Gedeon appeaseth the Ephraimites. Taketh Zebee and Salmana. Destroyeth Soccoth and Phanuel. Refuseth to be king. Maketh an ephod of the gold of the prey, and dieth in a good old age. The people return to idolatry.
The Ephraimites quareling because they were not called to the Warres, are pacified by Gedeon. 4. The men of Soccoth and Phanuil denying victuals for the campe, Gedeon (in the meane time (10.) ouerthrowing the enemie) 15. reuengeth their reprochful contempt. 18. killeth Sebee and Salmana. 22. refuseth dominion, 24. but receiueth as a gift, the Iewels taken in the praye. 27. maketh therof an Ephod, which turneth to the ruine of his familie, 30. Hauing seuentie sonnes by his wiues, and one by a concubine, dieth in good old age. 33. and the people fal againe to idolatrie.
1And the men of Ephraim said to him: What is this that thou meanest to do, that thou wouldst not call us, when thou wentest to fight against Madian? And they chid him sharply, and almost offered violence.Ma quelli di Ephraim dissero a lui: Che è quello che ti se' messo in testa di fare non invitandoci, mentre andavi a combattere contro Madian? E altercavano aspramente e quasi gli andavano alla vita.AND the men of Ephraim said to him: What is this that thou didst meane to doe, that thou wouldest not cal vs when thou didst goe to fight against Madian? chyding bitterly and almost offering violence.Dixeruntque ad eum viri Ephraim: Quid est hoc quod facere voluisti, ut nos non vocares, cum ad pugnam pergeres contra Madian ? jurgantes fortiter, et prope vim inferentes. 2And he answered them: What could I have done like to that which you have done? Is not one bunch of grapes of Ephraim better than the vintages of Abiezer?Ed ei rispose loro: Ma che poteva far io di eguale a quel che voi avete fatto? Non vale egli più un grappolo di Ephraim che le vendemmie di Abiezer?To whom he answered: What could I haue done like to that, which you haue done. Is not the cluster of Ephraim better then the vintages of Abiezer?Quibus ille respondit: Quod enim tale facere potui, quale vos fecistis ? nonne melior est racemus Ephraim, vindemiis Abiezer ? 3The Lord hath delivered into your hands the princes of Madian, Oreb and Zeb: what could I have done like to what you have done? And when he had said this, their spirit was appeased, with which they swelled against him.Il Signore ha dati a voi nelle mani i principi di Madian, Oreb e Zeb: che poteva far io di eguale a quel che voi avete fatto? È parlato ch'egli ebbe in tal guisa, si calmò il loro spirito, che era inviperito contro di lui.Into your handes hath our Lord deliuered the princes of Madian, Oreb and Zeb, what could I haue done the like as you haue done? Which when he had spoken, their spirit rested, wherwith they did swel against him.In manus vestras Dominus tradidit principes Madian, Oreb et Zeb: quid tale facere potui, quale vos fecistis ? Quod cum locutus esset, requievit spiritus eorum, quo tumebant contra eum. 4And when Gedeon was come to the Jordan, he passed over it with the three hundred men that were with him: who were so weary that they could not pursue after them that fled.E Gedeone arrivato che fu al Giordano, lo passò co' trecento uomini che eran con lui, i quali non potevano inseguire i fuggitivi per la stanchezza.And when Gedeon was come to Iordan, he passed ouer it with the three hundred men, that were with him: and for wearines, they could not pursew them that fled.Cumque venisset Gedeon ad Jordanem, transivit eum cum trecentis viris, qui secum erant: et præ lassitudine, fugientes persequi non poterant.
5And he said to the men of Soccoth: Give, I beseech you, bread to the people that is with me, for they are faint: that we may pursue Zebee, and Salmana, the kings of Madian.Ed egli disse a quelli di Soccoth: Date, vi prego, del pane alla gente che è con me, perchè sono molto rifiniti: affinchè possiamo dar dietro a Zebee, e Salmana regi di Madian.And he said to the men of Soccoth: Geue, I beseech you, bread to the people, that is with me, because they are verie faint: that we may pursew Zebee, and Salmana the kinges of Madian.Dixitque ad viros Soccoth: Date, obsecro, panes populo qui mecum est, quia valde defecerunt: ut possimus persequi Zebee et Salmana reges Madian. 6The princes of Soccoth answered: Peradventure the palms of the hands of Zebee and Salmana are in thy hand, and therefore thou demandest that we should give bread to thy army.Risposero i principi di Soccoth: Hai tu forse messe le manette a Zebee, e Salmana, che domandi del pane pel tuo esercito?The princes of Soccoth answered: Peraduenture the palmes of the handes of Zebee and Salmana are in thy hand, & therfore thou requirest that we geue bread to thy armie.Responderunt principes Soccoth: Forsitan palmæ manuum Zebee et Salmana in manu tua sunt, et idcirco postulas ut demus exercitui tuo panes. 7And he said to them: When the Lord therefore shall have delivered Zebee and Salmana into my hands, I will thresh your flesh with the thorns and briers of the desert.Disse egli loro: Quando adunque il Signore avrà dato nelle mie mani Zebee e Salmana, io lacererò le vostre carni colle spine, e co' triboli del deserto.To whom he said: When our Lord therfore shal haue deliuered Zebee and Salmana into my handes, I wil teare your flesh with the thornes, and briers of the desert.Quibus ille ait: Cum ergo tradiderit Dominus Zebee et Salmana in manus meas, conteram carnes vestras cum spinis tribulisque deserti. 8And going up from thence, he came to Phanuel: and he spoke the like things to the men of that place. And they also answered him, as the men of Soccoth had answered.E partitosi da quel luogo giunse a Phanuel: e parlò nella stessa guisa agli uomini di quel luogo. E quelli risposero a lui, come avean risposto quelli di Soccoth.And going vp from thence, he came into Phanuel: and he spake to the men of that place the like thinges. To whom they also answered, as the men of Soccoth had answered.Et inde conscendens, venit in Phanuel: locutusque est ad viros loci illius similia. Cui et illi responderunt, sicut responderant viri Soccoth.
9He said, therefore, to them also: When I shall return a conqueror in peace, I will destroy this tower.Ond'ei disse loro: Tornato ch'io sia in pace, e vincitore, distruggerò questa torre.He said therfore to them also: When I shal be returned conquerour in peace, I wil destroy this towre.Dixit itaque et eis: Cum reversus fuero victor in pace, destruam turrim hanc. 10But Zebee and Salmana were resting with all their army. For fifteen thousand men were left of all the troops of the eastern people, and one hundred and twenty thousand warriors that drew the sword were slain.Ma Zebee e Salmana prendevan riposo con tutta la loro gente. Imperocché eran rimasi quindici mila uomini di tutte le schiere de' popoli di oriente, essendo stati uccisi cento venti mila soldati che portavano spada.But Zebee and Salmana rested with al their armie. For fiftene thousand men were remayning of al the troupes of the East peoples, an hundred and twentie thousand fighting men and those that drew sword, being slayne.Zebee autem et Salmana requiescebant cum omni exercitu suo. Quindecim enim millia viri remanserant ex omnibus turmis orientalium populorum, cæsis centum viginti millibus bellatorum educentium gladium. 11And Gedeon went up by the way of them that dwelt in tents, on the east of Nobe and Jegbaa, and smote the camp of the enemies, who were secure, and suspected no hurt.E Gedeone presa la strada per andar verso di quelli che abitano sotto le tende dalla parte orientale di Nobe, e di Jegbaa, attaccò il campo de' nemici, i quali si tenevan sicuri, e nulla sospettavano di avverso.And Gedeon going vp by the way of them, that dwelt in tabernacles, on the East side of Nobe, and Iegbaa, stroke the campe of the enemies, which were secure, and suspected no mischance.Ascendensque Gedeon per viam eorum, qui in tabernaculis morabantur, ad orientalem partem Nobe et Jegbaa, percussit castra hostium, qui securi erant, et nihil adversi suspicabantur. 12And Zebee and Salmana fled, and Gedeon pursued and took them, all their host being put in confusion.E Zebee e Salmana si diedero alla fuga: ma Gedeone tenne lor dietro, e li prese, avendo messo in iscompiglio tutto il loro esercito.And Zebee and Salmana fled, whom Gedeon pursewing apprehended, al their hoste being put out of aray.Fugeruntque Zebee et Salmana, quos persequens Gedeon comprehendit, turbato omni exercitu eorum. 13And returning from the battle before the sun rising,E tornato dalla battaglia prima del levar del soleAnd returning from the battel before sunne rysing,Revertensque de bello ante solis ortum, 14He took a boy of the men of Soccoth: and he asked him the names of the princes and ancients of Soccoth, and he described unto him seventy-seven men.Prese un fanciullo di quelli di Soccoth: e gli domandò i nomi de' principi, e de' seniori di Soccoth, e prese nota di settanta sette persone.he tooke a boy of the men of Soccoth: and he asked him the names of the princes and ancientes of Soccoth, and he described seuentie seuen men.apprehendit puerum de viris Soccoth: interrogavitque eum nomina principum et seniorum Soccoth, et descripsit septuaginta septem viros.
