The Israelites warring against Benjamin are twice defeated; but in the third battle the Benjamites are all slain, saving six hundred men.
Al the other tribes fighting against Beniamin, 13. because they wil not punish the malefactors, 21. haue the worse, 25. also the second time. 29. but the third time the Beniamites are al slaine sauing six hundred men.
1Then all the children of Israel went out, and gathered together as one man, from Dan to Bersabee, with the land of Galaad, to the Lord in Maspha:Andarono adunque tutti i figliuoli d'Israele, e si radunarono insieme con un sol cuore dinanzi al Signore in Maspha, da Dan sino a Bersabee, e dalla terra di Galaad.THERFORE al the children of Israel went forth, and were gathered together, as it were one man, from Dan to Bersabee, and the Land of Galaad, to our Lord in Maspha:Egressi itaque sunt omnes filii Israël, et pariter congregati, quasi vir unus, de Dan usque Bersabee, et terra Galaad, ad Dominum in Maspha. 2And all the chiefs of the people, and all the tribes of Israel, met together in the assembly of the people of God, four hundred thousand footmen fit for war.E tutti i capi de' popoli, e tutte le tribù d'Israele intervennero all'adunanza del popol di Dio in numero di quattrocento mila pedoni atti alla guerra.and al the corners of the people, and al the tribes of Israel assembled into the church of the people of God foure hundred thousand footemen warriers. (Omnesque anguli populorum, et cunctæ tribus Israël in ecclesiam populi Dei convenerunt, quadringenta millia peditum pugnatorum. 3(Nor were the children of Benjamin ignorant that the children of Israel were come up to Maspha.) And the Levite, the husband of the woman that was killed being asked, how so great a wickedness had been committed,(E non ignorarono quelli di Beniamin che si erano congregati i figliuoli d'Israele in Maspha). E fu interrogato il Levita marito della donna uccisa, in qual modo fosse stata eseguita così grande scelleraggine.Neither were the children of Beniamin ignorant that the children of Israel were come vp into Maspha.) And the Leuite the husband of the woman that was killed being asked, how so great wickednes had beene cōmitted,(Nec latuit filios Benjamin quod ascendissent filii Israël in Maspha.) Interrogatusque Levita, maritus mulieris interfectæ, quomodo tantum scelus perpetratum esset, 4Answered: I came into Gabaa, of Benjamin, with my wife, and there I lodged:Egli rispose: Io era arrivato a Gabaa di Beniamin colla mia moglie, e ivi albergai.answered: I came into Gabaa of Beniamin with my wife, and there I tooke my lodging:respondit: Veni in Gabaa Benjamin cum uxore mea, illucque diverti: 5And behold the men of that city, in the night beset the house wherein I was, intending to kill me, and abused my wife with an incredible fury of lust, so that at last she died.Quand'ecco che uomini di quella città circondarono di notte tempo la casa, dov'io mi trovava, volendo uccidermi: e questi avendo straziata con inaudito furore di libidine la mia moglie ella se ne morì.and behold the men of that citie by night besette the house wherein I taried, meaning to kil me, and vexing my wife with incredible furie of lust, finally she died.et ecce homines civitatis illius circumdederunt nocte domum in qua manebam, volentes me occidere, et uxorem meam incredibili furore libidinis vexantes, denique mortua est.
6And I took her and cut her in pieces, and sent the parts into all the borders of your possession: because there never was so heinous a crime, and so great an abomination committed in Israel.E io la presi, e la feci in pezzi, e ne mandai i brani in tutti i luoghi del vostro dominio: conciossiachè indegnità così grande, e orrore simile non è mai avvenuto in Israele.Whom being taken I did cutte into peeces, and sent the partes into al the borders of your possession: because neuer was there so heinous an offense, and so greate an abomination done in Israel.Quam arreptam, in frustra concidi, misique partes in omnes terminos possessionis vestræ: quia numquam tantum nefas, et tam grande piaculum, factum est in Israël. 7You are all here, O children of Israel, determine what you ought to do.Siete tutti raunati, o figliuoli d'Israele: risolvete quello che abbiate a fare.You are al present the children of Israel, determine what you ought to doe.Adestis, omnes filii Israël: decernite quid facere debeatis. 8And all the people standing, answered as by the voice of one man: We will not return to our tents, neither shall any one of us go into his own house:E tutto il popolo stando in piedi rispose, come se fosse stato un sol uomo: Noi non torneremo alle nostre tende, e nissuno rientrerà in sua casa;And al the people standing, answered as it were by the word of one man: we wil not depart into our tabernacles, neither shal any man enter into his house:Stansque omnis populus, quasi unius hominis sermone respondit: Non recedemus in tabernacula nostra, nec suam quisquam intrabit domum: 9But this we will do in common against Gabaa:Ma faremo così tutti d'accordo contro Gabaa:but this wil we doe in common against Gabaa.sed hoc contra Gabaa in commune faciamus. 10We will take ten men of a hundred out of all the tribes of Israel, and a hundred out of a thousand, and a thousand out of ten thousand, to bring victuals for the army, that we may fight against Gabaa of Benjamin, and render to it for its wickedness, what it deserveth.Si scelgano da tutte le tribù d'Israele dieci uomini di ogni centinajo, e cento d'ogni migliajo, e mille di dieci mila, i quali forniscano l'esercito di vettovaglia, affinchè noi possiamo far guerra a Gabaa di Beniamin, e farle pagar il fio della sua scelleraggine.Let ten men be chosen of an hundred out of al the tribes of Israel, and an hundred of a thousand, and a thousand of ten thousand, to bring victuals for the armie, and that we may fight against Gabaa of Beniamin, & render to it for the wicked fact, which it deserueth.Decem viri eligantur e centum ex omnibus tribubus Israël, et centum de mille, et mille de decem millibus, ut comportent exercitui cibaria, et possimus pugnare contra Gabaa Benjamin, et reddere ei pro scelere, quod meretur.
11And all Israel were gathered together against the city, as one man, with one mind, and one counsel:E si collegò tutto Israele contro quella città, come fosse un sol uomo collo stesso animo, e colla stessa risoluzione.And al Israel assembled to the citie, as it were one man with one minde, and one counsel:Convenitque universus Israël ad civitatem, quasi homo unus eadem mente, unoque consilio. 12And they sent messengers to all the tribe of Benjamin, to say to them: Why hath so great an abomination been found among you?E spedirono ambasciatori a tutta la tribù di Beniamin che dissero: Perchè mai si è trovata in voi tanta scelleratezza?and they sent messengers to al the tribe of Beniamin, which should say Why is there soe great abomination found in you?Et miserunt nuntios ad omnem tribum Benjamin, qui dicerent: Cur tantum nefas in vobis repertum est ? 13Deliver up the men of Gabaa, that have committed this heinous crime, that they may die, and the evil may be taken away out of Israel. But they would not hearken to the proposition of their brethren the children of Israel:Rimetteteci gli uomini di Gabaa che hanno commessa così grande indegnità, affinchè sieno messi a morte, e tolgasi il male da Israele. Ma quelli non vollero ascoltar l'ambasciata de' loro fratelli, i figliuoli d'Israele:Deliuer the men of Gabaa, that haue committed this heinous fact, that they may die, and the euil may be taken away out of Israel Who would not heare the commandment of their brethren the children of Israel:Tradite homines de Gabaa, qui hoc flagitium perpetrarunt, ut moriantur, et auferatur malum de Israël. Qui noluerunt fratrum suorum filiorum Israël audire mandatum: 14But out of all the cities which were of their lot, they gathered themselves together into Gabaa, to aid them, and to fight against the whole people of Israel.Ma da tutte le città della loro tribù si radunarono a Gabaa per soccorrerla, e combattere contro tutto il popolo d'Israele.but o•• of al cities, which were of their lotte, they assem〈…〉 Gabaa to avde them, and to fight against a• the 〈…〉.sed ex cunctis urbibus, quæ sortis suæ erant, convenerunt in Gabaa, ut illis ferrent auxilium, et contra universum populum Israël dimicarent. 15And there were found of Benjamin five and twenty thousand men that drew the sword, besides the inhabitants of Gabaa,E si contarono venticinque mila beniamiti atti alle armi, oltre gli abitanti di Gabaa;•nd there were found fiue and twentie thousand of Beniamin of them that drew sword, beside the inhabitantes of Gabaa,Inventique sunt viginti quinque millia de Benjamin educentium gladium, præter habitatores Gabaa, 16Who were seven hundred most valiant men, fighting with the left hand as well as with the right: and slinging stones so sure that they could hit even a hair, and not miss by the stone’s going on either side.I quali erano in numero di settecento uomini fortissimi, che maneggiavan le armi colla sinistra, come colla destra, e colla fionda scagliavano sassi con tal destrezza, che avrebbon colpito in un capello, senza che la pietra scagliata torcesse in altra parte.which were seuen hundred most valiant men, so fighting with the left hand as with the right: and so directly casting stones with thinges, that they could strike a heare also, and the stroke of the stone should not be caried awry on either part.qui septingenti erant viri fortissimi, ita sinistra ut dextra præliantes: et sic fundis lapides ad certum jacientes, ut capillum quoque possent percutere, et nequaquam in alteram partem ictus lapidis deferretur.
