ROMANI, EPISTOLA ai. — The first letter of St Paul in the order of the Vulgate and the Tridentine canon, the most important for Pauline theology.
I. ORIGIN
Paul, on the point of going to Jerusalem to bring there the alms collected in the Churches of Macedonia and Achaia (15:25 ff.; cf. I Cor. 16:1 ff.; II Cor. 8:1–6, etc.), was considering a journey which, passing through Rome, would take him as far as Spain (15:23 f., 28), while remaining faithful to his principle of “not building on another’s foundation” (15:20).According to the chronology most commonly accepted, the R. was written in the winter of 57/58, when Paul could be said to be at peace with regard to the questions that had agitated the community of Corinth, while he was concerned about the reception he would receive in Jerusalem.
II. THE RECIPIENTS
The community of Rome to which Paolo was writing consisted, for the most part, of Gentile Christians. The minority of converted Jews, although it created some difficulty for the harmonious relations between the two groups (cf. especially 14:1–15:13), was not factional as elsewhere.That, at the time when the R. was written, the Christian community of Rome was troubled by factions and doctrinal errors seems to be contradicted by the letter’s sober language concerning the question of the “weak” and the “strong” (chs. 14 and 15), with the exhortation to the latter to show charitable consideration toward the former, who were still attached to certain observances concerning days, foods, and the like. In any case, these were not aggressive and intransigent Judaizers such as those in Galatia (cf. GALATI, EPISTOLA ai). Rather, it is the Gentile Christians who must be urged to show charity toward the other group, which, despite its different position of conscience, was in no way separated from the rest of the community.
III. THE NATURE AND PURPOSE
Hence the polemics of the R. retain a moderate tone and are directed more toward ideas than toward people. Even in chaps. 1–2 and 9–11, where the language is more vivid, the writer sees before him not so much a real person or group of persons as an abstract Jew or pagan, representing two spiritual situations. Even more than its polemical character, the features proper to a treatise are emphasized in the R. A felicitous synthesis of one substantial aspect of Pauline theology, it cannot, however, be regarded as either a compendium or a systematic exposition of that theology. S. Paolo seems almost obliged to apologize for venturing to write, while suggesting the reason for his interest in the community of Rome (15, 17 sg.), which he knows only indirectly. Composed predominantly of people converted from paganism, it falls within the field of work entrusted to him by Jesus (Act. 22, 18-21) and acknowledged to him by the Apostles who were the « columns » (Gal. 2, 7 sgg.). He wishes to prepare the minds of the readers for a visit to their community, which he regards as the heart of the Church of Christ, an elect portion of his own apostolate, although he has not yet worked there personally. Rather than winning the goodwill of the Romans, he intends to establish the principal points of his future oral communications. The faithful of Rome, with whom he has so far been unable to meet because of the obstacles placed in the way of fulfilling his ardent desire (1, 13) as apostle of the Gentiles, must enter as intimately as possible into communion with his thought and heart, and deepen their understanding of the message of universal salvation, which from Rome will spread ever more widely throughout the world.That Paul also intended to quiet some minor disagreement between the two elements which, in very different proportions, made up the community of Rome, is suggested above all by chaps. 14 and 15. But this is a secondary motive.
IV. THE CONTENT
After the opening (1:1–17), there are commonly distinguished a doctrinal or speculative section (1:18–11:36) and a moral or practical section (12:1–15:13).The extraordinarily rich content of the R. would require a more extensive analysis; here are its dominant themes. In the opening and prologue (1:1–17), Paul, after a solemn greeting (1:1–7), praises the community to which he is writing for its faith, which is spoken of everywhere, and expresses his long-frustrated desire to go to Rome, toward which he is impelled by his vocation as apostle of the gentiles (1:8–15). In vv. 16 ff. there follows the theme of the letter: the Gospel is divine power for the salvation of all, through faith, the source of justification.
This theme is extensively developed in the dogmatic section (1:18–11:36), which can be divided into two principal sections, each supplemented by a demonstration drawn from Scripture. The first section (1:18–3:31) develops the idea that justification is the work of God’s justice and is attained only through faith. Without it, both gentiles (1:18–32) and Jews (2:1–11) are sinners: the latter are proud of their own illusory justice, whereas true justice can be attained neither through the law nor through circumcision (2:12–29). If the Jews hold a privileged position in relation to the gentiles because divine Scripture was entrusted to them, this does not mean that they too are not sinners, as Scripture itself declares (3:1–20). Only through faith in Jesus Christ, who sacrificed himself for our salvation, are both gentiles and Jews justified: this deprives both of them of any reason to boast of their works (3:21–31). As confirmation that faith alone effects justification, Scripture adduces the example of Abraham, father of all believers: he was justified because he believed in God before the law and circumcision itself, and independently of both (4:1–25).