15And he came to Soccoth, and said to them: Behold Zebee, and Salmana, concerning whom you upbraided me, saying: Peradventure the hands of Zebee and Salmana are in thy hands, and therefore thou demandest that we should give bread to the men that are weary and faint.Ed entrò in Soccoth, e disse loro: Eccovi Zebee e Salmana, per conto de' quali voi mi scherniste dicendo: Hai tu forse messe già le manette a Zebee e Salmana; e per questo domandi che noi diamo del pane alla tua gente stanca, e rifinita?And he came to Soccoth, and said to them: Behold Zebee, and Salmana concerning whom you vpbraided me, saying: Peraduenture the handes of Zebee and Salmana are in thy handes, and therfore thou desirest that we geue bread to the men that bewearie, and are fainte.Venitque ad Soccoth, et dixit eis: En Zebee et Salmana, super quibus exprobrastis mihi, dicentes: Forsitan manus Zebee et Salmana in manibus tuis sunt, et idcirco postulas ut demus viris, qui lassi sunt et defecerunt, panes. 16So he took the ancients of the city, and thorns and briers of the desert, and tore them with the same, and cut in pieces the men of Soccoth.Prese adunque i seniori della città, e con ispine e triboli del deserto lacerò, e fece in brani que' cittadini di Soccoth.He tooke therfore the ancientes of the citie, and thornes and briers of the desert, and tore them with the same, and cut the men of Soccoth into pieces.Tulit ergo seniores civitatis et spinas deserti ac tribulos, et contrivit cum eis atque comminuit viros Soccoth. 17And he demolished the tower of Phanuel, and slew the men of the city.E atterrò similmente la torre di Phanuel, uccisi gli abitanti della città.The tower also of Phanuel he ouerthrew, killing the inhabitantes of the citie.Turrim quoque Phanuel subvertit, occisis habitatoribus civitatis. 18And he said to Zebee and Salmana: What manner of men were they, whom you slew in Thabor? They answered: They were like thee, and one of them as the son of a king.E disse a Zebee e Salmana: Come eran fatti quegli uomini che voi uccideste sul Thabor? Risposer quelli: Ei ti somigliavano, e uno di essi sembrava quasi un figliuolo di re.And he said to Zebee and Salmana: What manner of men were they, whom you slew in Thabor? Who answared: Like vnto thee, and one of them as it were the sonne of a king.Dixitque ad Zebee et Salmana: Quales fuerunt viri, quos occidistis in Thabor ? Qui responderunt: Similes tui, et unus ex eis quasi filius regis. 19He answered them: They were my brethren, the sons of my mother. As the Lord liveth, if you had saved them, I would not kill you.Ed egli rispose loro: Erano miei fratelli, figliuoli di mia madre. Viva il Signore, se voi aveste salvato ad essi la vita, io non vi farei morire.To whom he answered: They were my brethren, the sonnes of my mother. Our Lord liueth, that if you had saued them, I would not kil you.Quibus ille respondit: Fratres mei fuerunt, filii matris meæ. Vivit Dominus, quia si servassetis eos, non vos occiderem.
20And he said to Jether, his eldest son: Arise, and slay them. But he drew not his sword: for he was afraid, being but yet a boy.E disse a Jether suo primogenito: Va, uccidili. Ma egli non tirò la spada; perchè avea paura, essendo ancora fanciullo.And he said to Iether his eldest sonne: Arise, and kil them. Who drew not out his sword: for he was afraid, because he was yet a boy.Dixitque Jether primogenito suo: Surge, et interfice eos. Qui non eduxit gladium: timebat enim, quia adhuc puer erat. 21And Zebee and Salmana said: Do thou rise and run upon us: because the strength of a man is according to his age: Gedeon rose up, and slew Zebee and Salmana: and he took the ornaments and bosses, with which the necks of the camels of kings are wont to be adorned.E Zebee e Salmana dissero: Su via, tu stesso dacci il colpo: perocché la forza dell'uomo è proporzionata all'età. E Gedeone si avanzò, e uccise Zebee e Salmana, e prese i loro ornamenti, e le lunette, che soglion mettersi per fregio al collo de' cammelli reali.And Zebee and Salmana said: Doe thou rise, and runne vpon vs: because according to his age is the strength of a man. Gedeon rose vp, and slew Zebee and Salmana: and he tooke the ornamentes and bosses, wherwith the neckes of kinges camels are wont to be adorned.Dixeruntque Zebee et Salmana: Tu surge, et irrue in nos: quia juxta ætatem robur est hominis. Surrexit Gedeon, et interfecit Zebee et Salmana: et tulit ornamenta ac bullas quibus colla regalium camelorum decorari solent. 22And all the men of Israel said to Gedeon: Rule thou over us, and thy son, and thy son’s son: because thou hast delivered us from the hand of Madian.Or tutti gli uomini d'Israele dissero a Gedeone: Sii tu il signore nostro, e il tuo figliuolo, e il figliuolo del tuo figliuolo, avendoci tu liberato dal potere di Madian.And al the men of Israel said to Gedeon: Rule thou ouer vs, and thy sonne, and thy sonnes sonne: because thou hast deliuered vs from the hand of Madian.Dixeruntque omnes viri Israël ad Gedeon: Dominare nostri tu, et filius tuus, et filius filii tui: quia liberasti nos de manu Madian. 23And he said to them: I will not rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you, but the Lord shall rule over you.Egli rispose loro: Io non sarò signor vostro, nè lo sarà il mio figliuolo, ma il Signore comanderà a voi.To whom he said: I wil not rule ouer you, neither shal my sonne rule ouer you, but our Lord shal rule ouer you.Quibus ille ait: Non dominabor vestri, nec dominabitur in vos filius meus, sed dominabitur vobis Dominus.
24And he said to them: I desire one request of you: Give me the earlets of your spoils. For the Ismaelites were accustomed to wear golden earlets.E disse loro: Una sola cosa domando da voi; datemi gli orecchini che avete predati imperocché gl'Ismaeliti solevan portare orecchini d'oro.And he said to them: One petition I request of you: Geue me the earlettes of your praye. For the Ismalites were accustomed to haue golden earlettes.Dixitque ad eos: Unam petitionem postulo a vobis: date mihi inaures ex præda vestra. Inaures enim aureas Ismaëlitæ habere consueverant. 25They answered: We will give them most willingly. And spreading a mantle on the ground, they cast upon it the earlets of the spoils.Ed essi risposero: Arcivolentieri te li daremo. E steso per terra un pallio, vi gettaron sopra gli orecchini predati.Who answered: we wil geue them most willingly. And spreading a mantel on the ground, they cast on it the earlettes of the praye:Qui responderunt: Libentissime dabimus. Expandentesque super terram pallium, projecerunt in eo inaures de præda: 26And the weight of the earlets that he requested, was a thousand seven hundred sicles of gold, besides the ornaments, and jewels, and purple raiment, which the kings of Madian were wont to use, and besides the golden chains that were about the camels necks.E il peso degli orecchini che Gedeone avea domandato, fu di mille settecento sicli di oro senza gli ornamenti, e le collane, e le vesti di porpora, delle quali solevano far uso i re di Madian, e senza le lunette d'oro de' cammelli.and the weight of the earlettes that he desired, was a thousand fiue hundred sicles of gold, besides the ornamentes, and iewels, and purple vesture, which the kinges of Madian were wont to vse, and besides the golden chaines of the camels,et fuit pondus postulatarum inaurium, mille septingenti auri sicli, absque ornamentis, et monilibus, et veste purpurea, quibus reges Madian uti soliti erant, et præter torques aureas camelorum. 27And Gedeon made an ephod thereof, and put it in his city Ephra. And all Israel committed fornication with it, and it became a ruin to Gedeon, and to all his house.E Gedeone ne fece un Ephod, e lo depositò nella sua città di Ephra. E peccò tutto Israele a causa di questo Ephod, il quale fu la rovina di Gedeone, e di tutta la sua famiglia.And Gedeon made therof an Ephod, and put it in his citie Ephra. And al Israel did fornicate in it, and it became a ruine to Gedeon and to al his house.Fecitque ex eo Gedeon ephod, et posuit illud in civitate sua Ephra. Fornicatusque est omnis Israël in eo, et factum est Gedeoni et omni domui ejus in ruinam.
28But Madian was humbled before the children of Israel, neither could they any more lift up their heads: but the land rested for forty years, while Gedeon presided.Ma i Madianiti furono umiliati dinanzi a' figliuoli d'Israele, e non poterono più alzare la testa: ma fu pace nel paese pe' quarant'anni, nei quali governò Gedeone.But Madian was humbled before the children of Israel, neither could they any more lift vp their neckes: but the land rested for fourtie yeares, wherin Gedeon ruled.Humiliatus est autem Madian coram filiis Israël, nec potuerunt ultra cervices elevare: sed quievit terra per quadraginta annos, quibus Gedeon præfuit. 29So Jerobaal, the son of Joas, went and dwelt in his own house:Se ne andò adunque Jerobaal figliuolo di Gioas ad abitare nella sua casa:Ierobaal therfore the sonne of Ioas went, and dwelt in his owne house:Abiit itaque Jerobaal filius Joas, et habitavit in domo sua: 30And he had seventy sons, who came out of his thigh, for he had many wives.Ed ebbe settanta figliuoli usciti dal suo fianco; perocché ebbe più mogli.and he had seuentie sonnes, which came out of his thigh, because he had manie wiues.habuitque septuaginta filios, qui egressi sunt de femore ejus: eo quod plures haberet uxores. 31And his concubine, that he had in Sichem, bore him a son, whose name was Abimelech.E una concubina, che egli avea in Sichem, gli partorì un figliuolo per nome Abimelech,And his concubine, which he had in Sichem, bare him a sonne named Abimelec.Concubina autem illius, quam habebat in Sichem, genuit ei filium nomine Abimelech. 32And Gedeon, the son of Joas died in a good old age, and was buried in the sepulchre of his father, in Ephra, of the family of Ezri.E morì Gedeone figliuolo di Gioas in prospera vecchiaia, e fu sepolto nella sepoltura di Gioas suo padre in Ephra, la quale apparteneva alla famiglia di Ezri.And Gedeon the sonne of Ioas died in a good old age, & was buried in the sepulchre of his father in Ephra of the familie of Ezri.Mortuusque est Gedeon filius Joas in senectute bona, et sepultus est in sepulchro Joas patris sui in Ephra de familia Ezri. 33But after Gedeon was dead, the children of Israel turned again, and committed fornication with Baalim. And they made a covenant with Baal, that he should be their god:Ma dopo la morte di Gedeone i figliuoli d'Israele si ribellaron (da Dio), e fornicarono con Baal. E fecero alleanza con Baal, perch'ei fosse loro dio.But after that Gedeon was dead, the children of Israel were auerted, and did fornicate with Baalim. And they made a couenant with Baal, that he should be their God:Postquam autem mortuus est Gedeon, aversi sunt filii Israël, et fornicati sunt cum Baalim. Percusseruntque cum Baal fœdus, ut esset eis in deum:
34And they remembered not the Lord their God, who delivered them out of the hands of all their enemies round about:Nè si ricordarono del Signore Dio loro, il quale gli avea liberati dalle mani di tutti i nemici che aveano all'intorno.neither did they remember our Lord their God, which deliuered them out of the handes of al their enemies round about:nec recordati sunt Domini Dei sui, qui eruit eos de manibus inimicorum suorum omnium per circuitum: 35Neither did they shew mercy to the house of Jerobaal Gedeon, according to all the good things he had done to Israel.Nè ebber pietà della famiglia di Jerobaal, (cioè) Gedeone, in ricompensa di tutti i benefizii che egli avea fatti ad Israele.neither did they mercie with the house of Ierobaal Gedeon, according to al the benefites that he had done to Israel.nec fecerunt misericordiam cum domo Jerobaal Gedeon, juxta omnia bona quæ fecerat Israëli.