17Of the men of Israel also, beside the children of Benjamin, were found four hundred thousand that drew swords and were prepared to fight.E della nazione d'Israele, tolti i figliuoli di Beniamin, si contarono quattrocento mila uomini atti alle armi, e pronti a combattere.Of the men of Israel also, beside the children of Beniamin, were found foure hundred thousande of them that drew swordes, & were prepared to fight.Virorum quoque Israël, absque filiis Benjamin, inventa sunt quadringenta millia educentium gladium, et paratorum ad pugnam. 18And they arose and came to the house of God, that is, to Silo: and they consulted God, and said: Who shall be in our army the first to go to the battle against the children of Benjamin? And the Lord answered them: Let Juda be your leader.E si mossero, e andarono alla casa di Dio, cioè a Silo: e consultarono Dio, e dissero: Chi sarà nel nostro esercito il capitano a combattere contro i figliuoli di Beniamin? Rispose loro il Signore: Giuda sia il vostro capitano.Who rising came into the house of God, that is, into Silo: and they consulted God, and said: Who shal be in our armie general of the battel against the children of Beniamin? To whom our Lord answered: Let Iudas be your captayne.Qui surgentes venerunt in domum Dei, hoc est, in Silo: consulueruntque Deum, atque dixerunt: Quis erit in exercitu nostro princeps certaminis contra filios Benjamin ? Quibus respondit Dominus: Judas sit dux vester. 19And forthwith the children of Israel rising in the morning, camped by Gabaa:E immediatamente i figliuoli d'Israele alzatisi di gran mattino andarono a porre il campo nelle vicinanze di Gabaa:And forth with the children of Israel arysing in the morning, camped beside Gabaa:Statimque filii Israël surgentes mane, castrametati sunt juxta Gabaa: 20And going out from thence to fight against Benjamin, began to assault the city.E indi avanzandosi per dar battaglia a' figliuoli di Beniamin cominciarono ad assalire la città.and thence proceeding to fight against Beniamin, beganne to assault the citie.et inde procedentes ad pugnam contra Benjamin, urbem oppugnare cœperunt. 21And the children of Benjamin coming out of Gabaa slew of the children of Israel that day two and twenty thousand men.Ma i figliuoli di Beniamin usciti di Gabaa uccisero in quel dì ventidue mila uomini de' figliuoli d'Israele.And the children of Beniamin issuing out of Gabaa, slew of the children of Israel that day two and twentie thousand men.Egressique filii Benjamin de Gabaa, occiderunt de filiis Israël die illo viginti duo millia virorum. 22Again Israel, trusting in their strength and their number, set their army in array in the same place, where they had fought before:E di nuovo i figliuoli d'Israele affidati al valore, e al numero loro, ordinaron l'esercito nel luogo stesso, in cui prima aveano combattuto:Agayne Israel hauing confidence in their strength and number, sette the armie in aray in the same place, wherein they had fought before:Rursum filii Israël et fortitudine et numero confidentes, in eodem loco in quo prius certaverant, aciem direxerunt:
23Yet so that they first went up and wept before the Lord until night: and consulted him and said: Shall I go out any more to fight against the children of Benjamin my brethren or not? And he answered them: Go up against them, and join battle.Prima però di muoversi andarono a piangere dinanzi al Signore sino alla notte, e lo consultarono, e dissero: Debbo io tornare a combattere contro i miei fratelli figliuoli di Beniamin, o no? Ed egli rispose loro: Movetevi contro di loro, e attaccate la mischia.yet so that they did first goe vp and weepe before our Lord vntil night: and consulted him, and said: Shal I procede any more to fight against the children of Beniamin my brethren, or not? To whom he answered: Goe vp to them, and enter battel.ita tamen ut prius ascenderent et flerent coram Domino usque ad noctem, consulerentque eum, et dicerent: Debeo ultra procedere ad dimicandum contra filios Benjamin fratres meos, an non ? Quibus ille respondit: Ascendite ad eos, et inite certamen. 24And when the children of Israel went out the next day to fight against the children of Benjamin,Ed essendo andati il dì seguente i figliuoli d'Israele a combattere contro i figliuoli di Beniamin,And when the children of Israel the next day had proceded against the children of Beniamin to battel,Cumque filii Israël altera die contra filios Benjamin ad prælium processissent, 25The children of Benjamin sallied forth out of the gates of Gabaa: and meeting them, made so great a slaughter of them, as to kill eighteen thousand men that drew the sword.I figliuoli di Beniamin si scagliarono fuori delle porte di Gabaa; e investitili ne fecero tanta strage che ne stesero al suolo diciotto mila combattenti.the children of Beniamin brake forth out of the gates of Gabaa: and meeting them they raged with so great a slaughter against them, that they ouerthrew eightene thousand men that drew swotd.eruperunt filii Benjamin de portis Gabaa: et occurrentes eis tanta in illos cæde bacchati sunt, ut decem et octo millia virorum educentium gladium prosternerent. 26Wherefore all the children of Israel came to the house of God, and sat and wept before the Lord: and they fasted that day till the evening, and offered to him holocausts, and victims of peace offerings,Per la qual cosa tutti i figliuoli d'Israele si portarono alla casa di Dio, e assisi piangevano dinanzi al Signore, e digiunarono quel dì sino alla sera e gli offerirono olocausti, e ostie pacifiche,For the which thing al the children of Israel came into the house of God, and sitting wept before our Lord: and they fasted that day vntil euening, and offered to him holocaustes, and pacifique victimes,Quam ob rem omnes filii Israël venerunt in domum Dei, et sedentes flebant coram Domino: jejunaveruntque die illo usque ad vesperam, et obtulerunt ei holocausta, atque pacificas victimas, 27And inquired of him concerning their state. At that time the ark of the covenant of the Lord was there,E lo consultarone sopra lo stato loro. Ivi era in quel tempo l'arca del testamento del Signore.and asked him concerning their state. At that time the arke of the couenant of our Lord was there,et super statu suo interrogaverunt. Eo tempore ibi erat arca fœderis Dei, 28And Phinees, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron, was over the house. So they consulted the Lord, and said: Shall we go out any more to fight against the children of Benjamin, our brethren, or shall we cease? And the Lord said to them: Go up, for to morrow I will deliver them into your hands.E Phinees figliuolo di Eleazaro figliuolo di Aronne presiedeva alla casa (di Dio). Consultarono adunque il Signore, e dissero: Dobbiamo noi di nuovo andare a combattere contro i nostri fratelli, i figliuoli di Beniamin, o stare in riposo? Disse loro il Signore: Andate: perocché domane io li darò in vostro potere.and Phinees the sonne of Eleazarus the sonne of Aaron prouost of the house. They therfore consulted our Lord, and said: Shal we goe forth any more to fight against the children of Beniamin our brethren, or rest? To whom our Lord said: Goe vp, for to morrow I wil deliuer them into your handes.et Phinees filius Eleazari filii Aaron præpositus domus. Consuluerunt igitur Dominum, atque dixerunt: Exire ultra debemus ad pugnam contra filios Benjamin fratres nostros, an quiescere ? Quibus ait Dominus: Ascendite: cras enim tradam eos in manus vestras.
29And the children of Israel set ambushes round about the city of Gabaa:E i figliuoli d'Israele posero un'imboscata intorno alla città di Gabaa:And the children of Israel sette ambushmentes round about the citie of Gabaa:Posueruntque filii Israël insidias per circuitum urbis Gabaa: 30And they drew up their army against Benjamin the third time, as they had done the first and second.E questa terza volta ordinaron l'esercito contro a Beniamin come la prima, e la seconda.and the third time, as once and twise, they brought forth their armie against Beniamin.et tertia vice, sicut semel et bis, contra Benjamin exercitum produxerunt. 31And the children of Benjamin boldly issued out of the city, and seeing their enemies flee, pursued them a long way, so as to wound and kill some of them, as they had done the first and second day, whilst they fled by two highways, whereof one goeth up to Bethel and the other to Gabaa, and they slew about thirty men:Ma i figliuoli di Beniamin nella stessa guisa si scagliarono arditamente fuori della città, e inseguirono per lungo tratto gli avversarii loro che fuggivano, talmente che ne ferirono, come nella prima, e nella seconda giornata, e tagliarono a pezzi quelli che scappavano per le due strade delle quali una va a Bethel, e l'altra conduce a Gabaa, e stesero al suolo circa trenta uomini:But the children of Beniamin also issued forth boldly out of the citie, and pursewed a long way the aduersaries fleeing, so that they wounded of them, as the first day and the second, and slew them turning their backes by two wayes, wherof the one went into Bethel, and the other into Gabaa, and ouerthrew about thirtie men:Sed et filii Benjamin audacter eruperunt de civitate, et fugientes adversarios longius persecuti sunt, ita ut vulnerarent ex eis sicut primo die et secundo, et cæderent per duas semitas vertentes terga, quarum una ferebatur in Bethel et altera in Gabaa, atque prosternerent triginta circiter viros: 32For they thought to cut them off as they did before. But they artfully feigning a flight, designed to draw them away from the city, and by their seeming to flee, to bring them to the highways aforesaid.Perocché credevano che cedessero secondo il solito. Ma eglino artifiziosamente fingendo di fuggire, ebbero mira di trarli lungi dalla città, e con simulata fuga condurgli a quelle strade che abbiamo dette.for they thought to kil them after their accustomed maner. Who feyning artificially as though they fled tooke aduise to draw them away from the citie, & as it were fleing to bring them to the pathes aforesayd.putaverunt enim solito eos more cedere. Qui fugam arte simulantes inierunt consilium ut abstraherent eos de civitate, et quasi fugientes ad supradictas semitas perducerent.
33Then all the children of Israel rising up out of the places where they were, set their army in battle array, in the place which is called Baalthamar. The ambushes also, which were about the city, began by little and little to come forth,E allora alzatisi tutti i figliuoli d'Israele da' loro posti, si ordinarono in battaglia nel luogo chiamato Baal-Thamar. E quelli parimente ch'erano nell'imboscata attorno alla città, cominciarono appoco, appoco a farsi vedere,Therfore al the children of Israel rysing out of their seates, sette their armie in battel aray, in the place which is called Baalthamar. The ambushmentes also, which were about the citie, began by litle and litle to open them selues,Omnes itaque filii Israël surgentes de sedibus suis, tetenderunt aciem in loco qui vocatur Baalthamar. Insidiæ quoque, quæ circa urbem erant, paulatim se aperire cœperunt, 34And to march from the west side of the city. And other ten thousand men chosen out of all Israel, attacked the inhabitants of the city. And the battle grew hot against the children of Benjamin: and they understood not that present death threatened them on every side.E ad avanzarsi dalla parte settentrionale della città. E oltre a questo altri dieci mila uomini scelti da tutto Israele provocarono a battaglia gli abitanti della città. E divenne più atroce il conflitto contro i figliuoli di Beniamin: ed essi non compresero, come era preparata per essi da ogni parte la morte.and to proceede from the West part of the citie. Yea and other ten thousand men of al Israel prouoked the inhabitantes of the citie to skit mishes. And the battel grew sore against the children of Beniamin: and they vnderstoode not that on euerie side destruction hong ouer them.et ab occidentali urbis parte procedere. Sed et alia decem millia virorum de universo Israël, habitatores urbis ad certamina provocabant. Ingravatumque est bellum contra filios Benjamin: et non intellexerunt quod ex omni parte illis instaret interitus. 35And the Lord defeated them before the children of Israel, and they slew of them in that day five and twenty thousand, and one hundred, all fighting men, and that drew the sword.E il Signore li flagellò dinanzi a' figliuoli d'Israele, i quali ne ammazzarono in quel giorno venticinque mila, e cento uomini, tutti valorosi, e buoni pel mestiero delle armi.And our Lord stroke them in the sight of the children of Israel, and they slew of them in that day fiue and twentie thousand, and an hundred men, al warryers and that drew sword.Percussitque eos Dominus in conspectu filiorum Israël, et interfecerunt ex eis in illo die viginti quinque millia, et centum viros, omnes bellatores et educentes gladium. 36But the children of Benjamin, when they saw themselves to be too weak, began to flee. Which the children of Israel seeing, gave them place to flee, that they might come to the ambushes that were prepared, which they had set near the city.Or i figliuoli di Beniamin veggendosi perdenti, cominciarono a fuggire. La qual cosa avendo osservata i figliuoli d'Israele, fecero ad essi luogo, perchè fuggissero, affinchè incappassero nelle imboscate che aveano messe presso della città:But the children of Beniamin when they saw them selues to be inferiour, beganne to flee. Which the children of Israel seing, gaue them place to flee, that they might come to the ambushmentes prepared, which they had sette neere the citie.Filii autem Benjamin cum se inferiores esse vidissent, cœperunt fugere. Quod cernentes filii Israël, dederunt eis ad fugiendum locum, ut ad præparatas insidias devenirent, quas juxta urbem posuerant.
