Maccabees (Greek Μακκαβαῖοι, Vulgate Machabaei)

MACCABEES (Gr. Μακκαβαῖοι, Vulg. Machabaei). —
With the surname “Maccabee” given to Judas, the chief hero of the Jewish revolt against the yoke of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, from the 2nd century the ecclesiastical writers designated all the members of the family of the priest Mattathias (John, Simon, Judas, Eleazar and Jonathan) and their partisans, who began and brought to completion the insurrection known as the “Maccabaean,” whose history is narrated in 1 and 2 Maccabees.

The etymology and even the spelling of the name are uncertain. It is commonly derived from magābāh (and marrello) to denote the strength of Judas in striking the enemy; but more probably it is an abbreviation of magābāhāh (“designated by Jahweh”) with reference to Is 62:2.

I. THE HISTORY OF THE MACCABEES

The oppressive measures of Antiochus IV Epiphanes against Yahwism—death penalty for observing the Sabbath, for circumcision, for legal abstinences; abolition of legitimate worship and profanation of the altar of holocausts by offering sacrifices to Olympian Zeus (1 Macc. 1:29–51; 2 Macc. 6:1–7)—precipitated the revolt.

Many Jews, especially in the cities, yielded and apostatized, but in the wilderness and villages resistance arose. A priest from Modein (q.v.; today el-Midjjeh), MATTATHIAS, of the class of Joiarib (1 Chron. 24:7), was its instigator. When the royal commissioner arrived in the small village to erect an altar for foreign worship, he killed a Jew who was about to sacrifice, then the royal envoy, destroyed the altar, and summoning the faithful, took to the hills with his sons, beginning guerrilla warfare against apostate Jews and Syrian troops (1 Macc. 2:1–48). Dying after a year of resistance (166–165 B.C.), he entrusted the task to his sons, giving direction of the war to the third-born, JUDAH, and administration to SIMON. Mattathias was buried at Modein (ibid. 2:49–70; 3:1–9).

Under the young leader JUDAH (166–160 B.C.) the struggle took a more decisive turn. The first victory came in the Ephraim hills against the general Apollonius, who was marching from Samaria to aid Philip, commander of the Acra (ibid. 3:10–12). When General Seron advanced from Coele-Syria to avenge the setback, Judah defeated him in the narrow pass of Beth-horon (Bejt 'Ur el-Foqā; ibid. 3:13–26). Antiochus, preparing to march against the Parthians, learned of the Jewish situation and ordered his lieutenant Lysias to restore order and end the rebellion (ibid. 3:27–37).

An army of 40,000 foot soldiers and 7,000 cavalry—according to 1 Macc. 3:39 (only 20,000 in 2 Macc. 8:9)—under Nicanor, reinforced by the military expert Gorgias, camped at Emmaus ('Amwās) in the Shephelah. Judah gathered his men at Mizpah (Tell en-Nasbeh) and suddenly fell upon the enemy camp, throwing it into panic. Nicanor, deprived of his best troops—which had moved at night with Gorgias into the hills to surprise Judah—fled in pursuit as far as Gezer, Azotus, and Jamnia. Judah then turned back to confront Gorgias, who refused battle and withdrew into Philistia (1 Macc. 3:38–4:25; 2 Macc. 8:8–29; 34–36). Lysias then intervened directly, leading a large force along the coast, seeking through friendly territory to reach the heights overlooking Hebron and Jerusalem, camping at Beth-zur (Hirbet et-Tabejghah, 28 km south of Jerusalem). The clash with Judah’s 10,000 men was fierce but indecisive (1 Macc. 4:26–34; 2 Macc. 11:1–12). Lysias, convinced he could not force the Jews—“resolved as they were to live or die nobly” (1 Macc. 4:35)—to accept Antiochus’s laws, sought to negotiate an armistice, whose documents, recorded in 2 Macc. 11:13, are by historical and literary criticism detached from their immediate context. The memorandum sent by Judah to the regent and by him to the king (ibid. 11:14–21) met with favorable reception, and by a royal decree dated the 15th of Xanthicus in the year 148 (15 April 164 B.C.), all oppressive measures that had sparked the revolt were revoked (ibid. 11:27–33). As a result, Judah re-entered Jerusalem and restored Yahwistic worship to the Temple, and on the 25th of Chislev—exactly three years after its profanation (1 Macc. 1:59—the daily sacrifice was resumed on the altar of holocausts. To commemorate the event, the feast of Hanukkah (q.V. DEDICATION) was instituted, to be celebrated annually for eight days beginning on the 25th of Chislev.