8:1
Year of the World 2759.
Haydock
Ephraim. The valour and insolence of these men are placed together. Afterwards we have an account of the transactions of Gedeon in the pursuit, ver. 4. (Haydock)
Calmet
The tribe of Ephraim seems to have had some grounds for being displeased at not being summoned at first, as well as the tribes of Aser, etc., which were farther off; particularly as they sprang from Joseph, no less than Manasses, and had their portion in common. The general answers them with great respect, as otherwise their displeasure might have had very pernicious consequences. (Calmet)
8:2
What could I, etc. A meek and humble answer appeased them; who otherwise might have come to extremities. So great is the power of humility both with God and man. (Challoner) (Proverbs 15:1.)
Menochius
Could. Hebrew and Septuagint, "What have I yet done like you? (Menochius)
Is not the gleaning?" etc. I only commenced the war; you have brought it to a happy termination, by killing the princes of the enemy. (Debrio adag. 157.) At the first siege of Troy, Telamon having entered the city before Hercules, the latter was on the point of killing him, when Telamon, collecting a heap of stones, which he said he intended for an altar in honour of "the victorious Hercules," the hero's fury was appeased. (Apol. Bibl. 2:6.)
8:4
Haydock
Jordan. Notwithstanding the precautions of Gedeon, some had got over the river, whom he resolves to follow at Bethsan. This city was about 15 miles from Mount Thabor. His men had been in motion a great part of the night, and had not taken provisions (Calmet) for so long a journey; so that he was obliged to apply for some when he had crossed the Jordan. (Haydock)
8:5
Menochius
Soccoth. "The tents," where Jacob had encamped, Genesis xxxiii. It belonged to the tribe of Dan. (Menochius)
Calmet
The people of this town, as well as the ancients of Phanuel, return an insolent reply to the just request of Gedeon. In cases of such extremity, all are bound to assist the defenders of their country; and the refusal is punished as a sort of rebellion, 2 Kings 25:10. (Calmet)
8:6
Menochius
Hand. Perhaps thou makest sure of taking these kings. (Haydock) We apprehend that they will return with greater forces, and punish our compliance. (Menochius)
8:7
Desert. An usual mode of punishment, (2 Kings xii., and 1 Paralipomenon 20:3.; Calmet) which the cruel irrision of Gedeon and his army, who were fighting in the cause of God and of the nation, richly called for.
8:9
Menochius
Tower; on the strength of which they ventured to treat him with insolence. Phanuel, "the face of God," (Genesis 32:33,) was near the Jaboc. (Menochius)
8:10
Bochart
Resting, as the Hebrew word Korkor, signifies. (Bochart)
Haydock
Protestants have, "in Karkor," as if it were the name of a place. (Haydock)
8:11
Calmet
Tents. The Scenitae, (Menochius) who inhabited part of the desert Arabia. (Calmet)
Menochius
Hurt. They had probably been mounted on camels, etc., (Haydock) and did not suspect that Gedeon would be so soon after them across the Jordan. (Menochius)
8:13
Calmet
Sun-rising. It would seem as if all these exploits had been performed between midnight and sun-rising, in the month of May, which is quite incredible; and hence many translate, "the sun being up." Septuagint and Theodotion, "from the height or ascent of Hares," (the situation of which we know not,) or "of the mountains," (Aquila) or "woods," (Symmachus) or perhaps "from the eastward." (Calmet)
Haydock
The Scripture does not, however, specify that all this took place in the space of six or seven hours, or of one night, but only that Gedeon came to Soccoth so early, as to take the magistrates unawares, being informed by a young man where they lived. This might probably happen on the second morning, after he had surprised the camp of the Madianites, at Jezrael. Protestants and Chaldean agree with the Vulgate, "before the sun was up." The other translations explain chares, as if it denoted the place or situation from which Gedeon was returning. (Haydock)
Calmet
Described. The text may signify either that the boy marked them out, or that Gedeon took down a memorandum of their names. (Calmet)
Menochius
He would not punish the innocent with the guilty. (Menochius)
8:16
Calmet
Tore. Hebrew seems to be corrupted in this place. "And he shewed (instructed or chastised) with these thorns." The Septuagint and Vulgate read the same word as ver. 7. He crushed the people with such instruments as are used to beat out corn. It is probable that he only treated the magistrates of Soccoth and of Phanuel in this manner. (Calmet)
8:18
Calmet
Thabor. Some of the relations or brothers of Gedeon had retired thither, as to a place of safety; and the latter wished to know what was become of them, that he might redeem them, if alive. (Calmet)
Menochius
King. They answer with flattery, insinuating that Gedeon had the air of a king. (Menochius)
8:19
Menochius
Kill you. They were not included in the number of the seven devoted nations, (Worthington) and the precept for destroying the Madianites no longer subsisted, Numbers 31:17. (Menochius)
Calmet
The laws of war permitted the Hebrews to kill their prisoners, if they thought proper. No public executioner was necessary. Samuel killed Agag, 1 Kings 15:32. See 3 Kings 2:25., and 2 Kings 1:15. (Calmet)
Menochius
Gedeon had a mind to make his son partake in the victory, and punish these kings for an unjust murder of his relations. He would also inure him to fight against the enemies of God, etc. (Menochius)
8:21
Age. They beg that they may die in a more speedy and noble manner. Tacitus (Hist. iv.) observes, "it was reported that Civilis exposed some of the Roman captives to his little son, in order that he might fix his arrows and javelins in their bodies."
Suetonius
Ornaments. Most interpreters understand "crescents." The veneration of the Arabs for the moon, the celestial Venus, or Alilat, is well known. The Turks still make use of this sign, as Christians employ the cross on their standards, temples, etc. Men and women anciently wore on their necks or forehead ornaments of the same nature, as these camels did, Isaias 3:18. Latinus adorned his horses in the most splendid manner. Virgil, Aeneid vii: Aurea pectoribus demissa monilia pendent. Caligula decorated with extravagance his famous horse Incitatus, on which he designed to confer the consulate. (Suetonius)
Vaneb
In Egypt the camels are sometimes painted yellow, and hung with a variety of little bells. (Vaneb.)
8:22
Calmet
Israel, who were in his army, and of whom he receives the earlets for his share of the spoil. (Calmet)
Menochius
But as those who staid at home received a share of the booty, and no doubt would come to congratulate Gedeon on his victory, it seems equally probable that this offer of the regal dignity was made to him in a full assembly of the people, (Haydock) which is greatly to the honour of this valiant man. (Menochius)
Menochius
Rule thou. They wish to confer upon him a dignity which he did not now possess, and which he absolutely refused, being, as he thought, incompatible with the theocracy. This shews that it was not the dignity of judge, which he retained till his death, but that of king, which was so displeasing to God, when the Israelites resolved to establish it among them, 1 Kings 8:7. (Menochius; Tirinus; Grotius; Calmet)
Calmet
Josephus ([Antiquities?] 5:8.) thinks that Gedeon wished to resign the former dignity, but was forced to retain it forty years. The judges were chosen by God, and acted as his lieutenants, so that the people having no part in their election, the Lord alone was considered as the king of Israel. Some are of opinion that the people wished, on this occasion, to make the dignity hereditary. (Calmet)
Haydock
Serarius thinks that they made an offer of the regal power to Gedeon, to his son, and grandson, only. But it seems rather that they meant to make the sovereign authority over entirely to his family, (Menochius) so great a sense had they of his courage, moderation, and just severity, of which he had given such striking proofs. (Haydock)
8:24
Request. It was not then thought dishonourable to ask nor to receive presents. The most precious part of the booty had been already presented to the general, according to the custom of the heroic times. But, as the people wished to make Gedeon king, he consents to receive the earlets, as a memorial of their affection.