37And they that were in ambush arose on a sudden out of their coverts, and whilst Benjamin turned their backs to the slayers, went into the city, and smote it with the edge of the sword.E quelli della imboscata essendo repentinamente saltati fuora da' lor nascondigli, i Beniamiti fuggendo da loro che li mettevano a fil di spada, entrarono nella città, e vi fecer macello.Who when they had sodenly risen out of their dennes, and Beniamin turned their backes to the sleaers, they entred the citie, and stroke it in the edge of the sword.Qui cum repente de latibulis surrexissent, et Benjamin terga cædentibus daret, ingressi sunt civitatem, et percusserunt eam in ore gladii. 38Now the children of Israel had given a sign to them, whom they had laid in ambushes, that after they had taken the city, they should make a fire: that by the smoke rising on high, they might shew that the city was taken.Or i figliuoli d'Israele erano convenuti con quelli posti da loro in imboscata di questo segnale, che quando avesser presa la città, vi mettessero il fuoco, per fare intendere mediante il fumo che si leverebbe in alto, come la città era stata presa.And the children of Israel had geuen a signe to them, whom they had laid in the ambushementes, that after they had taken the citie, they should kindle a fire: that the smoke ascending on high, they might shew that the citie was taken.Signum autem dederant filii Israël his quos in insidiis collocaverant, ut postquam urbem cepissent, ignem accenderent: ut ascendente in altum fumo, captam urbem demonstrarent. 39And when the children of Israel saw this in the battle, (for the children of Benjamin thought they fled, and pursued them vigorously, killing thirty men of their army)Or questo segnale l'osservarono i figliuoli d'Israele che tuttor combattevano (perocché i figliuoli di Beniamin credendo che si fuggissero, gli incalzavano fortemente avendo uccisi della loro gente trenta uomini).Which when the children of Israel saw being in the verie fight (for the children of Beniamin thought that they fled, and pursewed more instantly, hauing slaine thirtie men of their armie.)Quod cum cernerent filii Israël in ipso certamine positi (putaverunt enim filii Benjamin eos fugere, et instantius persequebantur, cæsis de exercitu eorum triginta viris), 40And perceived, as it were, a pillar of smoke rise up from the city; and Benjamin looking back, saw that the city was taken, and that the flames ascended on high:Or veggendo quelli la colonna di fumo che si alzava dalla città: e parimente i Beniamiti volgendosi indietro, veggendosi presa la città, e che si alzavano in alto le fiamme,and they saw as it were a piller of smoke to rise vp from the citie. Beniamin also looking backe, when he saw the citie taken, and the flames caried on high:et viderent quasi columnam fumi de civitate conscendere: Benjamin quoque aspiciens retro, cum captam cerneret civitatem, et flammas in sublime ferri:
41They that before had made as if they fled, turning their faces, stood bravely against them. Which the children of Benjamin seeing, turned their backs,Allora quelli che avean finto di fuggire, volgendo faccia resistevano con maggior forza. Lo che vedendo i figliuoli di Beniamin si diedero alla fuga;they that before had feyned as if they fled, turning their face resisted more manfully. Which when the children of Beniamin had sene, they were turned into flight,qui prius simulaverant fugam, versa facie fortius resistebant. Quod cum vidissent filii Benjamin, in fugam versi sunt, 42And began to go towards the way of the desert, the enemy pursuing them thither also. And they that fired the city came also out to meet them.E cominciarono a pigliar la via del deserto: ma i loro nemici gl'inseguirono anche in quella parte: e di più furono investiti di fronte da quelli che aveano incendiata la città.and beganne to goe the way of the desert, the aduersaries pursewing them thither also. But they also that had fyred the citie, mette them.et ad viam deserti ire cœperunt, illuc quoque eos adversariis persequentibus: sed et hi qui urbem succenderant, occurrerunt eis. 43And so it was, that they were slain on both sides by the enemies, and there was no rest of their men dying. They fell and were beaten down on the east side of the city of Gabaa.E così avvenne che dall'una e dall'altra parte erano trucidati da' nemici, e perivano senza avere scampo. E furono sterminati, e stesi al suolo dalla parte orientale di Gabaa.And so it came to passe, that on both sides they were slaine of the enemies, neither was there any rest of men dying. They fel, and were ouerthrowen on the east side of the citie of Gabaa.Atque ita factum est, ut ex utraque parte ab hostibus cæderentur, nec erat ulla requies morientium. Ceciderunt, atque prostrati sunt ad orientalem plagam urbis Gabaa. 44And they that were slain in the same place, were eighteen thousand men, all most valiant soldiers.E quelli che rimasero uccisi in quello stesso luogo furon diciotto mila uomini combattenti, tutti di sommo valore.And there were that were slaine in the same place, eightene thousand men, al most valiant warryers.Fuerunt autem qui in eodem loco interfecti sunt, decem et octo millia virorum, omnes robustissimi pugnatores. 45And when they that remained of Benjamin saw this, they fled into the wilderness, and made towards the rock that is called Remmon. In that flight also, as they were straggling, and going different ways; they slew of them five thousand men. And as they went farther, they still pursued them, and slew also other two thousand.Lo che avendo veduto gli avanzi di Beniamin fuggirono nel deserto, e andavano verso il masso chiamato Remmon: e sparsi com'erano, e fuggendo chi qua, di là, ne furon morti altri cinque mila. E inseguendogli ancor più innanzi ne uccisero altri due mila.Which when they had seene, that were remayning of Beniamín, they fled into the wildernes, and went on to the rocke, the name wherof is Remmon. In that flight also stragling, and going diuers waies, they slew fiue thousand men. And whereas they went farder, they pursewed them, and slew also other two thousand.Quod cum vidissent qui remanserant de Benjamin, fugerunt in solitudinem: et pergebant ad petram, cujus vocabulum est Remmon. In illa quoque fuga palantes, et in diversa tendentes, occiderunt quinque millia virorum. Et cum ultra tenderent, persecuti sunt eos, et interfecerunt etiam alia duo millia.
46And so it came to pass, that all that were slain of Benjamin, in divers places, were five and twenty thousand fighting men, most valiant for war.Per la qual cosa tutti quelli che in diversi luoghi perirono de' Beniamiti furono venti cinque mila combattenti, espertissimi nel mestiere dell'armi.And so it came to passe, that al which were slaine of Beniamin in diuerse places, were fiue and twentie thousand one hundred fighting men, most prompt to warres.Et sic factum est, ut omnes qui ceciderant de Benjamin in diversis locis essent viginti quinque millia pugnatores ad bella promptissimi. 47And there remained of all the number of Benjamin only six hundred men that were able to escape, and flee to the wilderness: and they abode in the rock Remmon four months.Rimasero adunque di tutta la gente di Beniamin secento uomini che poterono salvarsi, e fuggirsi nel deserto; e si fermaron per quattro mesi sul masso di Remmon.There remayned therfore of al the number of Beniamin that could escape, and flee into the wildernes, six hundred men: and they abode in the Rocke Remmon foure monethes.Remanserunt itaque de omni numero Benjamin, qui evadere et fugere in solitudinem potuerunt, sexcenti viri: sederuntque in petra Remmon mensibus quatuor. 48But the children of Israel returning, put all the remains of the city to the sword, both men and beasts, and all the cities and villages of Benjamin were consumed with devouring flames.Ma i figliuoli d'Israele tornati indietro trucidarono tutti gli avanzi della città dagli uomini fino alle bestie e tutte le città, e i villaggi di Beniamin furono preda del fuoco divoratore.But the children of Israel retyring, stroke al the remaines of the citie with the sword from men euen to beastes, and al the cities and villages of Beniamin the deuouring flame did consume.Regressi autem filii Israël, omnes reliquias civitatis a viris usque ad jumenta gladio percusserunt, cunctasque urbes et viculos Benjamin vorax flamma consumpsit.
20:1
Haydock
Bersabee, from the northern to the southern extremity of the land, (Calmet) west of the Jordan, as Galaad denotes that on the east, belonging to Israel. Only the Benjamites and the town of Jabes declined attending. (Haydock)
Calmet
Maspha, on the confines of the tribes of Juda and Benjamin. Here the people frequently assembled; and it was a place of prayer, 1 Machabees 3:46. It is thought that an altar of the Lord had been erected. (Calmet)
Maspha denotes, "a height or watch-tower," (Haydock) near Silo. (Mas.[Massius?] in Josue 18:26.)
20:2
Calmet
Chiefs. Literally, "angles or corner-stones," whose business it was to keep the people in order; or, all the different ranks of men may be designated. (Calmet)
Haydock
Septuagint, "the climate," or country. (Haydock)
Calmet
Syriac and Arabic, "the families of all the people." (1 Kings 14:38.) (Calmet)
20:3
Levite. Hebrew and Septuagint do not say that the discourse was addressed to him; but he was the most interested, and capable of giving a true account. Hebrew, "They said the children of Israel, Relate (Septuagint, ye) how this wickedness happened, (4) And the Levite," etc., answered.
20:5
Salien
Kill me. He expressed an abominable crime by another less horrible. (Salien)
Haydock
But he does not say that he brought out his wife. He might conclude, that if he had been exposed to their fury, he would have experienced a similar fate. (Haydock)
Calmet
So determined was he to resist to the last extremity. The outrage would have been more hateful to him than death. (Calmet)
We may reasonably conclude that his wife had the same sentiments, and that she died a martyr to her conjugal fidelity, resisting even unto death, and thus making some atonement for her past misconduct.
20:6
Haydock
Because, etc. Hebrew and Septuagint, "for they have wrought (zimma, a word which the Septuagint (Alexandrian and Vatican) leave untranslated, others render dishonesty) lewdness and folly," or a most impious act of lust. (Haydock)
Salien
They do not compare this crime with every other that had been committed, as idolatry, and other sins, which directly attack God, are greater. But this was the most atrocious injustice which could be done to a fellow creature. (Salien)
20:9
Calmet
In common. Hebrew, "by lot." (Calmet)
Haydock
They chose one man out of ten to procure provisions, selecting 40,000 for that purpose, or the 10th part of the forces. (Haydock)
20:11
Calmet
With, etc. This is added to explain. (Calmet)
Haydock
Hebrew, "united as one man." (Haydock)
20:12
Menochius
Sent. The law of nations requires that satisfaction be demanded, (Calmet) before a war commence. (Menochius)
Calmet
The former resolution (ver. 9,) was only conditional, if the Benjamites should prefer defending their brethren of Gabaa, before punishing them, as they deserved. (Calmet)
Haydock
Indeed their absenting themselves from this general assembly, implied as much, and the Israelites were determined, at any rate, to see that the guilty were duly punished. (Haydock)
20:15
Grotius
Men. This number is verified, ver. 35. The Benjamites had 25,700 in all, of whom they lost 25,100; so that 600 remained. Hebrew reads here 26,000; and some pretend (Calmet) that 1000 fell in the two victories which they obtained. (Grotius, etc.)
Calmet
But this is without proof, and the Vulgate is confirmed by Josephus, and by most of the copies of the Septuagint, though the Vatican copy has only 23,000. (Calmet)
Haydock
Gabaa. Hebrew and Septuagint add, "which were numbered 700 chosen men." Grabe repeats in the following verse with the Hebrew, "Among all this people, 700 chosen men," which seems to insinuate that these expert archers were selected out of all the army. (Haydock)
But the other copies of the Septuagint agree with the Vulgate, that they were all of Gabaa, (Calmet) as if they were trained at this city with more particular care, to hit a mark how small soever.
20:16
Right. Septuagint, "ambidextrous." Moderns generally translate the Hebrew, "left-handed." But we have seen that such a meaning is improbable, Judges 3:15.
