi essent tuti, donec causa eorum examinaretur, idque vel in porta urbis ad quam confugerant, vel eo loco ubi homicidium admiserant, uti dicam vers. 25. Unde eo ducebantur, ibique cognati occisi litem eis intentabant, in qua si innocentes deprehenderentur, puta fecisse caedem, non ex proposito, sed ignoranter, casu, vel ad sui tutelam, remittebantur ad locum refugii, ut dicitur vers. 25; sin nocentes deprehenderentur, puta scienter et ex proposito occidisse, occidebantur et ipsi. Cis Jordanem, Moses designavit tres urbes refugii, scilicet Bosor, Ramoth et Golan. Jubet vero hic vers. 11, ut postquam Hebraei transierint Jordanem, in terra promissa, tres alias insuper designent; quod reipsa factum est, Josue cap. xx, vers. 7. Urbes ergo hae refugii universim fuerunt sex, quibus Deus alias tres addi jussit, Deut. xix, 9, tunc scilicet, cum magis dilatati essent termini Hebraeorum. Omnes porro urbes refugii habitabantur a Levitis, nimirum, ut sacerdotii dignitate vis injusta facilius prohiberetur, utque a viris humani divinique juris peritis, puta a Levitis et sacerdotibus, illius modi capitalia judicia rectius sanctiusque judicarentur. Quaeres an urbs, in qua erat tabernaculum, vel ipsum tabernaculum, fuerit asylum. Negat Tostatus, Quaest. XI; affirmat Covarruvias, cap. xx, concl. 2. Verum dico altare et tabernaculum fuisse asylum; non vero ipsam urbem, in qua illa erant. Patet ex eo quod Joab ex urbe fugerit ad tabernaculum et altare, quasi ad asylum: est enim hic locus ex se sacer. Idem colligitur ex Exodi xxi, 14. Ita Serarius in Josue xx, Quaest. VII, ubi pluribus id confirmat.
Mystica Explicatio Sex Urbium Refugii Mysticam explicationem sex urbium refugii habet S. Ambrosius, lib. De Fuga saeculi, cap. 11; et ex eo Serarius in Josue xx, Quaest. XII; ac Magalianus ibidem, vers. 9, annot. 4, ubi docet paenitentibus mystica asyla esse contritionem, orationem, Dei gratiam, Sacramenta et ingressum Religionis. «Docet, inquit S. Ambrosius, lex fugiendum saeculum, Deum sequendum. Sex autem civitatum refugia sunt, ita ut prima civitas sit cognitio verbi, et ad imaginem ejus forma vivendi. Secunda, consideratio divinae operationis, qua creatus est mundus. Tertia, contemplatio potestatis regiae et majestatis aeternae. Quarta, propitiationis divinae contuitus. Quinta, legis divinae contemplatio, quae praecipit quid faciendum sit. Sexta, portio legis quae praescribit quid non faciendum sit.» Ita S. Romualdus a caede cui interfuerat, fugiens ad monasterium, asylum litterale in mysticum commutavit, factusque monachus Ordinem Camaldulensium instituit; in quo vixit mira sanctitate ad centum annos, mortuusque est anno aetatis 120.