Having achieved the first objective of the revolt, Judah, assisted by his brother SIMON, sought to free Jewish brethren in neighboring lands oppressed by pagans. After succeeding, he returned to Jerusalem, where he was triumphantly welcomed by the entire population at Pentecost (ibid. 5:45–46). Meanwhile his brother Simon had won similar victories in Galilee (ibid. 5:21–23), while Joseph son of Zacharias and Azariah had suffered defeat in the war against Gorgias at Jamnia (ibid. 5:55–62).

After the death of Epiphanes (164–163 B.C.) and the accession of his minor son Antiochus V Eupator under the regency of Lysias, Judah exploited the succession crisis to complete his work by occupying the Acra. Informed of this and summoned by Hellenizing Jews, Lysias with the young king again marched by way of Hebron, besieging the fortress of Beth-zur, which held out thanks to military preparations now revealed by recent excavations. Judah, rushing to the aid of the besieged, was defeated at Beth-zechariah. During the battle fell also Mattathias’s son Eleazar, crushed by an elephant he himself had slain in the belief that the king was atop it (1 Macc. 6:28–47; 2 Macc. 13:1, 2, 9–17). The victory brought Lysias no lasting fruit, for he was forced to abandon the region and return to Syria, where Philip, a pretender from the east, had arrived. Lysias judged it wiser to make peace with Judah, and a royal decree in the form of a letter to Lysias granted the Jews full religious liberty (2 Macc. 11:22–26). The Hellenizing Jews, especially the high priest Menelaus, were displeased; Lysias had him killed to thwart his intrigues, then returned to Antioch, driving out Philip, who fled to Egypt (1 Macc. 6:63; 2 Macc. 9:29).

Exploiting the fresh disorders convulsing the Syrian kingdom, Judah now sought, now that religious peace was restored, full national independence. When the young king Antiochus V and his regent Lysias were killed at Antioch and Demetrius I, son of Seleucus IV, ascended the throne, the Hellenizing party in Judea together with the high priest Joakim—appointed by Lysias and calling himself Alcimus because of his Hellenistic sympathies—sought Demetrius’s help to regain all privileges and fight Judah. But the army sent by Demetrius, first under Bacchides and then under Nicanor, was defeated by Judah at Adasa (Hirbet 'Adaseh, 8 km north of Jerusalem). For a long time the anniversary of this victory (13th of Adar, 161 B.C.) was celebrated by the Jews as the “Day of Nicanor,” a great feast (1 Macc. 7:39–50; 2 Macc. 15:1–17). Despite this success, Judah, sensing his position growing ever more precarious, sought to strengthen it by an alliance with the Romans. But Demetrius, informed of this, sent against him an army under Bacchides, accompanied by Alcimus.

In the month of Nisan, 152 of the Seleucid era (April 160 B.C.), the Syrian force arrived at Jerusalem and advanced into Gophna, camping at Beerzeth (20 km north of Jerusalem), where Judah had made his base. As was his wont, Judah threw himself into the fray, broke through the enemy’s right wing, and pursued it far; but a concentric turn by the left wing caught him from behind, and with many other warriors he fell on the field, while the remnants of his troops scattered (1 Macc. 9:1–22).

Disappeared Judas, the victors sought to annihilate the opposing party by means of denunciations, espionage, and imprisonments. Bacchides dominated from the Acra, Alcimus from the Temple, and both took advantage of a severe famine that had just broken out to favor only those who were or pretended to be Hellenists. The nationalists once again retreated into the steppe, into the desert of Thecua near Bethlehem.

JONATHAN (160–142 B.C.), the fifth son of Mattathias, was recognized as leader and chose as a rallying point the cistern of Asphar (Hirbet Bir ez-Za'ferân, 5 km. south of Bethlehem).