Calmet
Side. The inhabitants of Palestine formerly applied themselves very much to this exercise, and by them it was propagated over other parts of the world. (Pliny, [Natural History?] 7:56.) Strabo (iii.) observes that the people of the Balearic islands became famous for slinging, only after the Phoenicians had taken possession of their country, which is the present Majorca and Minorca. They could hit the mark without failing, and penetrate every sort of armour. (Florus iii.) Their bullets of lead were sent with such violence, as sometimes to melt in the air, according to Ovid and Seneca, q. 2. 56. The slingers commonly stood 600 paces from the mark of white, which they seldom missed. (Veget. 2:23.) The stones which they used weighted a pound among the Romans. The sling would frequently carry farther than a bow. (Xenophon, Anab. v.) Yet the exploits of bowmen are not less extraordinary than what is here recorded. Philostorgius (II. 12,) assures us that the Indians, after they have been drinking, will shoot at a child, and only touch the ends of his hair. Domitian would shoot from a great distance, and make the arrow pass between the extended fingers of a child, and at other times would divest himself with piercing an animal with two arrows, so that they would stick out like horns. (Suetonius) Soranus could send an arrow into the air, and pierce it with another as it fell. The emperor Hadrian writes of him, "Emissumque arcu dum pendet in aere telum, Ac redit ex alto, fixi fregique sagitta." (Calmet)
20:17
Menochius
Thousand. Their numbers had decreased since they came out of Egypt, (Numbers 1., and 26.) when they were 600,000 fighting men. (Menochius)
Haydock
But we must reflect, that some would be left to garrison the cities, etc. The Benjamites must surely have been infatuated to encounter so great a force in such a cause. (Haydock)
20:18
Silo. Hebrew simply "to Bethel," which the Septuagint, Syriac, Josephus, and others, explain of the city: but others generally understand "the house of God," at Silo, for which Bethel is placed, Judges 21:2, 9, and 12. Phinees resided near the tabernacle, and was desired to consult God.
Salien
Juda is not the name of a man, but of the tribe; (Calmet) and probably Othoniel would have the chief command. (Salien)
Salien
The Israelites do not ask whether they ought to make war on their brethren, etc., but only desire to know which tribe shall begin the attack, Judges 1:1., and 10:18. They manifest a degree of presumption, which God soon chastised, (Calmet) as well as the idolatry of Dan, etc., which they had neglected to punish, though they had an express command to do it, Deuteronomy 13:12. (Salien)
Haydock
They were full of pride, and only concerned to revenge their own wrongs. (Haydock)
20:22
Challoner
Trusting in their strength. The Lord suffered them to be overthrown, and many of them to be slain, though their cause was just; partly in punishment of the idolatry which they exercised or tolerated in the tribe of Dan, and elsewhere: and partly because they trusted in their own strength: and therefore, though he bid them fight, he would not give them the victory, till they were thoroughly humbled, and had learned to trust in him alone. (Challoner)
Calmet
God's thoughts are often very different from ours; and he frequently delays to crown with success the most holy enterprises, that man may learn to be more humble, and to trust wholly in his mercy. (Calmet)
20:23
Haydock
And join battle. This is an explanation of Hebrew, "against him." (Haydock)
Haydock
The Israelites still neglected to sue for the divine protection, trusting in their numbers. God sends them again to battle, and suffers them to be routed. Did he deceive them? By no means. He wished them to learn the important lesson of self-diffidence, and he had not promised them the victory. (Haydock)
Calmet
But after they had humbled themselves, He acts like a master. I will deliver, etc., ver. 28. (Calmet)
20:25
Haydock
Sword. In each battle the Benjamites kill almost as many as their whole army, in all 40,000 Israelites, without losing a man, ver. 15. (Haydock)
20:26
Calmet
Evening. Till then the Jews never eat on fasting days. The Turks still do the like: but they only change day into night, as they sleep till sunset, and then begin to feast and to make merry. (Calmet)
20:28
Kennicott
Was over. Hebrew, "stood before it at that time," (Haydock) in the camp, (Calmet) or perhaps at Silo, which was not so remote; but some, if not the whole army, might go thither to weep, and to consult the Lord. Phinees had formerly displayed his zeal against the impiety of Beelphegor, Numbers 25:7. He was contemporary with Jonathan, the priest of Michas. (Kennicott)
Worthington
Hence it appears that this took place not long after the death of Eleazar, Josue xxiv. (Worthington)
20:31
Haydock
To Gabaa, from some other city. (Haydock)
Calmet
This body of men consisted of 10,000, who were designed to draw off the Benjamites from the city into the midst of the forces of Israel, at Baalthamar; while another division, in ambush, on the west of Gabaa, had to enter the city, and having set it on fire, were to prevent the inhabitants from re-entering. (Calmet)
Salien
They use a similar stratagem to that which Josue (Josue viii.) had employed against Hai. (Salien)
20:33
Baalthamar, the plain of Jericho; (Chaldean) or rather a village in the vicinity of Gabaa, which Eusebius calls Besthamar.
20:34
Calmet
West side. Hebrew máre, "a cavern," (Calmet) "a plain," (Chaldean) "the thickets." (Vat.[Vatable?] etc.) But the Septuagint have read márbe, "the west," with the Vulgate. (Calmet)
Menochius
The Vatican copy leaves Maraagabe. (Menochius)
Calmet
Gabaa was situated on a hill, and the ambuscade might be concealed in a cavern, some of which in Palestine are very spacious. (Calmet)
20:35
The sword. It seems the slingers also used the sword, ver. 16.
20:36
Haydock
Flee; some towards the city, others to the wilderness, and to Remmon, ver. 45. (Haydock)
That. Hebrew, "because they confided in those whom they had placed in ambush, near Gabaa." Hence they were not so eager to prevent their flight, by surrounding them.
20:37
Haydock
Arose. Hebrew, "drew along (advanced or sounded the trumpet a long time,") perhaps for a signal, (Calmet) though the firing of the city seems to have been designed for this purpose, ver. 40. (Haydock)
20:39
Saw. Hebrew, "retired in the battle, Benjamin began to smite and to kill....about thirty men; for they said, surely they are destroyed before us, (or flee) as in the first battle." It is wonderful that they should thus so easily fall into the very snare laid formerly for the men of Hai, Josue 8:5.
20:42
Them. Hebrew, "and those who came out of the cities, (of Benjamin) they (destroyed, (Haydock) or the other Israelites) destroyed them who fled in the midst of them."
20:43
Calmet
Rest. Hebrew, "with ease, or at leisure they crushed them," etc. Others translate, (Calmet) Monvée, from Nucha, Noua, (Septuagint Roman; Haydock) Menucha," etc. We read of a place in the tribe of Juda, called Menuchta, 1 Paralipomenon 2:52. (Calmet)
Menochius
The same word may be taken as a proper name, or may signify rest. (Menochius)
20:45
In that. Hebrew, "and they gleaned of them in the highways 5000 men, and pursued them close to Giddom," of which the Vulgate takes no notice. The Roman Septuagint reads "Gedan;" the rest have "Galaad."
20:46
Calmet
War. The Scripture, and other authors of the greatest exactitude, sometimes use round numbers. (Calmet)
Calmet
An odd hundred (ver. 35, and 15.; Haydock) is here neglected. (Calmet)
20:47
Haydock
Escape. Mercy was shewn to these, as the tribe had been already treated with sufficient severity. St. Jerome says, they were "reserved for the sake of the apostle Paul," (epit. Paul. M.[Menochius?]) who was descended from some of them. (Haydock)
Calmet
Remmon, near Gabaa, Zacharias 14:10. Eusebius places it fourteen miles north of Jerusalem. (Calmet)
20:48
Calmet
And villages, is not expressed in Hebrew, etc. But as both cities, and all the inhabitants were destroyed, the villages would share the same fate, (Haydock) as being under a curse. The Israelites concluded, from the exemplary vengeance which had been taken of Sodom and Gomorra, that they were authorized to treat their brethren in guilt with the utmost severity. (Calmet)
20:22
Trusting in their strength.... The Lord suffered them to be overthrown and many of them to be slain, though their cause was just; partly in punishment of the idolatry which they exercised or tolerated in the tribe of Dan, and elsewhere; and partly because they trusted in their own strength; and therefore, though he bid them fight, he would not give them the victory, till they were thoroughly humbled and had learned to trust in him alone.
20:13
Omission & contempt to punish hainous ••imes is a 〈…〉 cause to make w•••• 〈…〉.
20:18
One of the tribe of Iuda.
20:22
Being farre more in number & hauing the iust cause, yet had the worse, because they trusted in their owne streingth.
20:23
God also punished al Israel by this ciuil warre, for suffering idolattie in the tribe of Dan. cha. 18. v. 30. which they ought to haue punished. Deut. 13. v. 12.
20:28
By this it appeareth that this historie happened not long after the death of Eleazarus. Ios. 24. v. 33. to whom hissonne Phinees succeded in the spiritual Supremacie of the Church.
20:1
St Ambrose of Milan † AD 397 On the Duties of the Clergy 3.19
… Because of the villainy of so foul a deed, they who have violated another’s marriage rights were shown to be unworthy to ask for marriage. But for fear that one tribe might perish from the people, they connived at the deceit.
20:16
St Gregory of Nyssa † AD 395 Against Eunomius 10.1
… Just so I have heard the sacred record laying blame upon the sons of Benjamin who did not regard the law, but could shoot within a hair’s breadth
20:28
Origen † AD 254 Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John 6.7
… and yet there were those who surmised that John had risen from the dead, and taken the name of Jesus. As for the change of name, a thing which reminds us of mysteries, I do not know how the Hebrews came to tell about Phinehas, son of Eleazar, who admittedly prolonged his life to the time of many of the judges, as we read in the Book of Judges,
20:47
St Jerome † AD 420 The Letters of St. Jerome 108.8
… At Gibeah also, now a complete ruin, she stopped for a little while remembering its sin, and the cutting of the concubine into pieces, and how in spite of all this three hundred men of the tribe of Benjamin were saved
20:48
St Ambrose of Milan † AD 397 On the Duties of the Clergy 3.19
115. When this became known (to be brief) almost all the people of Israel broke out into war. The war remained doubtful with an uncertain issue, but in the third engagement the people of Benjamin were delivered to the people of Israel,
20:1
There were four cities in Judaea called Maspha, that is, a watchtower, says Abulensis, who understands the Galaaditic one here. Others more rightly take that which was on the border of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin; for this was near Gabaa, which they wished to punish, as well as the city of Shiloh, where the tabernacle of the covenant was with the ark, which could be seen from Maspha. For Maspha was in a high place like a watchtower; hence there they are said to be "gathered unto the Lord," from afar in the tabernacle above the ark residing. Add that in the whole synagogue gathered together for a pious cause, as here it was, God was present, and presided over it. Whence those coming together to it were said to "be gathered unto the Lord." Hence also the Hebrews elsewhere often held assemblies in Maspha, as appears in I Kings VII, 10; Jeremiah XL; I Maccabees III, 47, where also the cause is added when it is said: "The place of prayer was in Maspha before in Israel," that is to say, Although the tabernacle with the ark was in Shiloh, yet in Maspha was the synagogue, or place of prayer, and therefore as to a synagogue or place of prayer the Israelites came together there. Whence the Rabbis refer the origin of synagogues to the famous and principal synagogue, which was in Maspha.