Haydock
Earlets. Hebrew and Septuagint (Menochius) may also signify, "each an earlet," as if he would only accept one from each soldier. The original signifies also, the rings which women put under their noses; but, as men never did, it has not that meaning here, (Calmet) though there might be women in the camp of the Madianites. (Haydock)
Calmet
Ismaelites. By this title various nations are designated. It seems almost as general as the word Arab among us. These nations were no more distinguished by these ornaments than the Hebrews themselves, Exodus 32:2., and 35:12. The Persians, Africans, Lybians, etc., wore ear-rings. (Calmet)
8:26
Calmet
And jewels. Some translate, "crescents (Septuagint, "little moons,") and boxes" (netiphoth, Menochius) of perfumes, such as Alexander found among the spoils of Darius, and reserved to put his Homer in. These ornaments were also used by women, Isaias 3:18. (Calmet)
Menochius
The eastern nations delight in perfumes. (Menochius)
Haydock
The ear-rings alone would amount to 3102l. 10s. sterling. (Haydock)
8:27
Menochius
An ephod. A priestly garment; which Gedeon made with a good design: but the Israelites, after his death, abused it by making it an instrument of their idolatrous worship, (Challoner) and perhaps consulting their idols with it. No law forbad the making of such a garment. (Menochius)
St. Augustine
It was not peculiar to the high priest, since we find that Samuel and David occasionally wore the ephod, (2 Kings 6:14,) and probably Gedeon would, on public occasions, do the like with this most costly one, which would serve to remind the people of the victory which they had gained over Madian. The chief judge in Egypt wore a great golden chain and collar, adorned with curious figures, as a mark of his dignity. (Diod. 2:3.) This monument of the victory, and of the dignity of Gedeon, became, after his death, an occasion of superstition to the people, who foolishly imagined that they might consult the Lord, wherever an ephod was found. See Judges 17:5., and Exodus 25:7. The began to neglect the tabernacle, and to form a religion of their own choice. Many think that Gedeon was guilty of indiscretion in making it. (St. Augustine, q. xli.; Lyranus; Estius)
But the thing was in itself indifferent. He did not intend to arrogate to himself the privileges of the Levitical tribe. The Scripture nowhere condemns him, but speaks of his faith and of his death with honour, ver. 32., and Hebrews 11:3.
Jonathan
With it. Hebrew, "after it or him," which may either signify that this superstition took place after the death of Gedeon, (Septuagint; Pagnin; Menochius) or in consequence of the making of the ephod. (Jonathan; Drusius; Protestants; etc. versions; Calmet)
Menochius
And to. This explains how it affected Gedeon, who was probably dead. He suffered in the ruin of his family, (Haydock) as it is explained in the following chapter. (Menochius)
8:31
Challoner
His concubine. She was his servant, but not his harlot; and is called his concubine, as wives of an inferior degree are commonly called in the Old Testament, though otherwise lawfully married. (Challoner)
Calmet
They had not all the privileges of wives; (Genesis 25:6,) and their children could not claim the inheritance. (Calmet)
Abimelech means, "my (Haydock) father king;" alluding to the dignity of Gedeon; or perhaps the mother imposed this name, hoping that her son would obtain the highest honours. Josephus calls her Druma. She dwelt at Sichem, to which place the judge of Israel often resorted, though his usual residence was at Ephra. This son of theirs is included among the 70.
8:32
Menochius
Good. He left an excellent reputation, and died in God's friendship. (Menochius)
8:33
After. This is the most solid proof of Gedeon's piety, since he kept the people in awe, and faithful to the Lord during his life.
Bochart
God. Hebrew, "and appointed Baal Berith their god," or goddess; for Berith, "of the covenant," is feminine. In the temple of this idol, the citizens of Sichem kept money, chap 9:4. The pagans had many gods who presided over treaties; and the parties were, it seems, at liberty to choose whom they thought proper. They commonly pitched upon Jupiter, who is, therefore, styled Zeus orkios, or Dius fidius, or Fistius Jupiter. (Laert. in Pythag.; Halicar. iv.) A statue "of Jupiter for oaths," was seen at Olympus, holding the thunderbolts in his hands, ready to hurl against those who proved faithless. (Pausan. Eliac.) Philo of Byblos speaks of the Phoenician god Eliun, "the High," and (Calmet) of the goddess "Beruth," which last has a visible connection with Berith. The former title is sometimes given to the true God in Scripture. The city of Berytus was so called, probably in honour of the latter. Nonnus seems to have styled her Beroe. (Bochart; Chanaan 2:17.)
Calmet
Pliny ([Natural History?] 31:1.) mentions the god Briaze, at the foot of whose temple runs the river Olachas, the waters of which are said to burn those who are guilty of perjury. The Chaldean reads, "they chose Beel-kiam for their error." Amos 5:26. speaks of the images of Chiun. May he not be the same as Berith or Kiam? Spencer says, that Chiun was Saturn: but Vossius thinks it was the moon. (Idol. 2:23.) (Calmet)
8:35
Menochius
Mercy is here put for many virtues: gratitude, justice, kindness, etc. (Menochius)
Haydock
The Israelites did not take care to provide for (Calmet) the family of one who had rendered them such essential services. (Haydock)
8:2
What could I, etc.... A meek and humble answer appeased them; who otherwise might have come to extremities. So great is the power of humility both with God and man.
8:27
An ephod.... A priestly garment which Gedeon made with a good design; but the Israelites, after his death, abused it by making it an instrument of their idolatrous worship.
8:31
His concubine.... She was his servant, but not his harlot: and is called his concubine, as wives of an inferior degree are commonly called in the Old Testament, though otherwise lawfully married.
8:2
A soft answer breaketh anger: hard speach stirreth vp furie Prou. 15.
8:19
Zebee and Salmana were not of anie of the seuen nations, whom God commanded to destroy and therfore Gedeon might haue spared their liues, if he would.
8:22
Kinges may do ante thing not contrarie to the law: but Iudges & Dukes may onlie do according to the law. See. 1. Reg. 8.
8:31
His handmaide o• seruant not a harlotte: to wit, such a one as had not the priuiledge of a wife. as Gen. 25. v. 6.
8:1
1. AND THE MEN OF EPHRAIM SAID TO HIM, etc., QUARRELING STRONGLY. — For the Ephraimites were arrogant, as appears in Isaiah XI, 13, on account of their numerous and powerful tribe, and because it had been preferred by Jacob to the tribe of Manasseh, from which Gideon was. They quarrel therefore against him, because he did not call them to war, especially because the Ephraimites were joined to the Manassites by a closer bond of kinship than to the other tribes, because Ephraim and Manasseh, the fathers of these tribes, were the immediate sons of Joseph, who was the brother of Judah, Reuben, Gad, etc., from whom the other eleven tribes were descended. For Joseph, one of the twelve Patriarchs, constituted not one, as his other brothers did, but two tribes.
8:2
2. TO WHICH HE ANSWERED: WHAT INDEED COULD I HAVE DONE SUCH AS YOU HAVE DONE? — who fleeing this gentle response of Gideon profited more than the Midianite victory." IS NOT THE VINTAGE OF EPHRAIM BETTER THAN THE GLEANING OF ABIEZER? — It is a proverb signifying the same thing, that is to say, as the Chaldean explains it: The weakest tribe of Ephraim are superior to the mightiest of my family Abiezer. Or better, that is to say, Few persons slain by the Ephraimites, namely Oreb and Zeb the princes of Midian, are to be esteemed of greater worth than all the Midianites whom we Manassites have slain. Third and best of all, Gideon metaphorically calls his own victory a vintage, but the remaining victories a gleaning, which are grapes left after the vintage and gathered, that is to say, My victory was as it were a vintage gathering grapes from a full vineyard: thus indeed I slew and threw into confusion all the camps of Midian; but your pursuit, by which you pursued and slew those put to flight by me in confusion, was as it were a gleaning after the vintage, that is, the victory; but this gleaning of yours is of greater worth than my victory, both because you slew the very princes of Midian, and because you slaughtered very many common soldiers. Thus Arias, the Bishop of Avila, and others. It could also be rendered forcefully from the Hebrew thus: The childish attempts of Ephraim are greater than the strong irruption of Abiezer, that is, mine. For in Hebrew עוללות Oleloth signifies childish thoughts, attempts, deeds, from Olel, that is, child. Moreover, Gideon was born from the family of Abiezer, who was a great-grandson of Manasseh. this gentle response of Gideon profited more than the Midianite victory." IS NOT THE VINTAGE OF EPHRAIM BETTER THAN THE GLEANING OF ABIEZER? — It is a proverb signifying the same thing, that is to say, as the Chaldean explains it: The weakest tribe of Ephraim are superior to the mightiest of my family Abiezer. Or better, that is to say, Few persons slain by the Ephraimites, namely Oreb and Zeb the princes of Midian, are to be esteemed of greater worth than all the Midianites whom we Manassites have slain. Third and best of all, Gideon metaphorically calls his own victory a vintage, but the remaining victories a gleaning, which are grapes left after the vintage and gathered, that is to say, My victory was as it were a vintage gathering grapes from a full vineyard: thus indeed I slew and threw into confusion all the camps of Midian; but your pursuit, by which you pursued and slew those put to flight by me in confusion, was as it were a gleaning after the vintage, that is, the victory; but this gleaning of yours is of greater worth than my victory, both because you slew the very princes of Midian, and because you slaughtered very many common soldiers. Thus Arias, the Bishop of Avila, and others. It could also be rendered forcefully from the Hebrew thus: The childish attempts of Ephraim are greater than the strong irruption of Abiezer, that is, mine. For in Hebrew עוללות Oleloth signifies childish thoughts, attempts, deeds, from Olel, that is, child. Moreover, Gideon was born from the family of Abiezer, who was a great-grandson of Manasseh. this gentle response of Gideon profited more than the Midianite victory." IS NOT THE VINTAGE OF EPHRAIM BETTER THAN THE GLEANING OF ABIEZER? — It is a proverb signifying the same thing, that is to say, as the Chaldean explains it: The weakest tribe of Ephraim are superior to the mightiest of my family Abiezer. Or better, that is to say, Few persons slain by the Ephraimites, namely Oreb and Zeb the princes of Midian, are to be esteemed of greater worth than all the Midianites whom we Manassites have slain. Third and best of all, Gideon metaphorically calls his own victory a vintage, but the remaining victories a gleaning, which are grapes left after the vintage and gathered, that is to say, My victory was as it were a vintage gathering grapes from a full vineyard: thus indeed I slew and threw into confusion all the camps of Midian; but your pursuit, by which you pursued and slew those put to flight by me in confusion, was as it were a gleaning after the vintage, that is, the victory; but this gleaning of yours is of greater worth than my victory, both because you slew the very princes of Midian, and because you slaughtered very many common soldiers. Thus Arias, the Bishop of Avila, and others. It could also be rendered forcefully from the Hebrew thus: The childish attempts of Ephraim are greater than the strong irruption of Abiezer, that is, mine. For in Hebrew עוללות Oleloth signifies childish thoughts, attempts, deeds, from Olel, that is, child. Moreover, Gideon was born from the family of Abiezer, who was a great-grandson of Manasseh. It could also be rendered forcefully from the Hebrew thus: The childish attempts of Ephraim are greater than the strong irruption of Abiezer, that is, mine. For in Hebrew עוללות Oleloth signifies childish thoughts, attempts, deeds, from Olel, that is, child. Moreover, Gideon was born from the family of Abiezer, who was a great-grandson of Manasseh. You have slain the Midianites at the Jordan, very many and almost innumerable, and their princes Oreb and Zeb, as was said from the preceding chapter, verse 24. Gideon said this wisely, so that he might settle the quarrel with a modest and calm reply, according to that: "A soft answer breaketh wrath," Prov. xv, 1. Therefore Gideon teaches here that the pride and contention of an adversary is calmed by nothing more than if you humble yourself under him and praise him and prefer him to yourself. He who does this is wise and magnanimous. Indeed, Philemon in the Ecdicasomenus: "Nothing," he says, "is either more pleasant or more worthy of a learned man than to be able to bear one who reviles him." And Ovid, book III of the Tristia: "The greater anyone is, the more easily is he appeased by wrath, and a noble mind receives easy movements." Wherefore Josephus, book V, chapter VIII: "More," he says, "when they lead, will be cut down. See here how heroic deeds undergo calumny and envy from those who ought to praise and promote them. For Gideon underwent this from the Gadites, just as a little before he underwent it from the Ephraimites. This was the barbarous inhumanity of the Gadites, by which they denied to Gideon, their judge, prince and liberator, fighting for them against the Midianites, and indeed requesting not flesh but bread; whence he himself chastised it severely.