Jonathan sought to secure the families and baggage, entrusting them to his brother John to take them to the Nabateans. The caravan, ambushed by the sons of Jambri near Madaba, was plundered and John killed. Jonathan avenged the crime immediately by crossing the Jordan, suddenly bursting upon Madabath (Hirbet et-Tejm, 2 km. south of Madaba) during a wedding feast (1 Macc. 9:32, 35–42). On his return, after a brief clash with the troops of Bacchides, who had come to await him at the fords of the Jordan, he escaped by swimming across the river with his men and dispersing once more into the desert (ibid. 9:45–49), where he set about organizing a new army.

Serious internal dissensions induced the Hellenists to recall Bacchides under the pretext that Jonathan was plotting a conspiracy. Jonathan, informed of his adversaries’ intentions, made a sortie from the desert, killing about fifty of the chief agitators (ibid. 9:57–61) and then withdrew to the fortress of Beth-basi (Hirbet Bejt Başşah, southeast of Bethlehem), which withstood Bacchides’ assaults. Enraged at those who had summoned him, Bacchides slaughtered them and decided to return to Antioch. But before his departure, Jonathan sent a delegation to negotiate the return of prisoners and a general settlement. Bacchides accepted, and thus Jonathan was able to establish himself freely at Michmash (Muhmâs, 15 km. north of Jerusalem), fortifying it and taking possession of it (ibid. 9:62–73).

In the struggle between the pretenders to the Syrian throne, Alexander Bala, supported by the Romans, and Demetrius I, Jonathan sought to obtain honors and concessions from both. From Alexander he obtained the dignity of high priest with the right to wear a purple tunic and a golden crown, and in the month of Tammuz 152, amid the enthusiasm of the entire population, he officiated for the first time in the Temple (ibid. 10).

Jonathan remained loyal to Alexander even when he began to increase his concessions and honors, and thus, after Alexander had definitively prevailed, he was received with all honors at Ptolemais on the occasion of Alexander’s marriage to Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Philometor, and was recognized as civil and military governor of all Judea (ibid. 10:51–66).

When Demetrius II, son of Demetrius I, rose as a pretender to the throne, Jonathan fought against Apollonius, a friend of Demetrius, and Alexander rewarded him again, naming him “kinsman of the king” and granting him as personal property the city of Ekron (ibid. 10:78–89). After the defeat and death of Alexander, abandoned by all except Jonathan, he sided with Demetrius II, obtaining territorial extensions, concessions, and exemptions (ibid. 11:20–37). Later, Demetrius found himself in danger because a certain Diodotus, called Trypho, general of Alexander Bala, had risen against him, supporting as pretender to the throne Antiochus VI, the minor son of Alexander, and induced Jonathan, with the promise of withdrawing the troops from the Acra, to aid him militarily (ibid. 11:38–50); but, once Antiochus was defeated, Trypho did not keep his promises, whereupon Jonathan went over to Antiochus’s side and renewed the alliance with the Romans (ibid. 11:60–73; 12:1–23).

The prestige and power that Jonathan acquired under Antiochus VI aroused the envy of Trypho, who, once free from the danger posed by Demetrius, intended to rid himself of the puppet king in order to seize the succession. To eliminate a probable rival to his usurpation, Trypho lured Jonathan to Ptolemais with peaceful offers; but as soon as he arrived he was taken prisoner and his men were massacred (ibid. 12:39–53).

When the news of Jonathan’s capture and death spread, his brother SIMON (142–134 B.C.), who was at the fortress of Adida, immediately went to Jerusalem, assumed command, and provided for the defense of the city and the occupation of Joppa, a strategic port on the invasion route (ibid. 13:1–11).

Trypho marched against him but, unwilling to risk battle, preferred to negotiate, promising Simon the release of Jonathan in exchange for a sum of money and the delivery of Jonathan’s sons as hostages. The terms were accepted; but Jonathan, instead of being released, was killed (ibid. 13:20–24). His mortal remains were buried at Modin, where his brother Simon erected a great pyramid-shaped monument (ibid. 13:25–30), which could be seen from the sea and was still recognizable in the 4th century; traces of it still exist in the Muslim sanctuary of Selj el-Garbevi.