35:15
15. TAM FILIIS ISRAEL, QUAM ADVENIS ATQUE PEREGRINIS, — scilicet ad judaismum conversis, id est, proselytis. Hi enim vocantur advenae et peregrini: scilicet advena, vel, ut hebraice est, גר ger dicitur, qui nunc primo, vel certe non ita pridem advenit et accessit ad judaismum. Peregrinus vero, vel, ut hebraice est, מושב toscab dicitur, qui pridem accessit, diuque inter Israelitas commoratus est. Ita Serarius in Josue xx, Quaest. VI. Proselyti ergo gaudebant jure asyli, non vero Gentiles in gentilismo manentes. Ita Abulensis et Serarius; licet Masius et Magalinus jus asyli etiam Gentilibus hisce hic concessum fuisse censeant, quae sententia non est improbabilis. Nota: Judaei ex genere tria habebant privilegia, quibus carebant proselyti: primum, servus si esset Judaeus, anno septimo, et quinquagesimo fiebat liber; non autem, si esset proselytus, Levit. xxv, 40 et 43. Secundum, Judaei gaudebant privilegio remissionis debitorum anno septimo, non proselyti, Deut. xv, 3. Tertium, Judaei non poterant dare ad usuram Judaeis, sed proselytis, Deut. xxiii, 19. In caeteris, leges utrisque erant aequales. Ita Abulensis. UT CONFUGIAT AD EAS, QUI NOLENS (involuntarie; hebraice, in ignorantia) SANGUINEM FUDERIT. — Nota: Proprie pro solis homicidis hae urbes refugii statutae sunt, non autem pro iis qui tantum laeserant alium. Si tamen hi ad eas confugissent, gaudebant communi jure asyli. Rursum, homicidae voluntarii non habebant jus asyli. Sed quid, si voluntarie quem quis occidisset, at seipsum defendens, vimque vi repellens? Respondeo: Hic habebat jus asyli, imo probata hac sua innocentia, ex asylo liber domum remittebatur, quia non erat homicida et nocens, sed plane innocens. Ita Abulensis, Quaest. V, in cap. xx Josue, et ibidem Serarius et Magalianus. Si quis vero in ipso asylo, puta in urbibus refugii, caedem fecisset, hic jure asyli non gaudebat. Ita Abulensis, ibidem Quaest. XIX. Causa asylorum fuit, reverentia templorum et locorum sacrorum, atque ipsius Dei. Dum enim domus Dei habentur sacrosanctae, et asyla, celebratur ejus gloria et majestas. Secundo, ejus misericordia et benignitas commendatur, dum miseros reos ad se confugientes, in suam tutelam recipit. Sic Gentiles Graeci statuerunt aram misericordiae, teste Pausania, lib. I in Atticis. Sic Romulus Romae asylum constituit, teste S. Augustino, libro I De Civitate, cap. xxxiv, sed omnibus, etiam scelestissimis hominibus. Sic Alaricus et Gothi, capta Roma, pepercerunt Romanis fugientibus ad ecclesias; quinimo cum Gothus quidam sacra vasa apud virginem consecratam deprehendisset, illaque ei diceret: «Haec vasa mihi de sacrario B. Petri sunt commissa, tange si audes; ego sacra non audeo tibi dare;» Gothus ad nomen Apostoli perterritus, hoc regi nuntiavit; is statim reportari omnia ad sacrarium S. Petri curavit, dicens, «cum Romanis se bellum gerere, non cum Apostolis Jesu Christi.» Ita Rodericus Toletanus, lib. II Rerum Hispanicarum, cap. v. Memorabilis fuit Agesilaus, qui Athenienses praelio victos, ad templum Minervae confugientes, violari vetuit; etsi in eo praelio ipse aliquot vulnera accepisset, eisque valde videretur iratus. Sed plus apud eum valuit religio, quam ira. Idem fecit apud Barbaros, dicens in templa nullum esse jus belli; addebatque se mirari eos non haberi sacrilegos, qui laederent ibi supplices, ac per Deos obtestantes, nec graviores sumi poenas de his qui religionem minuerent, quam qui templa spoliarent. Recte judicans diis esse chariorem hominum salutem, quam muta templorum ornamenta. Ita Aemilius Probus.
35:17
17. SI LAPIDEM JECERIT, ET ICTUS OCCUBUERIT, SIMILITER PUNIETUR, — si videlicet ictus lapide statim expirarit; si enim ab ictu surrexisset, aut ambulasset, non occidebatur percussor, aut potius jactor, sed tantum impensas curationis laeso solvebat, ut patet Exodi xxi, 19.