20:2
That is, all peoples dwelling in their own places, as it were in corners. Thus today they are called Cantons, that is, corners of the Swiss. Again and rather all corners, that is, all chiefs, prefects and leaders of peoples, all princes of tribes, says our Salazar in Proverbs cap. 1, vers. 21, num. 229. For these hold the people in unity and duty, just as corners bind and hold together the whole house. Hence corner is taken for prince, as when Christ is said to be "made the head of the corner," and to be "the cornerstone," that is, the column, basis and prince of the Church, Psalm CXVII, 22, and Matthew XXI, 42; and when Isaiah says cap. XIX, vers. 13: "They have deceived Egypt the corner (that is, the prince) of peoples." And Zechariah, cap. X, vers. 4: "Out of him the corner," that is, out of Judah shall come forth a prince, namely Judas Maccabaeus. Similar passages are Zephaniah III, 6 and I Kings XIV, 38.
20:15
The Hebrew and Chaldean have 26 thousand, with which Lyran and Abulensis agree. But the Septuagint as well as the Latin Roman version constantly read 25 thousand: and with these the number of the slain and survivors in vers. 35 and 47 fully agrees. Finally, chamisha, that is five, could easily be corrupted into veshisha, that is and six.
20:16
It is a hyperbole, that is to say, they were most skilled with the sling, so that throwing a stone with it, they would strike the target with certainty. Thus Lyran, Abulensis, Cajetan. Such also were the inhabitants of the Balearic islands, who from tender years were exercised in the casting of the sling, so much so that boys could not breakfast unless they had knocked down the breakfast placed at a distance with the sling, as Strabo testifies. Hear what Herodian writes concerning the Emperor Commodus: "Deer and does, likewise other horned beasts besides bulls, running equally himself and pursuing them, he would strike down with most certain blows. But lions and panthers, and other such most noble animals, running in a circle above he would pierce with javelins, so that no one saw a second missile, nor a wound except a lethal one. For as soon as the beast had stirred itself, immediately he would wound it either in the forehead or in the heart, using no other aim, nor directing the missile to any other part of the body, so that it would be finished together with the wound itself." I have recounted more examples of such skilled archers in Lamentations III, vers. 12.
20:23
They call enemies brethren, to show that, although they ought to be punished for their vice, yet by nature they are to be loved, says Lyran. Hence enemy was once a guest; whence the Italian hoste.
Wonderful is the ordering of God: for He commanded the eleven tribes, once slain by the Benjaminites to the number of 22 thousand (verse 21), to attack them again, and to be slain by them again to the number of 18 thousand (verse 25), and yet those tribes were waging a just and pious war. Why this? The first cause was that He might punish their past sins, and namely because they had permitted the idol of Micah; likewise the worship of Baalim and Astaroth, chapter II and III. Thus the Hebrews, Lyran and Abulensis. The second is suggested in verse 22, namely that they trusted too much in their own strength and number: that they might learn that victory belongs to God, and that it is given by Him often to the few and the weak against the many and the powerful. The third, that He might purge the camps of the eleven tribes, in which many were wicked, from their dregs; and thus render them worthy to whom He would grant victory: and that He might prove and stir up their faith and obedience, which was indeed great here; for although they were slain a second time, yet on the third occasion they renewed the war by God's command, and therefore they became victors. Hear St. Gregory, book XIV of the Morals, chapter XIII: "What is it that Israel is inflamed for the avenging of crime, and yet he himself is first cast down: except that they themselves must first be purged, through whom the faults of others are struck; that they themselves, now cleansed through vengeance, might come, who hasten to correct the vices of others?" He confirms this by the example of the adulteress, to whose accusers Christ the Lord says: "He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her," John chapter VIII, 7, concerning whom St. Gregory says: "To punish the sins of others, it is said, they went, and left their own. They are therefore called back within to conscience, that they might first correct their own, and then reprove those of others." Finally, that He might show Himself to be the supreme Lord of death and life of all; and thus strike all with sacred fear and reverence of Him, as indeed happened. See Origen, homily 14 in Numbers; St. Augustine, book V of the City of God, chapters XXI and XXII; Salvian, book On Providence; St. Gregory, book XXI of the Morals, chapter III; St. Ephrem, volume I, sermon On Patience. For similar reasons God permitted that in the war against Pharaoh the infidel, most pious King Josiah of Judah be slain; and Ladislaus king of the Hungarians by Amurath Emperor of the Turks in the disaster of Varna; and St. Louis king of France, wishing to recover the holy land, to be captured by the Sultan of Egypt, and in the second expedition to die of plague, that He might sharpen his wonderful patience, and show it to the whole world, and soon crown it in the heavens, which indeed I admire and venerate above his other heroic virtues. Thus St. Bernard before St. Louis, by God's command, incited Christians to undertake the same expedition to the holy land, which nevertheless turned out badly with Christians slain. Whence St. Bernard was heard by many to be an impostor; but he defended himself, and showed by miracles that this was God's will, he himself citing this twofold disaster of the Israelites and narrating it in book II of Consideration to Eugenius, at the beginning.
20:26
From this place and from II Kings chapter I and IX, it is clear that the Hebrews in fasting were accustomed to fast until evening. From which custom flowed the superstitious observance of the Saracens, Turks and later Jews, who, when they fast, are not accustomed to take food before they have seen the star of Venus or Hesperus (for the Saracens worship this), as St. Jerome relates of the Jews in book II Against Jovinian, and Tertullian, book Against the Psychics, near the end. Concerning the Saracens the same is clear from chapter II of the Quran. Until evening also the Christians of old fasted: whence in memory of this thing even now Vespers in the fast of Lent are recited before dinner; as if the dinner which then follows were not so much dinner as supper.
20:37
The order and sequence of the history here is intricate, but you may unravel and arrange it thus with Lyran and Abulensis. The Israelites divided themselves into three bands or parts, unequal however: one was of ambush, which were placed behind the city of Gibeah, so that when the Benjaminites went out to pursue the Israelites, they might enter the city itself and set it on fire. The other band was of ten thousand, which drew the Benjaminites out of the city, so that the first band of ambush already mentioned might intercept the city, and which led them to the third band, or the most numerous battle line of all the remaining army standing in two columns, by simulating flight, while the sign of the captured city was given by the first band through smoke: which being done, they turned themselves about, and all the bands or battle lines attacked the Benjaminites, and slew 25 thousand of them, and moreover one hundred men.
20:48
From this it is clear that all the little ones and women were slain, both in Gibeah and in all the other cities and villages of Benjamin, and this is more clearly evident in the Hebrew. They made therefore the tribe of Benjamin an anathema, such as is commanded to be made in the crime of public idolatry, Deuteronomy XIII, 15. And although here the eleven tribes exceeded the bounds and measure of that law and vengeance by slaying innocent women and little ones; yet divine providence permitted this to punish the Sodomitic and unbridled lust of the Gibeahites, and at the same time the bold and rash rebellion of one tribe of Benjamin against the other eleven.
Machine translation from the Latin, not reviewed.
20:1
Un des caractéristiques du Code sacerdotal, c'est le mot העדה qui considère les Israélites comme formant une assemblée, une congrégation. Le mot קהל soit comme verbe, soit comme substantif, a le même cachet ; les deux réunis sont très expressifs ; cf. Lev. 8 4; Num. 17 7 et surtout Jos. 22 12 où il s’agit d’une réunion analogue pour combattre Ruben etc. Dans Neh. 8 1; Esdr. 3 1, on trouve l'expression כאוש nn, mais c'est le peuple qui se réunit : ויאספו כל העם (Neh. 8 1). La part de P ainsi faite « de Dan à Bersabée » est une expression ancienne I Sam. 8 20; II Sam. 3 10 ; 17 11 etc. ; (de Bersabée à Dan I Chron.24 2; II Chron. 30 5). — ויצאו ne doit pas être pris dans 16 sens de faire une expédition belliqueuse (contre Moore et Budde), puisque le dessein n’est pas encore formé. Ils sortent de chez eux pour se rendre à Mispah. C'était une cité de Benjamin (Jos. 48 26), que nous plaçons à Tell Nasbeh (cf. Les Maspeh par M. l'abbé Raboisson 1897) et par conséquent touchant à la frontière de Joseph (Éphraïm) près d'el Bireh. C'était alors un sanctuaire et un lieu de réunions 1 Sam. 7 5 ; 10 17. > On croit qu’il y avait aussi un autel, ce qui peut se confirmer par ce qui est dit ici, que le peuple s'y assembla ad Dominum, pour consulter le Seigneur » (Calm.). Mais dans l'hypothèse de la stricte unité d’autel, on a préféré supposer qu'il s'agissait de 5110, et cela depuis Josèphe (Ant. V 2 9) « Quelques-uns ont voulu que Maspha en ce passage signifiât une hauteur, et qu'il soit mis pour Silo » (Calm.). Cette opinion a été reprise avec une grande érudition par Poels (Histoire du sanctuaire, 1897). D’autres conciliateurs ont supposé que l'arche suivait la réunion dans ses divers mouvements. Mais au temps des Macchabées on conservait encore 16 souvenir de l’ancien sanctuaire (1 Macch. 3 44 ss.). On croyait donc ce lieu honoré d'une présence spéciale de Dieu, sans qu'on ait pris soin de le rattacher à aucune théophanie patriarcale ; on peut remarquer en passant que ces rapports avec les patriarches ne s’inventaient donc pas à plaisir pour consacrer les lieux de culte. En mettant Mispah à Néby Samuwil, on suppose que les Israélites se sont groupés en plein pays de Benjamin et dans une position peu favorable pour attaquer Gibe‘a, à cause de la vallée profonde qui sépare Néby Samuwil de Tell el-Foul.
20:2
פנות litt. > les angles », par conséquent les principaux, l'élite ; ce mot peut appartenir au récit ancien (cf. 1 Sam. 44 38). Le reste est de P. On trouve dans Mich. 2 5 ,קהל יהוה 1855610166 de 1876, mais cette expression est loin d’être aussi théocratique que : 6 toutes les tribus d'Israël en assemblée de peuple de Dieu. » Le chiffre de 400.000 combattants est en rapport avec celui de 600.000 de P, Ex. 42 37 et différents recensements. Mèêmes expressions et même exagération Jud. 8 10. Moore fait remarquer que l’armée allemande qui assiégeait Paris en 1871 ne comptait que 240.000 combattants. Ces chiffres n'ont évidemment rien d'historique οἱ n'appartiennent pas au thème primitif, d'autant que cette masse (sans waw) paraît donnée comme explication de l'élite, .פנות C'est probablement une simple glose, le recensement n'ayant lieu que plus tard v. 17. — ותוצב se ranger, prêt à combattre (1 Sam. 47 16), ici pour parer aux éventualités. G(B) remplace כל העם ΓΞ par לפני יהוה ils se tinrent devant lahvé, mais A. Lag. etc. sont avec TM.
20:3
La première partie du v. n’a évidemment pas de lien avec la seconde (G(Lag.) a essayé de l'établir), mais il est plus simple de la souder à ce qui précède que de supposer un document spécial.
20:4
L'insistance sur Gibe‘a « qui est de Benjamin » s’expliquerait mal si près des lieux, n'était les autres villes du même nom. איש האשה הנרצחה peut être aussi bien d’un style redondant qu'une glose.