Trypho, having returned to Antioch and put the young king Antiochus VI to death, had himself crowned with the royal diadem, taking the title of “autocrat” (142 B.C.). His criminal usurpation was the signal for numerous revolts. Simon knew how to profit from this to secure recognition of Jewish independence. He sided with Demetrius II, who, delighted to have an ally, granted a general amnesty, perpetual exemption from all tribute, and legal possession of the occupied strongholds, finally proclaiming religious peace (ibid. 13:33–40). Thus, in the year 170 of the Seleucid era (142 B.C.), according to rabbinic tradition “the yoke of the nations was lifted from Israel,” and with this year begins the dating of the principate of Simon “high priest, strategos, and ethnarch of the Jews” (ibid. 13:41).

The first result of the treaty was Simon’s conquest of the stronghold of Gazara (Gezer, where excavations have brought to light the fortress built by Simon) and the siege of the powerful fortress of the Acra, which fell on the 23rd day of the second month of 171 (June 141 B.C.). The Jews entered it with palm branches and singing hymns (ibid. 13:49–52), and the conquest was celebrated with great festivities for many years. To secure and strengthen the privileges he had acquired, Simon renewed the alliance with the Romans and the Spartans (ibid. 14:18–24; 15:15–24). His national merits were recognized by the people, who, following Hellenistic custom, at an assembly held in the month of Elul (=Aug.–Sept.) had inscribed on bronze all his deeds and named him high priest, supreme commander of the army, and founder of a new dynasty (ibid. 14:25–49), that of the Hasmoneans (q.v.).

It is highly probable that from this time Simon began to mint his own coins. His last years were troubled by new struggles with the kings of Syria. When Demetrius II was taken prisoner by the Parthians (138 B.C.), his brother Antiochus VII Sidetes, writing from Rhodes to Simon and the Jewish nation, sought their aid in the campaign he wished to undertake against Trypho, confirming all the privileges they enjoyed, including that of minting coins (ibid. 15:1–9). But after Sidetes had defeated Trypho, he changed his policy, demanding from Simon the surrender of the strongholds of Gaza, Joppa, and the Acra, or else the payment of 1,000 talents—a condition rejected by Simon (ibid. 15:32–36), who offered a tenth of the sum requested. Antiochus VII then sent an army under the command of Cendebeus against Simon, but in the battle of Kedron (Qatrah, 6 km. southeast of Iannia) the general was defeated by Judas and John, sons of Simon (ibid. 16:1–10).

Fu questa l'ultima vittoria per il vecchio Simone. Nel febbr. 134 a. C., durante un giro d'ispezione alle fortezze e alle truppe insieme ai figli Giuda e Mattatia, fu ucciso a tradimento, in un banchetto offertogli dal genero Tolomeo, figlio di Abulos, nella fortezza di Dök (Gebel Qarantal), di cui resta il nome alla fontana di 'Ajn Dûq. I due figli con la madre furono ritenuti prigionieri.

Con Simone si estinsero i figli di Mattatia e al trono successe il figlio scampato dal complotto di Tolomeo (ibid. 16, 11-24) che Giovanni Ircano (v.).

II. THE BOOKS OF THE MACCABEES — These are two “deuterocanonical” books of the Old Testament, which recount the revolt led chiefly by Judas Maccabeus. Each book is an original work; although sharing the same subject, they differ in author, language, purpose, and especially in chronological data. The First Book of the Maccabees covers a period of about 41 years, from the beginning of the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–63 B.C.) to the murder of Simon, leader of the new Jewish state (135 B.C.). The Second Book of the Maccabees, beginning in the last years of Seleucus Philopator, predecessor of Antiochus Epiphanes, ends with the death of Judas Maccabeus (161 B.C.), thus covering a span of about 14 years.
I MACCABEES — The narrative, after setting forth the causes that gave rise to the revolt (1 Macc. 1:1–2:70), is divided into three parts according to the three brothers who directed and brought it to completion: Judas (ibid. 3:1–9:22), Jonathan (ibid. 9:23–12:54), and Simon (ibid. 13:1–19:22). The epilogue recounts the beginning of the rule of John Hyrcanus (ibid. 19:22–24).