The second section affirms that justification is reconciliation with God through the Incarnation of the Son and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit (5:1–11). Through these acts of divine love, the evil wrought by Adam in us is destroyed (5:12–21), we are freed from slavery to sin in order to live a new life in Christ (6:1–23), and we are also freed from slavery to the law. The law was an occasion of sin, since it indicated sin but did not in itself provide the strength to combat and avoid it (7:1–15). Justified, we are children of God and, consequently, heirs of heavenly glory (8:1–30): a gift that no power in the world can wrest from us (8:31–39). What follows concerning Israel’s infidelity
(9:1–11:36) may at first sight seem a digression from the subject; at most, however, it should be considered an appendix, or better still, a practical application of the doctrine previously expounded. Israel’s infidelity and consequent rejection do not disprove the «justice» (as the cause of justification) and the fidelity of God, since the true Israel, the spiritual one, in fact attains the object of the divine promises and justification (9:1–29), which carnal Israel failed to attain because of its proud trust in its own «justice» (9:30–10:21). Far from being frustrated, the plan of God’s love and mercy is fulfilled in an even more extensive manner, inasmuch as Israel’s defection opens the way of salvation to the gentiles (11:1–24); nor will the divine promise concerning the salvation of a «remnant» of Israel itself fail to be fulfilled (11:25–32). Man therefore has nothing left but to marvel at the inscrutability and richness of God’s designs, by whom everything is governed (11:33–36).
In the moral section (12:1–15:13), one does not find the logical arrangement and unity of subject present in the dogmatic section; yet here and there one senses that the entire force of the exhortation derives from the fact that the Christian has been justified through the virtue of God’s loving «justice». He must therefore serve God (12:1 ff.): serve him in the persons of his brethren, maintaining moderation and charity in all things (12:3–21). Out of regard for God, he must obey the legitimately constituted authorities (13:1–7). The supreme law, or rather the compendium of the law that must govern the life of the justified, is love (13:8–10). As a «man of light», he must avoid all works of darkness and put on the Lord Jesus Christ (13:11–14). The law of love, which must reign supreme among the justified, will suggest understanding and forbearance between the «strong» and the «weak», that is, between those who feel free from certain bonds of legal observances and those who still feel subject to them and consider it sinful to behave otherwise. Do not judge, because we all belong to God, the one judge (14:1–13), and take care not to wound the weak conscience of the brother for whom Christ died, sacrificing for this purpose, if necessary, even one’s own freedom (14:14–23). To forget oneself, in order to show consideration for one’s brethren, in imitation of Christ, is a necessary condition for the unity of all Christians, without distinction as to whether they derive from circumcision or paganism (15:1–12).
After the wish for joy and peace in believing (15:13), Paul states the reason why he wrote the letter: his mission as apostle of the gentiles (15:14–21); he then sets out his travel plans: Jerusalem, Rome, Spain (15:22–29). In the meantime, let the readers pray that he may be delivered from the unbelievers in Judea and that his mission to Jerusalem may turn out well, so that he may reach Rome safely and rest there (15:30–32). A new wish for peace (15:33); recommendation of the deaconess Phoebe, bearer of the letter, and greetings to the various members of the community of Rome (16:1–16); final recommendations and greetings from Paul’s companions (16:17–24). Final doxology (16:25–27).
V. L'AUTENTICITÀ E L'INTEGRITÀ
Che la R. sia veramente di s. Paolo è negato soltanto da un gruppetto sparuto di critici radicali, quali B. Bauer e la scuola olandese (A. Pierson, S. A. Naber, W. C. Manen), rimasti senza molto seguito. Molteplici e antiche sono, a favore dell'autenticità, le testimonianze della tradizione: allusione presso i Padri Apostolici, citazioni nella lettera delle Chiese di Lione e di Vienne e negli scrittori gnostici, attribuzioni esplicite in s. Ireneo, Clemente Alessandrino, Tertulliano, Frammento muratoriano, ecc. Per gli indizi interni ci si limita a GALADITI (v.), che porta i segni inconfondibili della personalità di s. Paolo.I dubbi sulla integrità della lettera riguardano i capp. 15 e 16, già rigettati da Marcione. Questi, però, non ebbe seguito; ed oggi ancora la grande maggioranza dei critici ammette, almeno per il cap. 15, l'autenticità paolina e l'appartenenza fin dall'origine alla R. La tradizione diplomatica è decisiva, mancando i capp. 15 e
16 soltanto in alcuni pochi manoscritti latini. Che se la dossologia di 16, 25-27 si trova talora dopo 14, 23, ciò si spiega agevolmente per l'uso liturgico. Complemento del cap. 14 è 15, 1-13, mentre il resto del cap. 15 ha una specie di controllo in 1, 8-15. Che il cap. 16 fosse, in origine, una lettera a sé è ben poco probabile, dato che cometerebbe di soli saluti; questo particolare, poi, spiega più facilmente qualche esitazione dei manoscritti nel riportare il testo. La dossologia 16, 25-27 si trova ora dopo 14, 23 (ca. 200 minuscoli greci, versioni sira harclense e gotica, s. Giovanni Cris., Teodoreto) - ciò che si spiega facilmente come un fenomeno dovuto all'uso liturgico, in cui si omettevano il cap. 15, che ha un contenuto di notizie personali, e 16, 1-24, che è una sequela di saluti - ora dopo 15, 33 (P48), ora dopo 14, 23 oppure in fine (A P ecc.), manca in G (c'è lo spazio bianco dopo 14, 23) e F; S B C D E ed altri unciali con le versioni latina, copica, etiopica, Pelitta hanno questa dossologia alla fine del cap. 16. In breve, la tradizione diplomatica è nettamente favorevole all'autenticità di questi tre versetti, che convergono poi così bene con la sostanza dell'epistola e della teologia paolina da potersi considerare una sintesi felice dell'una e dell'altra.
Teodorico da Castel San Pietro