20:5
Le lévite se plaint qu'on a voulu le tuer et qu'on a abusé de sa femme. Les Commentateurs ont grand'peine à montrer que ce n'est pas une contradiction avec le texte actuel de 19 22. En tous cas on n'insiste nullement sur le crime de sodomie pour soulever l'indignation des tribus. En réalité il n'était pas en cause. Dans leur dessein d’abuser de la jeune femme les gens devaient naturellement songer à tuer le mari (cf. Gen. 42 12), il n'a échappé à la mort qu'en livrant lui-même sa femme : c'est là-dessus seulement qu'il glisse. Ce verset est donc en parfaite harmonie avec 49 22, mais selon notre correction. 6. Omettre זמזה avec LXX. 9. נעלה הגורל ; TM עלוה בגורל contre elle par sort (?).
20:6
20:7
Cf. 11 Sam. 46 20 pour l'expression .הבו לכם עצה
20:8
Moore et Budde voient dans les mots « et nous ne rentrerons pas chacun dans notre maison » une répétition oiseuse de ce qui précède, et par conséquent une glose. Mais il semble que l'auteur a visé les deux genres de vie qui existaient dans Israël, la vie sous la tente et la vie dans les maisons. Après איש le pluriel לאהליר préféré par Moore, Budde pourrait se soutenir (11 Sam. 20 1), mais non en parallélisme avec 172. La suite manque ; le sens exige : jusqu’à ce que nous ayons puni Gibe‘a, qui se trouve précisément 10? après l'addition de P. Dans le texte primitif il fallait écrire עד עשות au lieu de .לעשות
20:9
9 est énigmatique dans TM : > contre elle par sort! » Κρ] se délecte de cette brièveté sentencieuse et comprend que la ville est condamnée à subir le sort des Cananéens dont les propriétés étaient confisquées ct tirées au sort. Hum. le réfute. Moore recourt aux LXX et supplée נעלה עליה ; ἀναξησόμεθα ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν ἐν χλήρῳ, > montons contre elle à tour de rôle c'est l’idée du v. 18, mais nullement en rapport ici avec le contexte. Budde soupçonne les LXX d'avoir suppléé aisément à ce qui manquait et préfère lire : גורל note, au lieu de עליה בגורל ; le sens est excellent, déjà donné par Rosen., mais le changement est plus considérable qu'il est nécessaire. Nous lisons נעלה avec LXX au lieu de נפילה de Budde, expression aussi bonne pour le tirage au sort; quoique nous n’ayons pas l'expression, ‘ nous ferons monter le sort’ dans l'A. T., elle est supposée dans : « le sort 10. לבאים devant לעשות ; TM לבואם après לעשות pour qu'ils aillent. — לגבעה ; TM לגבע à Geb'a. monta », Lev. 16 9 5. עליה est à supprimer. Le petit désordre vient de la fusion des deux documents. C'est P qui commence au v. 9; il se préoccupe de fournir des vivres à son immense multitude : cette mesure n'est pas directement dirigée contre Gibe‘a, donc son texte ne devait avoir ni לגבעה ni ,עליה mais ces deux mots devaient être ajoutés quand la mesure d'intendance eut été insérée entre v. 8 et v. 100 du texte primitif. Le ב גורל devait être un ה l'article, qui paraît nécessaire; le ב a pu s'introduire d'après v. 18. Vg : très rondement : sed hoc contra Gabaa in commune faciamus.
20:10
10* un homme sur dix était assez dire; c’est bien le style diffus de P, sans parler de l'irréel de l'hypothèse à cause des chiffres énormes qui sont ici en jeu. 10% Lire (גבעה car גבע n'est pas en question, לבואם après לעשות est intolérable, comme simple équivalent et rompt le contexte > pour faire à Gibe‘a ». Il faut donc le supprimer ou plutôt le lire ְבְּאִים avant ,לעשות > pour le peuple, » c'est-à-dire pour ceux qui vont pour faire à Gibe‘a etc. C’est la leçon du G que Moore désigne par M, mais représentée 6 ἣν le cod. 18 (Field); la plupart des mss. ont lu ce mot après .לעשות 6 ( qui suit TM a dû répéter לעשות pour que le contexte ne soit pas ה On voit en tout cela l'embarras de la soudure; ל10 6 de עד était la fin du v. 8 dans le document primitif. Ici encore la Vg. prend au plus court ut comportent exercitui cibaria, el possimus pugnare contra Gabaa Benjamin et reddere ei pro scelere, quod meretur. C'est bien le sens général.
20:12
Lire שבט au sing. devant Benjamin avec LXX, Vg. etc. 43) Comparer la procédure du Dt. 43 13 ss. Calmet : > [1 semble que les Israélites auraient dû commencer par là, avant que de prendre les résolutions qu’on voit dans les vv. précédents. » Réflexion très juste ; nous avons déjà constaté que la résolution n’était pas du même auteur. Dans P on s'explique que la démonstration militaire précède la sommation.
20:13
Mettre l'article devant ΠΩ soit en doublant 16 ,ה soit en coupant הרְעה VAN. L'expression est purement deutéronomique, Dt. 47 12; 22 22 etc. Reslituer avec LXX 132 devant 6,בנימן ‘est un des cas de Qré we lo Khetib.
20:14
D'après Moore, du document primitif, mais plutôt de P, avec Budde, comme réplique au v. 11. 1] n'est pas nécessaire de placer cette concentration des Benjamites dans l'ancienne histoire ; elle a pu être supposée. Lire (avec Gj עְרִיהֶם au lieu de הערים ; on a conformé la leçon à celle du v. 15 (Budde), mais il y a une nuance appréciable; dans 16 v. suivant on doit dire הערים pour une moindre opposition avec Gibe‘a qui est aussi de Benjamin.
20:15
La ponctuation de TEEN est anormale, puisque les consonnes indiqueraient Hithpa'el, qui exigerait la duplication de Ὁ précédé d’une brève. Cependant cette anomalie est très conséquente encore v. 18. 17. et 24 9 et la forme passive correspondante quatre fois Num. 4 47 ; 2 33 ; 26 62 ; l Reg. 20 27. On a proposé une forme réflexe de Qal, mais ζωπ. οἱ Ges K26 54 sont d'accord pour y voir une simple anomalie de ponctuation pour Hithpa‘el, Il est en tous cas remarquable que tous ces passages sont d’un 15. Omettre : ,התפקדוּ שבע מאות איש בחור on recensa sept cents hommes d'élite. style récent. — Devant התפקדו 15? il faut ajouter ΠΩΣ avec G (A Lag.); aucune des citations de Moore, 26. 3 5 ; 1 Reg. 5 30 ; II Chron. 914, ne justifie l'absence de אשר ou de המוה devant le verbe défini. — Le TM Syr. Targ. ont 26.000, mais les LXX ont 25.000, suivis par Vg. Le G(B) a 23.000, mais c'est un accident, la tradition des LXX est ferme (A Lag. etc. Syr. hex., eth. confirmée par Josèphe (25.600 en tout dont 500 frondeurs gauchers (Ant. V 2 10). On voit vv. 44-46 que les Benjamites dans la dernière bataille ont perdu 25.000 hommes; pour le même jour le v. 35 en marque 25.400, et il en reste 600 v. 47. Faut-il admettre que les LXX ont. voulu se rapprocher de ces chiffres ou que le TM a voulu tenir compte des premiers combats? On peut soutenir en faveur du chiffre des LXX, que l'auteur, si précis, n'aurait pas manqué de nous instruire en détail des. premières pertes des Benjamites s’il en avait eu en vue.
20:16
Tel qu'il est écrit ce v. 16 suppose que les 700 frondeurs-gauchers ne sont pas les 700 de Gibe‘a, mais pris dans tout le corps des Benjamites. Seulement les LXX Κρ. Syr. n'ont pas depuis מכל jusqu'à ,בחור et on doit admettre, du moins une fois, la suppression des 700 hommes d'élite, soit. ici, soit v. 15 (Budde, Moore etc.). Si חס retranche de מכל à בחור d'où vient l'addition massorétique ? D'après Hum. (comme probable) un copisteaura répété par mégarde שבע מאות איש בחור et un autre aura donné un sens à cette répétition en ajoutant avant העם הזה 520. Mais il serait plus probable que toute la correction fût intentionnelle. En effet il est impossible de supposer 700 frondeurs gauchers : אטר יד ימונו a été emprunté à l'histoire d'Éhoud 3 15 ; Moore le considère comme une glose, et retrancheces trois mots, quoique sans autorité dans les versions. Ce qui caractérise la glose, c’est précisément le trouble apporté au passage. Il était assez naturel de représenter les 700 de Gibe‘a comme d'excellents frondeurs mais quand on en eut fait des gauchers par l'addition de la glose, il 8 ₪ les prendre dans tout le peuple, d'où l'addition de 529 à בחור dont le textedes LXX était encore exempt. Nous adoptons une autre hypothèse, vers laquelle penche Budde; on supprime au v. 15 depuis התפקדו ; lenombre des gens de Gibe‘a ne 50781] pas déterminé et évalué mentalement par l'auteur à 600, pour correspondre avec v. 47. Le .ץצ 16 demeurerait intact, les 700 archers seraient l'élite des Benjamites, mais 2799 יד MON ne signifierait pas gaucher, mais plutôt ambidextre, et ne serait qu'une autre manière de dire comme 1 Chron. 122 ss. que 105 frondeurs, surtout Benjamites, savaient se servir des deux mains. 1[ ne répugne pas qu’à une époque basse TON ait fini par prendre cette signification que d’ailleurs les verss. lui donnent. Ce qui confirme cette manière de voir, c'est que Josèphe distingue les 500 frondeurs des 25.600 qui comprennent les gens de Gibe'a. Si les chiffres de Josèphe pouvaient passer pour originaires, la seule correction à faire serait de lire שש au lieu du premier שבע et חמש au lieu du second. השערָה nom d'unité de vo, un seul cheveu; Moore préfère un locatif « dans la direction d'un cheveu » en ponctuant ע au lieu de
20:17
Les gens d'Israël, sans compter Benjamin (naturellement ἢ sont 400.000. Au Sinaï ils étaient 568.150 en enlevant les 35.400 Benjamites du chiffre total de 603.550 (Num. 2 23). Les proportions sont donc logiquement calculées. Le nombre des Benjamites a diminué dans la proportion de 1.38, celui des autres de1.67(Hum.). L'auteur a pensé que tout le monde absolument n'était pas venu à la guerre; d'après Hum. le nombre des Israélites avait diminué dans leurs courses et leurs combats. Depuis son commentaire des Nombres il reconnaïitrait sans doute l'impossibilité de mettre en mouvement de pareilles masses.
20:18
Ce v. est attribué par Moore à l'écrivain sacerdotal. Budde le croit encore plus jeune et le considère après Bertheau comme une pure glose c'est qu'il n’est nullement question dans la suite d’un rôle spécial attribué à Juda. I1 est bien vrai que la consultation en elle-même, depuis כזו יעלה est une imitation de 4 2, mais on ne saurait dire si cette imitation est le fait de P ou d'un glossateur. Moore prétend même que le sens de 1 2 a été mal compris et que la priorité dans l'action est transformée ici en une priorité de rang et d'honneur rendus par יהודה בתחלה qui serait même une phrase peu hébraïque. Il faut noter toutefois que les LXX ont ἀναθήσεται ועלה comme 4 + De plus il y a une grave difficulté contre l'origine trop tardive du début du verset. Les Israélites vont consulter à Béthel, qui n'est qu'à une petite heure de Tell Nasbeh. Ceci a paru tellement anormal aux Juifs de basse époque qu'ils ont interprété ὮΝ n°2 en deux mots comme la maison de Dicu, Vg. in domum Dei, hoc est Silo. Aurait-on eu la pensée 18. יעלה ; TM om. d'insérer une 1086 aussi gènante pour l'unité absolue du sanctuaire ? Hum. explique ce fait par la présence du grand prêtre muni de l'Ourim et du Toummim, mais pourquoi Béthel ? De plus אלהים est à noter au lieu de יהוה qui paraîtra dans les autres consultations. N’aurions-nous pas ici dans le début l'annonce d'une consultation à Béthel par le document primitif, E, consultation qui aurait disparu, remplacée par une imitation de 4 2, à moins que cela aussi ne fasse partie du thème primitif ?