The author, unknown, appears to be a pious and zealous Jew of Jerusalem, thoroughly versed in the Hebrew language of Holy Scripture, knowledgeable about the terrain of Palestine, a convinced partisan of the Hasmoneans, and in contact with the leaders of politics and affairs.

The book was written in Hebrew, as indicated by the testimonies of certain Fathers (St. Jerome in the Prologue to the Heptateuch and Origen [in Eusebius, Hist. eccl., VI, 25, 3], who preserves the title of the work, variously interpreted, of σαφβυθ σαβανωις, Sepher Bèth Halmānō, “Book of the House of Sabanaei”²). But the original text soon perished, and only an ancient Greek version remains. The style, which imitates that of the historical books of the Old Testament, is simple and concise, clear and orderly; yet it easily shifts from narrative to poetic and enthusiastic tones.

The entire book is animated by a religious spirit of attachment to the religion of the fathers and to the observance of God’s Law. The successes and failures of Israel are explained by adherence to or departure from the Law. Out of reverent respect for the august name, instead of “God of heaven,” one always finds “Heaven.” The author, a fervent nationalist who regards renegade Jews as gōlim or pagans, shows complete adherence to the Hasmoneans and deems it just that they should have assumed royal authority along with the highest priestly dignity: through them Israel preserved the right to practice its own religion.

The accuracy of topographical and chronological data and the vividness of certain details seem to attest that the author was contemporary with or very close to the events narrated and that he may have had access to the archives of the high priest, probably the library of Nehemiah, where, according to 2 Macc. 3:13, the letters of the kings of Persia were preserved, and from which he may have drawn the eleven official documents that he inserts into the narrative: letters between heads of state (1 Macc. 12:5; 14:20), royal pardons (ibid. 10:17; 11:30; 13:36; 15:2), treaties of alliance (ibid. 8:22; 15:16), and plebiscites (ibid. 14:27). The integrity of the book is now beyond doubt. The last three chapters are the narrative and its natural continuation. Although Flavius Josephus preferred, in this instance, to follow Nicolaus of Damascus, it does not follow that he was unaware of the text of the Maccabees. The praise of the Romans contained in the book shows that it was written before 63, when Pompey’s capture of Jerusalem incurred the hatred of all the Jews.

(courtesy of Sen. G. Treccani)
MACCABEI – Incipit of the 1st book of the M. Bible of Borso d’Este (1455–61), vol. I, f. 110ᵃ – Modena, Biblioteca Estense.

On the other hand, the epilogue suggests that the author wrote after the reign of John Hyrcanus; hence the composition is placed c. 100 B.C.
II Maccabees — It presents itself (2 Macc. 2:23) as a summary of a more extensive work in five books by a certain Jason, a writer and historian of the flourishing diaspora in Cyrenaica. From what can be gathered from the faithful summary of the book, whose author is unknown, Jason appears to have collected information on the history of the Seleucids from official documents or from accurate witnesses, showing himself well acquainted with administration, titles, and offices.

The content of the book mainly concerns the glorious deeds of Judas from the beginning up to the defeat of Nicanore (ibid. 8:1–15:37), preceded by a long presentation of the circumstances that determined the uprising (ibid. 3:1–7:42). At the beginning of the book are inserted two or three letters from the Jews of Jerusalem to those in Egypt recommending that they celebrate the feast of the Dedication (ibid. 1:1–2:32).

Jason and the epitomizer wrote in Greek, but the book stands apart from ordinary biblical Greek, both because it is not a translation and because Jason intended to produce a literary work. The style is oratorical: bombastic speeches, exaggeration in numbers, a search for effect, a pronounced taste for miracles, and frequent substitution of rhetoric for technical description, in keeping with the taste of the time. The literary method in no way detracts from its great historical value. The differences from 1 Maccabees are undeniable, but the two books can be set side by side in a synoptic framework where, despite the independence of composition, substantial agreement in the history of events can be recognized.

In the prehistory of the insurrection, many details unknown to 1 Maccabees are reported; they come from Jason, who gives the impression of a conscientious historian. The seven letters are of certain authenticity; the first two were drawn up in Aramaic and translated into Greek, probably by the epitomizer, and inserted into the book by another hand.