8:7
7. I WILL THRESH (דשתי dasti, that is, I will thresh) YOUR FLESH WITH THORNS AND THISTLES. — For thistles the Hebrew is ברקנים barkanim, which signifies thorns or most sharp thistles, which, like lightning, penetrate and wound the eyes, so also the body. For ברק barac signifies lightning. Again barkanim by metathesis alludes to עקרביכם accrabim, that is, scorpions. Thus are called great and sharp thorns, which tore and mangled the flesh of martyrs like scorpions, animals that are venomous. Hear Isidore, book VI of the Etymologies, last chapter: "Rods are the extremities of the fronds of trees: if it is smooth, it is a rod, but if it is knotted or prickly, it is called a scorpion by the most correct name, because it inflicts a curved wound upon the body." With these therefore thistles or scorpions they struck the guilty unto death, and therefore they would lay them on the ground, and there by scourging they would thresh them, as grain is threshed. Some think this threshing was done by driving iron-bound carts (by these also they threshed and shook out the grain) over them, as David did to the Ammonites, II Reg. XII, last verse, but no mention is made here of these carts. For it is said only that he threshed them with thistles, just as the Belgians thresh grain with flails.
8:8
8:9
9. I WILL DESTROY THIS TOWER, — which the Phanuelites had built, so that they might flee to it when the enemy attacked, thinking they would be safe in it, and therefore answering Gideon proudly, they denied him bread for the sustenance of his army. Abulensis adds, Question XI, that the Phanuelites, when Gideon threatened them with death, responded that they made nothing of his threats, that this tower stood for them against them, then Gideon added that he would cut down not only them but also the tower.
8:10
10. NOW ZEBEE AND SALMANA (the leaders of Midian) WERE RESTING WITH ALL THEIR ARMY BEYOND THE JORDAN, — and therefore they did not fear Gideon, by whom they had been slain on this side of the Jordan, but were secure; and therefore Gideon, attacking them secure and unprepared from an unexpected quarter, slew them. The Septuagint, the Hebrew and the Chaldean add that they rested in Carcar, concerning which St. Jerome thus writes in the Hebrew Places: "Carcar [should be deleted] Zebee and Salmana, and there is even today a fortress by the name Carcaria, distant one day's journey from Petra." Petra is a city of Arabia, from which Arabia Petræa was named in the Moabitic region, to which the tribe of Reuben was adjacent. FOR FIFTEEN THOUSAND MEN REMAINED (WHO had escaped the slaughter of the Midianites made by Gideon in the preceding chapter), ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY THOUSAND WARRIORS BEING SLAIN. — From this it is evident that the camp of Midian had 135 thousand warriors, besides camp-followers, sutlers, servants and the rest of the unarmed multitude, of whom 120 thousand were slain by Gideon and his associates, while fifteen thousand escaped, which here were slaughtered by him. Josephus wrongly has eighteen thousand instead of fifteen thousand. WHO ANSWERED: THEY ARE LIKE THEE (for brothers are not rarely likened to brothers, as well as to parents), AND ONE OF THEM AS THE SON OF A KING. — The sense is plain and clear, namely that one of them had a countenance more distinguished, remarkable and kingly. Some, however, explain it thus: "one," that is any "of them" was of such elegant form that he seemed to be the son of a king. Whence the Septuagint in the Roman Codex have: As thou, so they, in the likeness of the son of a king. The Complutensian and Royal editions: As thou, so they, like thou like they, what manner of appearance of the sons of kings.
8:11
11. AND GIDEON WENT UP BY THE WAY OF THOSE WHO DWELT IN TENTS, — that is, of the Arabs, who are called from this Scenites: for σκηνή is a tent, so called from the Hebrew סכן sachan, that is, he dwelt; because these Arabs do not have fixed houses, but wandering from one region which they have pastured, they pass with their tents into another neighboring one, and similarly pasture it; for they abound in camels, horses and cattle. Whence they are also called Nomades (for νέμειν means to pasture), concerning whom Pliny writes, book VI, chapter XXVIII, and Strabo, book XVI. Whence Gideon did not invade the camp of Zebee and Salmana by a direct route, but from behind through these Arab Scenites, so that he might attack them unaware and unprepared, because he showed himself to be remarkably skilled in the matter of warfare and stratagems.
8:13
13. BEFORE THE RISING OF THE SUN. — In Hebrew it is literally: from the rising of the sun, as Pagninus translated it in the Lexicon, that is before the rising (that is, the rising) of the sun, as Vatablus translated it: wherefore less correctly Lyran, Arias, Cajetan and others translate it, with the sun existing above, as if the sun had already risen, as Arias wishes, or as if it were midday, when the rising of the sun is completed, as Cajetan thinks, or as if it were evening before the setting of the sun, as R. David and Lyran conjecture. For although in Daniel, chapter VI, verse 20, the "rising of the sun" is called the "setting of the sun;" nevertheless this is a Chaldaic phrase, in which language the book of Daniel is written. For in Hebrew, Greek and Latin phraseology the rising of the sun signifies the rising of the sun, namely that by which the sun rises above the horizon, says Vatablus. Note here again the stratagem of Gideon, by which in the night before the rising of the sun he attacks and slaughters the enemies buried in sleep and wine.
8:16
16. HE BROKE. — In Hebrew it is ידע ioda, that is he made to know, namely by scourges and blows, that is he chastised, he punished. Thus a master threatening a petulant disciple with rods says: With these I will teach you, that is I will chastise you, although Serarius thinks that for ioda one should read ידש indus, that is he threshed. For thus it is read in verse 9.
8:18
18. AND GIDEON SAID TO ZEBEE AND SALMANA: WHAT MANNER OF MEN WERE THEY WHOM YOU SLEW IN THABOR. — Gideon had heard that his uterine brothers born from the same mother, with the Midianites pressing upon them after the custom fu-
8:22
22. RULE OVER US THOU, AND THY SON, AND THY SON'S SON, BECAUSE THOU HAST DELIVERED US FROM THE HAND OF MADIAN. — Gideon was already judge and prince of the people constituted by God: therefore the Israelites do not here wish to make him Judge, but they offer him full power, that is kingdom, and that hereditary unto the second generation. For this is what to rule signifies, namely by mere and full right as if a king. For a judge in that age could not rule over the people of Israel, but according to the laws he ought to judge and govern them. For a king is the absolute master of all, and therefore as if a terrestrial god; hence also many kings wished to be had and worshipped as Gods, as Caligula and Domitian, whom therefore Martial either flattering or rebuking calls Lord and God: "An edict," he says, "of our Lord and God." Moreover Augustus Caesar, hearing that a king born was the Messiah, namely Christ, did not wish to be called Lord.
8:23
23. TO WHOM HE SAID: I WILL NOT RULE OVER YOU, etc., BUT THE LORD SHALL RULE OVER YOU. — Modestly Gideon refuses the title of lord and the right of king, and transfers it to God, who was properly the king and lord of the Israelites, and therefore afterwards he took it ill that they asked him for a king from Samuel: nevertheless being urged he gave them Saul; because a king seemed to diminish something both from the name and from the right of God over his people, and could violate the laws and commands of God with impunity, indeed could introduce new gods, as Jeroboam, Manasses, Solomon and other kings of Israel did.