20:21
Les Benjamites, sans perdre un seul homme d'après les chiffres des LXX, tuent 22.000 Israélites. 22 s.) Le v. 22 est du même auteur diffus. Mais le v. 23 n'a plus rien à faire puisque les gens ont déjà repris courage. On peut supposer que les deux versets ont été déplacés et qu'il faut mettre v. 23 avant v. 22. On peut aussi retrancher v. 23 comme une glose. Ce parti est le meilleur d'autant que si cette consultation du Seigneur s'était trouvée dans le texte 606 elle eût été glosée par la présence de l'arche comme v. 27. Hum. supprime la difficulté en partie en traduisant ויתחדקד par roborati sunt arcessilis majoribus copiis; mais les 400.000 avaient donné ; où pouvait-on trouver encore des troupes? La Vg. donne à la défaite une cause morale en corsant un peu le texte : Rursum filii Israël, et fortitudine et numero confidentes; on les taxe ainsi d'une présomption que le vrai texte ne leur impute pas. On s’efforce en effet d'expliquer par une faute des Israélites leur défaite : mais ils pleurent devant Dieu, ils le consultent. et encore Dieu leur dit : continuez, alors qu’ils doivent être battus le lendemain. Ménochius voit là une louable restriction mentale, Hum. dit que la victoire est promise... pour plus tard. Mieux vaut supprimer comme glose le malencontreux verset, inconciliable avec v. 22 dans sa place, que rien ne prouve avoir été déplacé et qui est bien plutôt l'œuvre d’un esprit subtil qui a voulu établir un degré entre les différentes consultations; celle-ci ne suffisait pas sans le jeûne et les sacrifices, la réponse de son côté est incomplète : donnant, donnant : 6 pas la casuistique d’un rabbin? La Vg. harmonise en traduisant v. 23 : ila tamen ut prius ascenderent.… . 24 5.) Nouvelle défaite dans le même style.
20:26
Le v. est beaucoup plus complet que v. 23. Jusqu'au soir s'entend mieux du jeûne que des pleurs comme un terme ordinaire des jeûnes complets. On offre des pacifiques et des holocaustes. 27 s). Il ץ a une parenthèse entre « ils consulièrent 1806 » et — « en ces termes », qui cependant doivent être étroitement unis. La parenthèse est donc une glose, en quelque sorte double, la présence de l'arche justifie les sacrifices selon les idées rigoureuses sur l'unité d’autel, la présence du grand prètre est indispensable pour la consultation. Mais un rédacteur dans l'esprit du code sacerdotal P, ou l'auteur d'un midrach aurait-il écrit une phrase qui avait un tel besoin d'être glosée, en introduisant une pierre d'achoppement conme Béthel? 11 semble que la consultation à Béthel devait déjà se trouver dans le premier récit. Rien dans le v. 26 n'est purement du style de P, sauf la redondance : ‘ tous les fils d'Israël et tout le peuple ' qui indiquerait précisément une suture. En tous cas, on ne voit ici aucun sentiment de pénitence comme Ex. 32 30; Jos. 7 6 ss.; les pacifiques indiquent qu'on se croit en paix avec Dieu. Dans l'opinion du glossateur, les faits étaient rapprochés de la première conquête. 29-36 5, PREMIER RÉCIT DE LA DÉFAITE DES BENJAMITES. — Budde voit ici et jusqu'à v. 48 la trace de trois documents, deux anciens et ce qu'il nomme le midrach. Voici sa division. À À appartiennent : v. 29-33 (2), 34. 36b-:8. 40-42», 44 et une conclusion correspondante à v. 47.88. B le second document ancien aurait 31 *8b et 32. Le reste au Midrach : 80, 319% 35, 36* et le contenu de 47.48. Au dernier rédacteur v. 44b-46 v. 39 et 42b. 43. D'ailleurs de nombreuses retouches. Nous ne pouvons discuter en détail un système si compliqué, la nécessité d'admettre deux auteurs primitifs n'apparait nulle part. Nous nos rallions dans l’ensemble à l'analyse de Moore qui voit v. 0 à 36* le récit du dernier auteur, P, dans 36-41 celui de l'auteur ancien, par hypothèse E.
20:29
Ce v. paraît appartenir à E dans lequel l'embûche joue un rôle prépondérant. Le pluriel, ארבים au lieu de ,אורב n'est pas sans exemples, Jos. 8 4; Jér. 51 12; ce qui étonne ici, c'est que le sing. se trouve v. 33. 36- 38. Le pluriel semble être commandé par le mot autour; mais voit-on dans la suite que les embuscades aient complètement entouré la ville? 11 semble donc que le v. ait été retouché par le rédacteur pour s'appliquer aux deux récits qui vont suivre.
20:30
De P, faisant suite à v. 28 après l'oracle; mêmes expressions que v. 20.22 οἱ allusion à ces faits. 41) Le début comme v. 21.25. הַבתק hoph. avec maintien du noun, Gesk K.% 68/f, est maintenu par Budde contre Moore. La forme asyndelon est expliquée par Kœn. 119 à l'instar de Gen. 40 10, le parf. indiquant une action qui se produit rapidement, et presque avant le temps normal qui serait exprimé plutôt par niph., וינתקו (Jos. 8 16). En tous cas conclure de l'asyn- 31. גבענה ; TM גבעתה rers Gibe‘a (Gabaa). deton à deux documents, c'est supposer que 16 Rédac. n'aurait pas su mettre un waw (contre Budde). La position est impossible dans le texte actuel. Il ne peut être question d'un chemin qui monte à Gibe‘a par opposition à une autre direction, parce que cela ne signifierait rien du tout. La lecture ÿ22 ne conviendrait pas non plus, car Djeb‘a est plutôt en contre-bas. Il faut donc lire ΤΣ 33, vers Gibé‘on. Quelle que soit la situation de cette ville ) Vg. Gabaon), ou Néby Samwil טס el-Djib, un chemin se détache de la grande route de Naplouse pour s'y rendre. Il ץ a là un grand terrain plat, c'est le champ, synonyme des routes, dont parle le texte.
20:32
On explique dans quelles pensées s'est opéré le mouvement décrit; les Israélites attirant les Benjamites dans un piège, les Benjamites se croyant sûrs de la victoire comme les autres jours.
20:33
Les termes du début sont difficiles : à la lettre les Israélites sortent de l'endroit où ils se tenaient comme pour entrer en ligne, et cependant ils étaient déjà en fuite. On ne peut traduire « ils quittèrent la place, fuyant ἐς combat » (Hum.) ni « ils avaient abandonné leur première position » (Studer). Moore supprime ממקוכזו , ce qui n'arrange rien, car la difficulté est surtout dans 9 qui marque une action nouvelle. On ne peut recourir ici à la distinction des documents, car le passage avec 79 est de Ρ et par conséquent du même auteur que v. 31**. 1] faut donc supposer que dans la pensée de l'auteur 16 combat n'avait été d'abord engagé sous les murs de Gibe‘a que par un petit contingent : maintenant c'est tout Israël qui se lève de son camp et se range en bataille à Ba‘al Tamar. Cet endroit devait être au nord-ouest de Gibe'‘a, derrière la plaine où on avait entrainé les Benjamites, vers Κλ. ‘Adase. Eusèbe connaissait de son temps un Bethamar près de Gabaa (On. 238 75). Le nom de Ba‘al du palmier a pu être importé, le plateau n'étant nullement propice à cette culture. — L'action de l'embus- 33. ממערב ; TM ממערה (Ὁ) cade est exprimée par ΠῚλ, en hébreu sourdre, mais en judéo-araméen attaquer; cet emploi indique donc une basse époque. ערה serait un hapar de sens incertain. Le Syr. a compris une grotle, mais pour dix mille hommes ? Il ץ a une grotte considérable au nord de Hismeh, mais qui paraît être plutôt le résultat d’une carrière. D'ailleurs la forme serait incorrecte. 1[ lire לגבע 21ÿ1 à l'occident de Geb‘a, avec LXX (A Lag. Syr.-hez. eth. etc.) et Vg. Le mot n'est pas non plus ancien dans l'usage de la langue. Il faut maintenir ÿ23, il était facile à l'embuscade de se dissimuler dans les vallées profondes entre Djeb'‘a et Hismeh, pendant que 16 combat portait en sens opposé : l'occident pour 16 sud-ouest comme souvent,
20:34
733 est soutenu par les LXX, Syr. et même Vg. autant qu'une traduction très large permet de reconnaitre le texte. La leçon est excellente, car le but de l'embuscade est de se placer entre les Benjamites et Gibe‘a pour leur couper la retraite. Il ne faut donc pas lire 2339 du côté du sud, avec quelques mss. hébreux, le Targ. Houbigant, Hum., etc. Le combat est opiniâtre à l'avant, les Benjamites ne se doutant pas de ce qui se passe sur leurs derrières. La fin du verset est empruntée à 1%.
20:35
Ce sont les propres formules de P retournées contre les Benjamites cf. v. 21. 25. 25100 + 600 échappés font les 25700 des LXX v. 15. Le soin d'ajouter les 100 semble indiquer que l’auteur ne voulait rien savoir des pertes que les Benjamites auraient pu éprouver les jours précédents. Mais cette ponctualité est suspecte : dans vv. 44-47 l'addition des pertes ne va qu'à 25000. De plus, le .ץצ 305 après cela fait un effet burlesque (Moore); peut-on dire des 600 survivants : les Benjamites virent qu'ils étaient battus, quand 25100 Benjamites sont restés sur le carreau! Le v. 35 est donc une glose anticipée. 902) C’est la fin de la bataille ou le commencement de la fuite dans P. Cela suppose un nombre encore considérable de Benjamites qui essaient de se sauver; la suite v. 42. SECOND RÉCIT DE LA BATAILLE. 11 est de l’auteur le plus ancien, par .41-ל36 hypothèse E. La dualité des documents apparait ici clairement. D'après Hum., l’auteur se souvient qu'il lui reste à mieux exposer la fuite des Ben- jamites et la prise de la ville; mais il est clair que c’est un autre récit du rôle de l’embuscade quoique les faits concordent assez bien. 36?) Peut se rattacher à ν, 29.
20:37
La seconde partie du v. est traitée de glose par Budde et Moore; mais il est très remarquable que ἼΔΩ se dit précisément de l’embûche Ps. 40 9; c'est comme un terme consacré ; de même פשט ; cf. 9 33.44.