35:19
19. PROPINQUUS OCCISI HOMICIDAM INTERFICIET, — id est, interficere poterit. Est enim hic non praeceptum, sed permissio tantum duris hominibus facta, idque ad cohibendas caedes, utpote quas omnes scirent, a tam multis propinquis statim acerbo animo vindicandas. Peccabant tamen occidentes homicidam, si ex odio et ira, ut fere fit, id facerent. Unde Levit. xix, 17, in foro animae et conscientiae jubet Deus Hebraeis, ut injuriarum obliviscantur. Vindicta ergo, quae hic permittitur, culpam non sustulit, sed tantum facti, vel culpae impunitatem dedit in foro exteriori. Id rursum patet ex eo quod hi propinqui occisi saepe occidebant innocentem et involuntarium omnino homicidam, imo absolutum per judicem, si videlicet eum extra urbem asyli alicubi invenissent, ut patet vers. 27: id autem fieri non poterat sine peccato. Tertio, idem patet ex eo quod haec praecepta sint judicialia, quae constituunt jus, quod servetur, et secundum quod judicetur in foro externo. Ita Abulensis et Cajetanus. Permittitur hic ergo cognatis occisi, ut homicidam interficiant, ubicumque eum invenerint extra urbes asyli. Nam in asylo homicidam tangere non poterant: ibi enim judices ei securitatem praestare debebant, donec causa ejus ventilaretur; in qua si condemnaretur, poterant eum cognati occidere et, ut hic innuitur, tradebatur homicida a judice propinquis et cognatis occisi, ut ab eis jugularetur, idque ad satiandam eorum iram et offensam: sin innocens declararetur, secure reducebatur ad asylum, ibique manere debebat usque ad mortem pontificis. Ita Abulensis.
35:20
20. SI IMPULERIT, — intellige in ignem, aquam, foveam, etc. Quod si fortuito. — Hebraice, bepeta, id est subito, improviso, quod est fortuito.
35:25
25. REDUCETUR (homicida, qui fortuito occidit alium, et jam a judice declaratus est innocens) PER SENTENTIAM IN URBEM, AD QUAM CONFUGERAT. — «Reducetur,» id est, judex per sententiam jubebit eum reduci, vel ab urbe et loco, in quo homicidium perpetravit; ibi enim causa ipsius examinata fuisse videtur, eo quod ibi testes, et alia veritatis indicia majora suppeterent, ut vult Abulensis, idque innuit vox «reducetur;» vel certe ab ipsa porta urbis refugii, reduci eum jubebit in ipsam urbem. Nam in hac porta, scilicet inter Levitas, ubi sanctior erat religio et justitia, habitum fuisse hoc judicium de qualitate homicidii, censent Masius et Serarius in Josue xx, et alii. Utraque sententia et expositio est probabilis.
Mors Pontificis et Ejus Rationes MANEBITQUE IBI DONEC SACERDOS MAGNUS (pontifex) MORIATUR. — Quaeres cur? Varias causas dant Rabbini, quas recenset Serarius in cap. xx Josue, Quaest. V, quibus omissis dico: Prima causa fuit, ut interim longitudine temporis, ira et acerbitas cognatorum mitigetur, ne, ubi eum viderint, occidant; sed mortuo jam pontifice, cogitent iram quoque mori et exstingui debere, eo quod mortuus sit summus sacerdos, et sacrorum expiationumque princeps, quo vivente delictum est admissum; ac proinde in ejus morte et luctu sepeliendas esse privatas omnes noxas et injurias. Ita Theodoretus, Quaest. LI. Secunda, quia pontifex erat quasi patriae parens, ut eo vivo vigeret respublica, eo mortuo etiam aetati illi, sive saeculo finis imponi videbatur. Ita Magalianus in Josue cap. xx. Tertia, quia pontifex personam repraesentabat Dei, in quem peccarat homicida, ac proinde homicidium in pontificis injuriam redundabat, ut merito eo vivente recludi deberet homicida, ne inter homines libere caput attolleret, dum vivit ille, qui in terris Dei interpres censetur, et divinam majestatem quasi adumbrat, contuens scilicet e summo sacerdotalis dignitatis fastigio, quae pie aut impie geruntur. Et hoc innuit to qui unctus est oleo sancto, q. d. Lateat homicida, dum vivit pontifex, in quo Dei majestas violata est per illiusmodi facinus, quod