The author presents the enemies as instruments of divine justice, the sufferings of the martyrs as means of reconciliation, and the victories of Judas as signs of God’s mercy. With words of profound emotion, he teaches the resurrection of bodies (2 Macc. 7:11; 12:43–44; 14:46), the efficacy of prayer and sacrifice for the dead and of the prayer of the saints for those still on earth (ibid. 13:43–44; 15:12–16), the existence of angels and their intervention, even with miraculous effects, in aid of the people at the most critical moments. But beyond the purpose of edifying the Jews and making known the doctrines dear to the Pharisees, one notes in 2 Maccabees a constant concern to group all events around the Temple. Cold toward the Hasmoneans, he is enthusiastic about Judas, who prevented Nicanor from destroying the Temple. Wars and victories are regarded not as a means of enlarging territory but as successive stages toward the liberation of the Temple.

If Jason obtained his information orally, one cannot suppose a great lapse of time between the events he recounts and his narrative. The last event took place in 151 of the Seleucid era; Jason would therefore have written shortly after 160 BC. The epitomizer, perhaps an Alexandrian scholar, would have composed the work between 161 BC and AD 70, probably around 100 BC.

It relates that after his victory at Raphia (217 B.C.), Ptolemy IV Philopator ascends to Jerusalem and seeks to enter the Sanctuary. God punishes the intruder by striking him with paralysis. Returning to Egypt, Ptolemy, in revenge, persecutes the Jews and finally orders them to be gathered from all over Egypt into the hippodrome of Alexandria to be trampled by 500 elephants, specially incited. Everything is ready, but God intervenes: first by plunging Ptolemy into a deep sleep; then by making him forget what he had ordered; finally, when the massacre is about to begin, by sending two angels to terrify the king and his counsellors, while the elephants turn against the Egyptian soldiers and slaughter them. Ptolemy then decrees the liberation of the Jews; he provides them with a lavish banquet and grants them permission to kill their apostate coreligionists. Before returning to their homes, the Jews erect a monument and institute an annual feast.

It is an edifying narrative, full of exaggerations and psychological improbabilities, written in a bombastic and emphatic style. There is no trace whatsoever of such a persecution by Ptolemy Philopator. Flavius Josephus (Contra Apionem, II, 5) relates something similar about Ptolemy VII Physcon (170–164 and then 145–117): the Jews of Alexandria are confined in the hippodrome, but the elephants do them no harm; instead, they kill several of the king’s friends; an annual feast is instituted to commemorate this deliverance. It seems, therefore, that a historical nucleus underlies this legend, which in Josephus appears in a simpler and more ancient form.

The author’s purpose was to console and encourage the Jews of Alexandria in particularly difficult circumstances. Many critics think of the persecution under Caligula (cf. Philo, In Flaccum, 53–96), though there are insufficient references. The work was composed between the 1st century B.C. and the 1st century A.D.; prior, however, to the destruction of the Temple. The author knew the deuterocanonical parts of Daniel (cf. 6:6). It was written in Greek, at Alexandria. In addition to the original text, Syriac and Armenian versions survive.

It is not a synagogue homily (J. Freudenthal), for its subject is philosophical and does not take its starting point in Holy Scripture. Eusebius (Hist. eccl., III, 10, 6), followed by St Jerome (De viris ill., 13), attributes it to Flavius Josephus. This is only a hypothesis, since in several manuscripts the book is anonymous; moreover, it is plainly at odds with the style of Flavius Josephus and especially with the fact that he never uses 2 Macc. in the Antiquitates Judaicae, from which this apocryphon in fact depends. It was written in Greek shortly before or shortly after Christ, while the Jews enjoyed a period of calm (14, 9); but before the destruction of the Temple, by a Hellenistic Jew. One cannot speak of numerous Christian interpolations (J. Freudenthal); one may only discuss 7, 19 and 16, 25 in relation to Mk. 12, 26 and Rom. 6, 10 (J. B. Frey). The text is preserved in three manuscripts of the Greek version of the Septuagint (S, A, V); there is also a Syriac and a Latin version.