20:38
Il y avait cette convention entre les Israélites et 1612080800 : « multiplie qu'ils fassent monter. . » etc. הרב ne peut être que hiph. impér. de .רבה Ce serait un ordre donné au chef de l'embuscade pour que les soldats fassent monter... On voit ce que cette construction a de bizarre. Aussi quelques mss. ont חרב glaive, leçon encore plus impossible qui a passé dans G(A Lag.) sous la forme de μάχαιρα, dans G(B) sous celle de τῆς μάχης. Le TM est encore soutenu par Kœn. 399 m. ; il faudrait du moins supprimer le suffixe de .להעלותם Il est plus simple de supprimer הרב comme une mauvaise répétition de הארב qui est absente de G(M de Moore) et de Syr. La Vg. est si large qu'il est difficile de reconnaître son texte. Il est étrange que הפך signifie ici se tourner pour fuir et au v. #1 se tourner pour faire face à l'ennemi. Moore a donc conjecturé très finement que 395 n'était que la suite de la convention. Il était convenu que lorsque 8 fumée (avec l'article 110.) monterait, les Israélites se retourneraient pour combattre. Pour obtenir ce sens il change l'impf. conséc. en parfait consec. 92". Budde nie que le sens voulu soit obtenu. D'ailleurs la convention serait inutile à l’'embuscade, déjà maîtresse de la ville; c'est le gros de l'armée seul qui doit savoir ce qu'il a à faire. 1] faut donc se résigner à prendre הפך dans le sens de se retourner, à déterminer par le contexte pour la fuite ou pour l'attaque. Ce n’est pas tout à fait un doublet de 36; là on disait seulement que les Israélites avaient laissé le champ libre aux Benjamites, les avaient attirés un peu loin. Tout le v. est considéré comme une glose par Budde; mais il est très bien en situation. Le chiffre de 30 morts convient mieux à E qu’à P qui fait mouvoir des masses. Si donc 38. Omettre הרב multiplie. le v. 39 ressemble à 31, il est plus probable que c'est 31 qui, écrit tout d'abord en connaissance du récit de E, lui a été ensuite conformé; les 30 hommes boitent à la fin du v. 31. Le v. 32? qui ne va guère dans son contexte οἱ qui est beaucoup moins soigné, a été aussi emprunté à notre versct par un glossateur. Dans P on dit ‘comme chaque fois ”, puisque cette bataille est la troisième. E qui a dû mentionner une première défaite dit ‘ comme dans le premier combat ”. Il est possible qu'en revanche חללים ait été introduit d'après v. 31 (Moore), il n'est pas nécessaire.
20:40
מזשאת est suffisamment clair après le v. 38; cependant il a été expliqué dans le texte ‘colonne de fumée”. כליל comme syn. d'holocauste, Ps. 51 21, d'où le Dt. 43 17 a pu dire d'une ville brûlée ensuite d'un anathème qu'elle était כלול ליהוה ; ici l'ellipse serait trop forte, le sens est donc : la ville entière; cf. Ex. 28 31 etc.; cf. Jos. 8 20.
20:41
ל41 ἃ les mêmes termes que 34}, mais dans un contexte plus naturel. Nous sommes revenus au point où les Benjamites se disposent à prendre la fuite; la suite au v. 47. .
20:42
Ce v. est inexplicable dans TM. 1] semblerait que les Benjamites en fuite aient été mis en pièces par les habitants des villes voisines. Mais tout le monde était à la guerre et pourquoi ce revirement des villes voisines appartenant à la tribu de Benjamin? comment expliquer בתוכן chacun dans sa ville ? S. Jér. et le Targ. ont compris qu'il s'agissait de l'embuscade qui vient barrer le chemin. Ce n'est pas, croyons-nous, l'embuscade qui a brûlé la ville dans E, mais celle qui s'était mise contre la ville dans P v. 3%: le combat devenant dur, les Benjamites se retournent pour fuir vers le désert et tombent sur les dix mille. 49. :מן העור TM מוהערום des villes. — בתוך ; TM בתוכו au milieu de lui. 43. :וירדפהו TM והרדיפהו (2). — ππ ; TM בונוחה repos. — Omettre הדרובהו ils le firent fouler. — גבע ; TM הגבעה vers Gibe‘a (Gabaa). indique Ρ; cf. v. 21.25. 1] faut lire la ville au sing. avec G(M) de משחיתים Ils sont vraiment .בתוכו Moore, et ensuite 792 comme Jos. 8 22 au lieu de entre deux, c'est la conclusion normale des dispositions indiquées au v. 33. Les deux parties du v. se tiennent très bien, il est donc inulile de suppo- ser avec Budde et Moore que la seconde est une addition malencontreuse.
20:43
Moore a fait ressortir les impossibilités de ce verset : רדף > poursuivre » inusité à la forme hiph. דרך n'ayant pas à hiph. 16 sens de fouler aux pieds; les parfaits asyndeton, 16 mot כונוחה repos, absolument inexplicable à moins de le prendre en sens inverse, comme Vg. nec eral ulla requies morientium, que um. trouve heureux comme une contraction de נוח ΤΏ sans repos! Le sens du Syr. « facilement » appliqué aux vainqueurs n'est pas moins étrange. Moore suppose hardiment qu'il faut lire ,מנוחה en prenant נוחה comme un nom propre avec G(B) ἀπὸ Νουα; c'est le nom d'un fils de Benjamin 1 Chron. 82. — הדריכהו peut être considéré comme une glose, correction de הרדיפהו qu'il faudrait plutôt corriger en .וירדפהו De plus גבעה ne peut être correct avec la mention de l'orient : il doit être question de ÿ23. En revanche nous pencherions à garder כתרו «ils entourèrent »(Ps. 2213) qui est bien dans la situation comme nous l'avons comprise et que Moore lit plutôt כתתו ou כרתו )2( κατέκοπτον, « ils mirent en pièces
20:44
Dans toute cette action il périt 18.000 hommes. את en têle d'une phrase pour introduire un nom est de basse époque, mais pas plus bas que P Num. 3 46 etc. (GesK.36 117 m).
20:45
Mème début que v. #7; il a pu être emprunté par P à l'histoire primitive. 115 tournent dans la direction du nord. — גדעם n’est pas connu. Gibe‘a est exclu ainsi que Geb'a déjà nommé, Gibe'‘on n’est pas dans la direction, Galaad G(A Lag.) esttroploin. Moore propose très ingénieusement Dÿ7 עד jusqu’à les couper, ce que les Israélites se reprocheront d'avoir fait (24 6). Ῥ. Lacrancr, — Les Juges. 1 45. עד גדעם ; TM גדעט (ἢ). 48. Lire כזתם plutôt que .מתם
20:46
Récapitulation : en tout 25.000 : une différence de 100 avec v. 35. Contre Moore et Budde il nous semble que les chiffres de détail n'auraient pas été inventés par une retouche pour aboutir à un chiffre différent; c'est plutôt v. 35, dans un contexte impossible, qui est une retouche pour plus d’exactitude. lei on a pu supposer que les Benjamites avaient perdu une centaine d'hommes dans les premiers combats. #7) Rammôn, à l'est de Beitin, a été reconnu par Eus. (On. 287 98).
20:48
De P, style récent. Ils reviennent de la poursuite et massacrent la population qui n'a pas pris part à la guerre. Lire עוך מתם avec quelques mss. et Dt. 2 3%; 36 οἱ non Dh עור soutenu par la Massore. L'anathème est complet.
20:1
The formula "from D. to Beersheba" indicates the extreme limits of Palestine (Judg. 20:1; I Sam. 3:20; II Sam. 3:10; 17:11; 24:2, 15; I Kings 4:25; I Chron. 21:2; II Chron. 12:35; 27:37). The tribe is omitted in the genealogies of I Chron. 2-12; it seems that …
Maspha (Heb. Mīspāh "Watchtower")
5. City in the tribe of Benjamin, not far from Ramah (Josh. 18:25-26). It was the place of assembly of the Hebrews after the affair of Gibeah, where the wife of the Levite met an ignominious death (Judg. 20:1-2), and subsequently of other assemblies (1 Sam. 7:5-14; 10:17). It was fortified by Asa as a defense against the northern tribes (1 Kings 15:22; 2 Chron. 16:6). After the destruction …
20:4
3. G. of Benjamin (I Sam. 13, 2; 23, 20), destroyed to avenge the outrage of the Benjaminites against the concubine of the Levite of Ephraim (Judg. 19, 14; 20, 4). After its rebuilding it was called "G. of Saul," in memory of the birth and residence of the king (I Sam. 10, 16; 22, 6). Today Tell el-Ful, 6 km north of Jerusalem. …
20:13
… especially in expressions in which it is a genitive of qualification or destination: "son of b." (cf. "son of iniquity": II Sam. 3, 34; 7, 10; Ps. 88, 23; "son of death": I Sam. 20, 31; 26, 16; II Sam. 12, 5); Deut. 13, 13 (Heb. 14); Iudc. 19, 22; 20, 13; I Sam. 1, 16; 2, 12; 10, 27; 25, 17; I Reg. 21, 10, 13; II Par. 13, 7, and "man of b." ('īl b. or hab-b. with the article [only 3 times]; cf. "man of death":
20:18
Ark (of the Covenant), Ark of the Testimony
… Mosaic Tabernacle (v.), followed the Israelites in the desert, then was at Shiloh until the time of Samuel (Josh. 18:1, 8-10; Judg. 20:18, 27; 21:2, 19; I Sam. 1:3, 21, 24; 2:14); from Shiloh it was carried as a pledge of divine protection into battle (Judg. 20:18 (Heb.), 28; II Sam. 4:3; I Sam. 11:11). Captured by the Philistines, because of the misfortunes it caused it was soon returned (I Sam. 4-6). It rested at Beth-shemesh, then remained …
Bethel (Hebrew Bēth-'Ēl = "House of God")
… In the time of the Judges, in difficult circumstances, the Israelites went there to consult the Lord and offer him sacrifices (Judg. 20, 18, 26; 21, 2). Under Jeroboam I the golden calf was worshiped there (1 Kings 12, 29-33).
… (Num. 7:12-17). It receives the first and most important lot in the division of the Promised Land (Josh. 15; cf. 14:6-15). After the death of Joshua it is chosen to lead the attack against the Canaanites (Judg. 1:1-19) and against Gibeah-Benjamin (Judg. 20:18).
20:26
of this period may be compared to that of the Greek amphictyonies; the various groups found their common center in the sacred place, where the Ark was. The first resting place of the Ark was Shiloh (Judg. 20, 26; I Sam. 1, 3); when this city was destroyed by the Philistines, the Ark was transferred to Nob. Perhaps not all the tribes were under the same leader, so that sometimes the simultaneity …
… offerings (libation of wine, offering of flour kneaded with oil, Num. 15:4-11). Often together with the holocaust a peace sacrifice was offered: a rite of festive intimacy that followed the act of pure adoration to Yahweh (cf. Ex. 18:12; 24:5; Josh. 8:31; Judg. 20:26; 21:4; 1 Sam. 6:14 ff., etc.).
20:28
… In the war against the Benjaminites he remained at Bethel to exercise the high priesthood (Judg. 20:28). He was furthermore the ancestor of the descendants of Korah (v.). …
20:45
Adadremmon (Hebrew Hadadrimmōn)
… Rimmón (Vulgate Remmon) is a rock that rises near Migrón (Vulgate Magron) on the road to Gibeah (1 Sam. 14:1; Judg. 20:45-47; 21:13). On that rock the 600 Benjamites who escaped the massacre of the tribe took refuge (Judg. 20-21); to this mourning Zach. would compare the mourning for the death of the Messiah …
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · original Douay-Rheims (Douay 1609-10), transcription by EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Public domain.