8:26
26. ONE THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED SHEKELS OF GOLD, — which make 6800 French crowns, or about 70 pounds of gold. For a shekel is a half-ounce. Wherefore it is not likely that all this gold was expended on the Ephod alone. For what High Priest, nay what man could bear an Ephod, or a garment weighing 70 pounds? Wherefore part of this gold was expended on other ornaments. In like manner it is said that David, I Paralipomenon cap. XX, vers. 2, made for himself a diadem from a crown placed upon the idol Moloch, which weighed a talent of gold, II Kings XII, 30. Because namely he fitted part of the crown into a diadem, not the whole. For who could carry a talent of gold upon his head? 27. AND GIDEON MADE OF IT AN EPHOD, — that is, a breastplate, Exodus XXVIII, 6. It is asked, what manner of Ephod this was, and whether Gideon in making it sinned? First, Procopius and others according to Abulensis think this Ephod was an idol, whence the Hebrew word is יצב iatseb, that is, he set up, as idols' statues are wont to be set up. Hence also Israel committed fornication, that is, practised idolatry in it: "Hence also it became to Gideon and to all his house a ruin." But who would believe that a holy man, nay one familiar with God, and beloved and chosen by Him, such as Gideon was, after so great a victory received from God, turned away from God to idols, and was the author of idolatry, as Jeroboam the first king of Israel was, casting golden calves and setting them up as gods to be worshipped in Dan and Bethel? 27. AND GIDEON MADE OF IT AN EPHOD, — that is, a breastplate, Exodus XXVIII, 6. It is asked, what manner of Ephod this was, and whether Gideon in making it sinned? For who could carry a talent of gold upon his head? 27. AND GIDEON MADE OF IT AN EPHOD, — that is, a breastplate, Exodus XXVIII, 6. It is asked, what manner of Ephod this was, and whether Gideon in making it sinned? First, Procopius and others according to Abulensis think this Ephod was an idol, whence the Hebrew word is יצב iatseb, that is, he set up, as idols' statues are wont to be set up. Hence also Israel committed fornication, that is, practised idolatry in it: "Hence also it became to Gideon and to all his house a ruin." But who would believe that a holy man, nay one familiar with God, and beloved and chosen by Him, such as Gideon was, after so great a victory received from God, turned away from God to idols, and was the author of idolatry, as Jeroboam the first king of Israel was, casting golden calves and setting them up as gods to be worshipped in Dan and Bethel? Secondly, Arias thinks this Ephod, being golden, was different from the Ephod of the High Priest made of scarlet, purple, fine linen and hyacinth, Exodus cap. XXVIII, vers. 6, and made by Gideon for this purpose only, that it might be a perpetual monument of so admirable a victory. Whence Cajetan thinks this Ephod was a breastplate of ductile gold, that it might be a sign of warfare, battle and victory. For a breastplate covers and protects the shoulders and breast, equally as an Ephod or breastplate. This opinion is sufficiently supported by the Hebrew, which has, and he made it into an Ephod, and set it up in Ephrah; which words suggest that this Ephod was made from the gold of the spoils, and therefore was as it were a golden breastplate, which posterity therefore worshipped as an idol. This exposition is very fitting. Thirdly, Lyra properly understands by Ephod the High Priestly Ephod, and under it understands the other priestly vestments, as if Gideon had made them, that he himself might sacrifice in them for his household, and therefore "sinned mortally," but repented before his death. But neither here nor elsewhere do we read anything of this repentance of his. Fourthly, more probably St. Augustine, Quest. XLI; Theodoret, Quest. XVI; Dionysius, Serarius and others think that Gideon made the High Priestly Ephod and the other vestments of the High Priest; for these are understood under the Ephod as the primary garment, says St. Augustine both here and cap. XVII, 5, and cap. XVIII, vers. 14 and 18. Whence Hosea III, 4, the Septuagint translates Ephod as τα ιερατεια, that is, the priesthood and all the instruments of the priesthood. Thus therefore by Ephod here understand all the furnishings necessary for sacrifice. This Ephod therefore Gideon made first as a perpetual monument of victory: for he had obtained this through sacrifice, offered on an altar erected by his command at God's command. Whence also after he had refused the kingdom offered to him by the Hebrews, and resigned it to God, he made this Ephod, that he might profess himself to be a religious minister of God, and that he took upon his shoulders both His commands and the care of the people. bear them and their infirmities upon his shoulders, and be a mediator and intermediary between God and the people. For this is what the Ephod or shoulder-piece represented. Hence also from the spoils of enemies he made this Ephod. Whence the Hebrew is: And he made it (namely, this entire gift of spoils from gold) into an Ephod, that is, from it and its value he fashioned an Ephod. Secondly, he made this Ephod a splendid priestly garment gleaming with gold, because in it were the Breastplate, the Urim and Thummim, by which God, when consulted by the Priest, gave oracles to the prince and the commonwealth, Exodus cap. XXVIII, not that Gideon himself would use it, but that the Priest, who dwelt not far from his city Ophrah in Shiloh, where the tabernacle with the ark was, being summoned by him to Ophrah, clothed in this Ephod would consult the Lord for him, just as David consulted him through Abiathar the Priest; for Gideon was Judge of the people, and in doubtful and perplexing matters frequently occurring he had need of the response and oracle of God. Thirdly, it appears that Gideon made this Ephod so that the Priest, clothed in it, would sacrifice for him and the people on the altar, erected by his command from God in Ophrah cap. VI, vers. 26. For to what purpose an altar, unless sacrifice be made upon it? Serarius adds that Gideon himself sacrificed in it by himself. For when he himself by God's command had immolated a bull in it cap. VI, vers. 26, he appears to have believed that God had made a dispensation with him, so that although he was not a priest from the tribe of Levi, yet as if authorized by God beyond the ordinary order he would sacrifice in it. For this reason it appears God commanded him to erect this altar. For an altar essentially regards sacrifice; for, as Aristotle says, lib. I De Cælo, cap. IV: "A shoe is useless, of which there is no use." Therefore Gideon did not sin in making this Ephod. It is proved first, because it is said here that he rested in a good old age; secondly, because by St. Paul, Hebr. cap. XI, he is placed in the catalogue of Saints and heroes of the Old Testament, who excelled in outstanding faith and heroic works of faith; thirdly, because while Gideon lived, under his leadership Israel served God; but after his death it turned aside to the Baals, as it is said vers. 33. St. Augustine favors this, Quæst. XLI, when he says: "God patiently bore that deed of Gideon, so that peace might persist in the land, because although it was done which He had forbidden: yet it was not far removed from Him, who had commanded such a thing to be made in the tabernacle for His honor:" indeed God had not forbidden anywhere that such an Ephod be made, just as neither such a tabernacle similar to that of Moses, as Serarius rightly observes. For such a tabernacle Solomon made, lib. II Paral. cap. I, vers. 4 and 5. It is proved first, because there was no priest here who would sacrifice. For Gideon was not from the priestly tribe, namely from Levi, but from Manasseh. Angels also do not usually sacrifice. And Gideon did not know that he who appeared was an Angel. Therefore Gideon did not sin in making this Ephod. It is proved first, because it is said here that he rested in a good old age; secondly, because by St. Paul, Hebr. cap. XI, he is placed in the catalogue of Saints and heroes of the Old Testament, who excelled in outstanding faith and heroic works of faith; thirdly, because while Gideon lived, under his leadership Israel served God; but after his death it turned aside to the Baals, as it is said vers. 33. St. Augustine favors this, Quæst. XLI, when he says: "God patiently bore that deed of Gideon, so that peace might persist in the land, because although it was done which He had forbidden: yet it was not far removed from Him, who had commanded such a thing to be made in the tabernacle for His honor:" indeed God had not forbidden anywhere that such an Ephod be made, just as neither such a tabernacle similar to that of Moses, as Serarius rightly observes. For such a tabernacle Solomon made, lib. II Paral. cap. I, vers. 4 and 5. Yet the descendants of Gideon sinned, who, impelled by the memory of the miraculous victory as if obtained through this splendid Ephod, bestowed divine honors upon it. Whence follows: AND ALL ISRAEL COMMITTED FORNICATION WITH IT. — In Hebrew אחריו acharau, that is, after him, namely after the death of Gideon. Thus the Septuagint, the Chaldeans and others. Our translator, however, renders τὸ after him as referring to the Ephod, so that Israel committed fornication with it and in it mystically, that is, committed idolatry, adoring it as an idol and a god, or certainly abusing it for the worship of Baal, namely in that the priest of Baal would sacrifice to it, clothed and adorned with this Ephod. For the demon rejoices if he can steal from God the things that are His, and turn those things by which God is worshipped to his own worship. AND IT BECAME TO GIDEON AND HIS HOUSE A RUIN. — In Hebrew למוקש lemokes, that is, into a snare, both of the guilt of idolatry and of its punishment: for on account of that guilt the entire posterity of Gideon was cut off, as we shall hear in the following chapter. And Gideon himself also underwent this punishment, who incautiously made this Ephod, which was to become an occasion of idolatry to his descendants, so prone to idols. For on account of this Gideon lost his entire posterity. But the guilt of idolatry was committed not by Gideon himself, but by his descendants. Gideon did not foresee this; hence he is to be excused at least from mortal guilt, for venial imprudence and inadvertence can be admitted in him. Whence in this sense, when it is said: "To Gideon and his house," the τὸ and is to be taken expositively by way of exegesis, so as to signify, that is, as if to say, "to Gideon," that is, to his house or posterity: for this posterity adored this Ephod, just as the Israelites adored the brazen serpent erected by Moses, Num. XXI, which was therefore broken in pieces by King Hezekiah, IV Reg. cap. XVIII, vers. 4. Morally, let Princes learn here how dangerous and destructive it is to meddle in sacred things. Behold Gideon, making an Ephod with a good intention indeed, lost his entire progeny. Thus King Ozias, wishing to burn incense to God, was struck with leprosy, II Paralip. XXVI, 17. The same thing happened to Core, Dathan and Abiron attempting it; they were swallowed alive by the earth, Num. XVI.