interea dum ille pro Deo summo fungebatur sacerdotio, patratum est. Ita Magalianus supra, et Masius in Josue cap. xx. Quarta, datum hoc fuit pontificis novi, qui mortuo succedebat, gratiae, ut sicut ad Deum hominibus propitiandum novus accedit, ita etiam novum beneficium et salutem miseris reis, qui ea digniores videntur, praestet. Quinta, «ostendere, inquit Oleaster, voluit Deus, quantum abhorrere debeat sacerdos homicidia, etiam involuntaria.» Rursum, pontifex erat Dei vicarius, agebatque partes justitiae divinae, qua Deus vindictam ab hominibus expetit; et eo mortuo, videbatur pars adversa exstincta, quae ultionem pro Deo peteret, et ideo tunc reus omnino absolvebatur. Sexta et potissima causa fuit, ut significaretur vera libertas, quae per pontificis Christi mortem homicidis, id est peccatoribus omnibus, parta est. Ita Serarius. Unde: Allegorice Cyrillus, lib. VIII De Adoratione, p. 465: «Homicidae, inquit, erat genus humanum, et homines peccatores ante Christi adventum, qui peccatis occiderant animas suas, non sponte, sed illecti et impulsi a concupiscentia. Hi poenitentes fugerunt, et abdiderunt se in urbes refugii, id est, in limbo patrum, usque ad mortem pontificis, id est Christi, qui eorum vincula laxavit, eosque e limbo et inferno eduxit.» Ita et S. Gregorius, homilia 6 in Ezechielem.
35:27
27. ULTOR SANGUINIS, — id est sanguine propinquus, cui competit vindicta. ABSQUE NOXA ERIT, — non punietur. Hebraice: non illi sanguis, scilicet imputabitur, ut pro eo suum pendat.
35:30
30. Sub testibus (Hebraice, ad os testium, scilicet plurium, non unius) punietur.
35:33
33. NE POLLUATIS TERRAM, — homicidio. De homicidio, ob ejus enormitatem, dicitur, quod polluat terram, quae recepit sanguinem innoxium effusum, quasi is moralem terrae labem et maculam aspergat, maxime si terra sancta sit, aut Deus in ea peculiariter se exhibeat, uti in terra filiorum Israel faciebat; quodque haec labes tollatur justa vindicta et nece homicidae. Sic de aliis quibusdam peccatis, ut Sodomia, mercede operariorum defraudata, oppressione pauperum et pupillorum, dicit Scriptura quod ipsa clament in coelum, quia sui enormitate, vindictam quasi a Deo exposcunt.
Documentum Morale: Inviolabilitas Asyli Ecclesiae Moraliter disce hoc capite, quam jus asyli et quam asylum ecclesiae inviolatum servari debeat: hinc qui illud violarunt, graviter a Deo puniti sunt. Primo, Heliodorus volens aurum depositum in templo sibi vindicare, flagellatus est ab angelo, et vix Oniae precibus liberatus est, II Machab. III. Secundo, Nicanor, II Machab. xiv, Deum spernens, et jurans se templum Domini Libero patri dicaturum, nisi traderetur Judas qui ibi erat, interficitur. Tertio, S. Augustinus, epist. 6 in Append., Bonifacium Comitem agentem cum Gothis in Africa, ducem exercitus, quod confugientem ad ecclesiam inde abstrahi jussisset, graviter reprehendit. «Miror, inquit, quomodo tam subito fidei murum aries ruperit inimici; novi enim qua religione semper sis Ecclesiam Dei veneratus. Quo instante, frater, hominem de ecclesia rapuisti? tuus si de tuo amico forte praesumeret fugitivus, posset procul dubio intercessoris causa veniam promereri; ergo si amicus intenditur, cur Deus offenditur? Sed si de potestate praesumitur, Nabuchodonosor regem intende, qui causa superbiae in bovem est ex homine commutatus. Non ut confundam te, haec scribo, sed ut filium meum charissimum moneo. Ecclesiae igitur illaesum revoca, quem ut irreligiosissimus rapuisti.» Poenam deinde ei infligit dicens: «Oblatio vero domus tuae a clericis ne suscipiatur, indixi; communionemque tibi interdico, donec peracta pro ausibus, vel errore, a me definita tibimet poenitentia, pro hoc facto corde contrito et humiliato dignum offeras sacrificium Deo.» Quarto, anno Domini 606, et anno imperii Phocae 4, Scholasticus