8:28
28. THE LAND RESTED FOR FORTY YEARS, — that is, until the fortieth year of Gideon; whence under these forty years Scripture comprehends the seven years in which Israel served the Midianites, as I said in cap. VI.
8:29
29. JEROBAAL THEREFORE WENT, — that is, the litigator and destroyer of Baal, the false god, namely Gideon.
8:30
30. AND HE HAD SEVENTY SONS, — precisely including also Abimelech, concerning whom the following verse speaks, says Serarius, although others take the seventy sons whom he had from his wives, excluding the one whom he had from a concubine, so that with Abimelech he had seventy-one. Moreover, these sons, after Gideon's death, seem to have worshipped idols, and especially the Ephod made by Gideon, and therefore were slain and destroyed by God avenging. For this is what he already said: "And it came to pass to his house (that is, to his family, namely to his sons) for a ruin." Learn here how vain is the hope and glory of parents in their sons: for none of so many sons succeeded to his father Gideon in rule, but rather all were soon slain, namely "the sons of heroes for harm." Thus "Artaxerxes," says Justinus, lib. X, king of the Persians, had from one hundred fifteen concubines sons, but only three from lawful marriage, Darius, Ariareles and Ochus, who all perished inglorious."
8:31
31. AND HIS CONCUBINE, — by name Druma, says Josephus, lib. V, cap. IX. A concubine was a secondary wife, who was as it were a handmaid, and therefore her son did not succeed with the sons of wives in the inheritance of the father. Wherefore Abimelech was not a bastard or spurious son, as Josephus calls him, but a legitimate son of Gideon. IN SICHEM. — He says this to indicate the occasion by which Abimelech sought the kingdom; namely because he was advanced to it by his fellow citizens the Shechemites. HE BEGOT HIM A SON NAMED ABIMELECH. — Abimelech in Hebrew is the same as father king, or father of the king; or royal father. His mother gave him this name to secure dignity for herself and her son, inasmuch as he was the son of Gideon, who was judge and as it were king of Israel: perhaps also she wished this name to be an omen of kingship, namely that he himself would someday reign, as she desired. Thus Agrippina, consulting the soothsayers whether her son Nero would be king and emperor, and hearing that he would be, but that he would kill his mother, answered, eager for her son's kingdom: "Let him kill, provided he rules," and truly, slain by him, she paid the deserved penalties of her rash vow. IN SICHEM. — He says this to indicate the occasion by which Abimelech sought the kingdom; namely because he was advanced to it by his fellow citizens the Shechemites. 31. AND HIS CONCUBINE, — by name Druma, says Josephus, lib. V, cap. IX. A concubine was a secondary wife, who was as it were a handmaid, and therefore her son did not succeed with the sons of wives in the inheritance of the father. Wherefore Abimelech was not a bastard or spurious son, as Josephus calls him, but a legitimate son of Gideon. IN SICHEM. — He says this to indicate the occasion by which Abimelech sought the kingdom; namely because he was advanced to it by his fellow citizens the Shechemites. HE BEGOT HIM A SON NAMED ABIMELECH. — Abimelech in Hebrew is the same as father king, or father of the king; or royal father. His mother gave him this name to secure dignity for herself and her son, inasmuch as he was the son of Gideon, who was judge and as it were king of Israel: perhaps also she wished this name to be an omen of kingship, namely that he himself would someday reign, as she desired. Thus Agrippina, consulting the soothsayers whether her son Nero would be king and emperor, and hearing that he would be, but that he would kill his mother, answered, eager for her son's kingdom: "Let him kill, provided he rules," and truly, slain by him, she paid the deserved penalties of her rash vow. Hear what Trebellius writes concerning Regillianus in the book On Tyrants: "It may perhaps seem wonderful if the origin of his empire should be declared. For he gained a kingdom by a military jest. For when certain soldiers were dining with him, Valerianus the Tribune stood by, who said: From what origin do we believe the name Regillianus to be derived? Another immediately: we believe from kingdom. Then he who was present, a scholar, began as it were grammatically to decline and say: King, of a king, to a king, Regillianus. The soldiers, as is the nature of men prone to what they think, said: Therefore he can be king. Again another: Therefore he can rule us. Again another: God has imposed upon you the name of king. Why say more? With these words, when on the following day he had gone forth in the morning, he was hailed as Emperor by the commanders. Thus what to others either audacity or judgment brought, to him a joking cleverness brought."
8:32
32. AND GEDEON THE SON OF JOAS DIED IN A GOOD OLD AGE. — "Good," that is, advanced, great, aged. Secondly, "good," that is, peaceful and tranquil. Thirdly, "good," that is, glorious, which all would venerate, honor and respect. Fourthly, "good" by the goodness of virtue from a good conscience, integrity and holiness: for this is the source and origin of all other goodness. Cicero also saw this, who in the book On Old Age says: "The arms of old age are altogether most suitable, namely the arts and exercises of virtue, which when cultivated at every age, when you have lived long and much, bring forth wonderful fruits, and not only never abandon us, not even at the final time of life (although that indeed is the greatest thing). But also because the consciousness of a well-lived life, and the recollection of many good deeds is most pleasant." Thus in a good old age died Abraham, Genesis XXV, 8; David, I Paralipomenon XXIX, 28; Tobias, cap. XIV, 15: for "old age is to be venerated not by years but by morals, it ought to be the harbor of a superior life, not the shipwreck of a superior life," says St. Ambrose, in the book On Jacob and the Blessed Life, cap. X. The same, lib. On Abel, cap. I: "Our thoughts," he says, "ought to be unfolded by the progress of good works, so that our end may find nothing imperfect, nothing unexplained may offend the term of our life, nothing as if placed on an anvil may our work leave unfinished." And shortly after: "Let our offspring be faith, let the nourishment of our soul be the precepts of doctrine. By these let a certain infancy of our heart be imbued, let childhood be instructed, let adolescence grow strong, let old age grow white. For the age of old age is an immaculate life. Therefore that old age of the soul is good at last, which no stains of perfidy have defiled." The same, lib. I Hexameron, cap. VIII: "But old age itself," he says, "is sweeter in good morals, more useful in counsels, more prepared for constancy in undergoing death, firmer in restraining lusts. The weakness of the body also is the sobriety of the mind. Whence the Apostle says: When I am weak, then I am powerful. And so he gloried not in virtues, but in infirmities. A divine response also shone forth Thus in a good old age died Abraham, Genesis XXV, 8; David, I Paralipomenon XXIX, 28; Tobias, cap. XIV, 15: for "old age is to be venerated not by years but by morals, it ought to be the harbor of a superior life, not the shipwreck of a superior life," says St. Ambrose, in the book On Jacob and the Blessed Life, cap. X. The same, lib. On Abel, cap. I: "Our thoughts," he says, "ought to be unfolded by the progress of good works, so that our end may find nothing imperfect, nothing unexplained may offend the term of our life, nothing as if placed on an anvil may our work leave unfinished." And shortly after: "Let our offspring be faith, let the nourishment of our soul be the precepts of doctrine. By these let a certain infancy of our heart be imbued, let childhood be instructed, let adolescence grow strong, let old age grow white. For the age of old age is an immaculate life. Therefore that old age of the soul is good at last, which no stains of perfidy have defiled." The same, lib. I Hexameron, cap. VIII: "But old age itself," he says, "is sweeter in good morals, more useful in counsels, more prepared for constancy in undergoing death, firmer in restraining lusts. The weakness of the body also is the sobriety of the mind. Whence the Apostle says: When I am weak, then I am powerful. And so he gloried not in virtues, but in infirmities. A divine response also shone forth by a saving oracle; because virtue is made perfect in infirmity."
8:33
33. BUT AFTER GEDEON WAS DEAD, THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL (turned away from God and His worship) AND COMMITTED FORNICATION WITH THE BAALIM (idols, gods of the gentiles) AND MADE A COVENANT WITH BAAL, THAT HE SHOULD BE TO THEM FOR A GOD. — In Hebrew, they preferred Baal to themselves by covenant as a god, that is, they made a covenant with Baal, that he should be to them as a god; in Chaldee, they set Baal to themselves by covenant unto error; the Septuagint, they set Baal berith to themselves as a covenant, that he himself should be to them as a god. Thus also St. Augustine read it. Whence from the Hebrew and the Septuagint it is clear that the Hebrews worshipped Baal berith for God, that is Baal of the covenant, whom namely as a presider over covenants they bound to themselves by this covenant as it were as a god: for ברית berith is indeed a covenant.
8:35
35. NEITHER DID THEY SHOW MERCY TO THE HOUSE OF JEROBAAL (who was called by his own name) GEDEON, — because they allowed his house, that is all his sons to be slain by the tyrant Abimelech, nay they even helped in the slaying, as will appear in the following chapter. Mercy, in Hebrew חסד chesed, signifies every virtue which shows itself toward one's neighbor, namely beneficence, piety, gratitude, justice, fidelity, etc. The Israelites therefore, unfaithful to God, were also unfaithful to Gedeon, wicked, impious, ungrateful, unjust, as will appear from cap. IX.
Machine translation from the Latin, not reviewed.
8:2
mbby se dit du glanage des fruits, raisins ou olives ; 4*ÿ2, récolte des raisins; ici sans daguech, par une anomalie dont les exemples sont catalogués, (65.356 20 m.