vir religiosus, eunuchus palatii, Constantinam dominam, olim Augustam, conjugem Mauricii Imperatoris, cum tribus filiabus ejus accipiens, ad magnam ecclesiam confugit. At vero tyrannus in ecclesiam ad abstrahendum mulieres festinavit. Patriarcha Cyriacus tunc restitit tyranno, minime passus e templo tyrannice abduci mulieres. Verum juramentis certo eo reddito a Phoca, quod non laederet eas, educuntur e templo, et clauduntur in monasterio. Ita ex Theophane et Cedreno Baronius anno Christi 606. Quinto, Aspar et Ardaburius reposcentes Joannem quemdam, qui fugerat ad monasterium S. Marcelli, miserunt milites qui per vim eum extraherent; sed, orante S. Marcello, fulgura in milites missa eos represserunt, ut crudelis Ardaburius Joanni pepercerit, et mores mutarit. Ita habet Vita S. Marcelli. Hujus miraculi occasione factum putat Baronius, ut Leo Imperator egregiam sanctionem de immunitate confugientium ad ecclesiam hoc ipso anno promulgaverit, ita rescribens ad Erythraeum praefectum praetorio: «Praesenti lege decernimus per omnia loca valitura, nullos penitus, cujuscumque conditionis sint, de sacrosanctis ecclesiis orthodoxae fidei expelli, aut tradi, vel protrahi consentias.» Sexto, circa annum Domini 1000, Veremundus XI, Legionis et Asturiarum rex, a susurrone deceptus praecepit capi Gudesteum Episcopum Ovetensem; sed ut tantum nefas non procederet impunitum, facta est siccitas magna in terra, ita quod totus populus ciborum penuria arctabatur: cumque quibusdam fuisset a Domino revelatum famem propter injuriam Episcopi accidisse, et regi esset revelatio intimata, confestim absolvit Episcopum, et per Semenum Asturicensem Episcopum fecit restitui Gudesteum; et statim Dominus pluviam voluntariam segregavit, et terra attulit fructus suos. Septimo, de Sancio majore Navarrae atque Castellae rege omnes fere rerum Hispanicarum scriptores ferunt, quod, cum die quadam in venatione aprum insectaretur, ille fatigatus, intra obvios parietes, qui supererant memoriae S. Antonini Martyris, se recepit, apud relictam ibi sacram aram consistens, quasi apud tutum asylum angelorum custodia vallari consuetum, juxta illud oraculum: «Homines et jumenta salvabis, Domine.» Cum rex venabulo illum appeteret, elevatum brachium ad feriendum mox torpedine redditum sensit inutile; sed reatum agnoscens Martyrem deprecatus, ad pristinum usum sensit divinitus revocatum, didicitque suo damno quanta deberetur locis sacris immunitas, etiamsi corruisse visa fuissent, ut nec bestiam illuc fugientem laedere licuisset, inquit Rodericus et Vasaeus, et ex iis Baronius, anno Domini 1032. Octavo, Eutropius Arcadii eunuchus, omnium colluvie facinorum infamis, cum ab Imperatore legem extorsisset, qua immunitas omnis abrogaretur, liceretque etiam ad aras confugientes extrahere; ipse Imperatoris postea declinans iram, ab ara ad quam confugerat, abstractus in exilium missus, indeque revocatus capite truncatus est, teste Suida in Eutropio, et Chrysostomo, oratione in Eutropium, atque procurante Chrysostomo iniqua lex abrogata est. Nono, de S. Basilio scribit Nazianzenus, orat. de illo, eum viduam altare complexam a Praesidis injuria tutatum esse. Decimo, de S. Ambrosio scribit Paulinus, eum defendisse Cresconium, ne ibi comprehenderetur a lictoribus; quod cum non obtinuisset, abstractores ejus in theatro laniati sunt a feris, quae in abstractum immissae fuerant. Undecimo, Orosius, lib. VII, cap. xxxvi, memorat poenam violatoris asyli Mascezilis ducis. Denique, quod magis mirere, S. Justus, episcopatu Lugdunensi relicto, secessit in eremum Aegypti, diuque ibi latuit, poenitentiam agens, quod hominem, qui confugerat ad ecclesiam, rejecisset, ut populi sedaret furorem, accepta prius fide a magistratu, quod nullum illi homini periculum intentaret. Ita habet ejus Vita apud Surium, tom. V.
35:1
RIFUGIO, CITTÀ di. - Una delle leggi mosaiche riferite all'epoca della permanenza nelle « steppe di Moab » (Num. 21, 1 sgg.; 35, 1 sgg.) prescrive per il futuro insediamento d'Israele nelle sue terre la scelta delle « città levitiche » (ibid. 35, 1-5) e tra esse di sei città, tre a est e tre a ovest del Giordano, che …
35:6
… provocato, nella Legge mosaica venne stabilito il diritto d'a. e furono designate sei città dove i rei di sangue involontari (qui nolens sanguinem fuderit) potessero trovare sicuro rifugio mentre si svolgeva il processo a loro carico (Ex. 21, 13-14; Num. 35, 6 e 11-34; Deut. 4, 41-43). Il beneficio di a. era esteso anche ai cittadini di altra nazionalità o religione; ne erano esclusi i rei di delitti quali il furto, l'adulterio, ecc. Il …
35:9
… per il futuro insediamento d'Israele nelle sue terre la scelta delle « città levitiche » (ibid. 35, 1-5) e tra esse di sei città, tre a est e tre a ovest del Giordano, che avessero il diritto di asilo (v.) per i responsabili di omicidio involontario (ibid. 35, 9 sgg.). …
35:15
… Questa pianura, su cui il Çebel Mûsâ sovrasta di soli 644 m., percorsa da wâdi e irrigata da sorgenti, lunga ca. 1200 m. e larga ca. 900 m., con grandi possibilità di pascoli, viene identificata con il midhbar Sinaj (Ex. 19, 2; Num. 1, 1; 35, 15), da dove il popolo assisté alla divina proclamazione della Legge. …
35:16
… località nei pressi del fiume Iaboc, li catturò ed uccise, probabilmente dopo di averli condotti in Ophra, sua città (Iude. 8, 4-21). Gedeone, oltre che usare di un diritto di guerra, intese vendicare così il sangue dei suoi fratelli (cf. Ex. 21, 12; Num. 35, 16-18). L'episodio è rievocato anche in Ps. 82, 12. Angelo Penna
… Il suo codice di leggi, in molti punti, coincide con quello del monarca assiro Hammurabi, certamente anteriore e testimone di una civiltà sotto alcuni aspetti più progrediti; proibisce, p. es., di vendicare da se stessi l'uccisione di un parente (Num. 35, 16-21). Tali indizi autorizzano a pensare che i punti di accordo devono piuttosto spiegarsi con il fatto di tradizioni comuni che non con derivazioni (v. ARCA DELL'ALLEANZA; HAMMURABI; NEOMENIA; …
35:18
… però nel caso in cui l'autorità abbia sentenziato trattarsi veramente di omicidio volontario, cosicché « la vendetta è non solo frenata, ma ridotta ad aver più l'apparenza che la realtà di privata esecuzione » (A. Vaccari, La S. Bibbia, I, Roma 1942, a Num. 35, 18 sgg.; trad. e nota a p. 431). Tre città di rifugio nella Cisgiordania offrivano all'omicidio involontario la possibilità di sottrarsi alla vendetta irragionevole del vindice del sangue …
35:25
… Istituendo l'asilo presso l'altare per l'epoca del deserto (Ex. 21, 12-14), e, resosi questo insufficiente, nelle c. di r., vi pose un freno, che molte volte ne annullava gli effetti (cf. Num. 35, 25; ecc.).
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · Douay-Rheims originale (Douai 1609-10), trascrizione EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Pubblico dominio.