8:3
Élohim serait un bon indice de E, si le G et même la Vg. n'avaient lu .יהוה Sur 16 sens de רפה cf. Ex. 4 26 (J); Jud. 44 37; ici מועליו au lieu du simple 7 dans les deux cas cités, à cause de la métaphore du vent d’indignation qui s'était élevé contre lui. Budde insiste sur ce que d'après v. 2 c’est bien le clan d'Abiézer seul qui a fait l'ouvrage, et en tire une conclusion décisive contre le passage (7 5-8*( qui fait des trois cents braves l'élite du peuple. L'argument prouverait tout au plus que notre morceau n'est pas du même auteur que 7 2- 85 (en enlevant d'ailleurs v. 3; que nous avons attribué à E. D'ailleurs Abiézer ne figure jusqu'ici que dans J 6 11.24.34. 1[ suivrait seulement de la remarque que le passage 7 24-8 3 est de J. Pour harmoniser on pourrait 4. וועבר ; TM עבר passant. — ורעבים ; TM ורדפים ef poursuivant. dire que Gédéon à lui seul représente 21620, ou que ceux qui ont bu d’une certaine façon étaient du même clan, que ce clan était sans doute celui de Gédéon. 4( עבר est vraiment impossible; lire %ay" avec LXX ou le supprimer comme une glose; le passage du Jourdain allait de soi. Au lieu de ורדפים lire ורעבים avec LXX (A et Lag.); c'est le prélude de la demande du pain. Les trois cents dans la rédaction sont ceux qui sont restés avec Gédéon et ont pris part à toute l’action; le v. se souderait très bien à 7 23; même si on admet ici un récit distinct, il n’est pas nécessaire d'attribuer ce nombre à un rédacteur, il peut très bien être original; cf. les 318 d'Abraham, Gen. 44 14.
8:5
Sur la position de Soukkoth et de Penouël, cf. sur Gen. 32 23; 33 17; dans l'itinéraire de Jacob Penouël est avant Soukkoth, c'est naturellement l'inverse pour Gédéon. Budde sait (avec Moore) que dans le texte primitif Gédéon était descendu par l'ou.Far‘ä pour passer certainement le Jourdain à l'embouchure du Iabboq (Zerqgä); mais dans ce cas il n'aurait pas passé par Soukkoth, pour aller à 10820628, car Soukkoth, probablement Deir- All&h, est placé par Budde même sur la rive droite du Iabboq à 18 sortie de la montagne, fort au nord dé son embouchure, tandis que Jogbeha (Adjbéhäât) est à l’est à la hauteur de Salt; et cependant Soukkoth est primitif pour Budde. — Il faut concéder à ce savant que רדף est employé de la poursuite d’un ennemi victorieux (Gen. 44 14), mais l'attitude de Gédéon suppose que lui-même sort d'une action assez chaude. On objecte encore que les Madianites n'auraient pas pu gagner du temps dans une poursuite; mais il s’agit d'une élite, montée sur de bons chameaux, qui a pu facilement prendre l'avance dans la plaine et aux gués du Jourdain; d'ailleurs on voit que Gédéon cherche à les surprendre une seconde fois plutôt qu'à les attaquer ouvertement, même dans leur fuite. זבח et צלמזנע d'après la ponct. massor. signifieraient : sacrifice et protection refusée; mais ce symbolisme ne doit pas faire suspecter la réalité des personnes; le second nom surtout devait avoir une autre prononciation, Selmana ou Salmana, d'après G. Un dieu Dby proposé par Budde et Moore d’après l'inscription de 167708 צלמושדב est très incertain pour notre époque : selem, d'après Clerm.-Ganneau (Recueil.…, 11, 249) n'étant que l'image du roi divinisé.
8:6
ἸΏΝ ; TM le singulier.
La main ,כף probablement parce qu'on tenait les captifs enchaînés par les mains, l'usage de couper les mains comme trophées est attesté pour l'Égypte par l'inscription d'Ahmès; ce n'est pas le cas ici puisque Gédéon les ramène vivants. Grætz propose de lire האף qui enlève le pittoresque. Si les gens de Soukkoth avaient seulement peur d'un retour offensif, ils n'emploieraient pas la raillerie. Ils se préoccupent très peu de ce qui se passe en Cis-jordane, soit par indifférence (Jud. 5 1 6 ss.), soit qu'ils soient de race très mêlée. Ils ne veulent pas perdre leur argent qu'ils ne recouvreraient que si Gédéon revenait vainqueur. La réponse ne prouve en tous cas nullement que Gédéon n'avait pas encore mis en fuite les Madianites ceux de Soukkoth pouvaient les croire hors de portée ou encore trop forts.
8:7
את avant קוצי est expliqué par .מא 288 p. « au moyen de » comme indiquant la coopération qui découle de la communauté, comme Gen. 41; 49 25%. On pourrait aussi lire deux fois ב comme les Verss. ; le את aurait été mis dans TM à l'instar du v. 16. Le sens de ברקנים % incertain; les anc. verss. ont compris > une plante épineuse ». D'après Moore, l'arabe égyptien δεν άπ est 16 nom du Phaceopappus scoparius de Boissier. Le genre du châtiment est approprié au lieu; il y a beaucoup plus de buissons d'épines dans le Ghôr que sur les hauteurs. 8 5.) Penouël entre la vallée et les plateaux; il ץ avait là une tour importante qui sans doute commandait le gué du 132000 )01. 1 Reg. 12 25). Scuu- MACHER, Mit. DPV. 1901, p. 2 siluerait Penouël à Medwar N6l au sud-est de Djérach non loin du Zerqà. 11. דרכה שוכני ; TM השכוני 997 le chemin des logés.
8:10
קרקר est inconnu. Carcaria à un jour de Pétra, cité par Eusèbe (On. 272 62) à tout hasard n'est pas en situation ; Karkagheïsch a été proposé par Burckard (Syrie, p. 619; BDM. ΠῚ, p. 343). Le v. représente les Madianites comme déjà défaits, ce que Budde et Moore sont obligés de considérer comme une glose. Le caractère de glose résulte seulement du nombre énorme des 120.000 combattants qui sont censés tombés morts dans une bataille qui n’a d’ailleurs pour ainsi dire pas eu lieu; 7 22 n'indique guère plus qu'une panique. נפלים ne peut signifier ici que ceux qui sont tombés morts, la phrase est consacrée (20 46; Jos. 8 25), par opposition à ceux qui ont survécu. Budde voudrait le prendre dans le sens de 7 12, mais ici nous n'avons pas la comparaison des sauterelles qui donnait une nuance différente; il y aurait d’ailleurs quelque chose d’étrange à ce que l’auteur exigeât ici du lecteur une soustraction pour savoir le nombre des manquants. L'expression שלף חרב est récente et souvent jointe à des nombres disproportionnés IT Sam. 24 9; 1 Chr. 24 5 et dans le ch. 20 des Juges. Les ennemis sont ici les Orientaux, קדם ‘32. 11 5.) השכוני offre une double anomalie, le partic. pass. pour une idée qui serait très bien exprimée par l'actif et l'article devant le nom à l’état construit. Kœn. 2354 explique la première par des exemples où le partic. passif est choisi pour marquer que 16 sujet de l’action est plus pénétré, plus influencé : ceux qui ne vivent pas autrement que sous la tente; il cite d’autres exemples d'article dans ce cas, 303"; on pourrait d'ailleurs le supprimer. Budde lit: דִרְכּה שוכני באהלים , « dans la direction de la route des Bédouins »; pour lui il s'agit d'un chemin allant du nord au sud, comme le chemin des pèlerins de la Mecque; mais Gédéon monte, il s’agit d’un chemin qui conduisait de la Palestine chez les Bédouins de l’est. L'endroit pouvait être fort éloigné; les Bédouins campent à l'est des deux villes nommées comme marquant à peu près l'extrémité des pays de culture. P. LaGranGs. — Les Juges. το 13. מלמעלה 1%; ממעלה d'en haut. . est à comparer avec le clan de Manassé (Num. 32 42) qui donna son נבח nom.à la ville de Qenäl; les deux sont d'ailleurs inconnus; Jogbeha est représenté au). par Adjebihât à moins de trois heures à l'orient de Salt. Prédicat ou acc. adverbial; la confiance n'indique nullement qu'ils בטח — n'ont pas été attaqués déjà, mais qu'ils sont assez loin et chez eux, de façon à se croire en sûreté. Budde trouve l'action trop courte et voudrait y insé- | rer une partie de 7 16-22; mais il est impossible d'assigner une raison qui | ait induit le rédacteur à faire cette transposition. L'action est racontée briè- vement parce que ce n’est que la suite de l'engagement principal. Les Madianites ne font que reprendre la fuite; ce qu’exprime bien החריד au v. suivant, opposé à בטח comme ΕΖ. 30 9. Les rois sont les premiers à décamper, Gédéon s'empare d'eux et se contente de la dispersion des autres. Moore propose הכחיד d'après G(A, Lag) ἐξέτριψεν, cf. Ex. 23 23 Ps. 83 5; mais il reconnaît que ce changement n’est nullement nécessaire quoique dans une attaque ordinaire le verbe החכיד précède la fuite. 1] Sam. 47 .ל
8:13
מלמעלה החרס ne peut signifier que : « d'en haut, à Harès ». « De la montée de 118068 > nya; « d'au-dessus de Harès » exigerait .מלממעלה לחרס Saint Jérôme s'inspirant aux mêmes sources que 16 Targ. a entendu החרס > du soleil » dans la Vg., quoiqu'il ait ajouté à l’On. d'Eusèbe (96 3) cette note : « adscensus Ares, pro quo Aquila interpretatur 881- tuum, Symmachus montium » c'est-à-dire חרש et .ההרים S'il s'agit d’un nom de lieu, il est là pour indiquer que Gédéon n’est pas revenu par le même chemin, ce qui paraît clairement par la suite puisqu'il retrouve Soukkoth avant Penouel. Nous lisons donc ממעלה avec G(A, 1,8.( ; la descente doit être celle du Salt. ו
8:14
Gédéon interroge l'enfant, et celui-ci écrit pour lui (cf. 1] Sam. 41 14) les noms des chefs (pouvoir exécutif) et des anciens (groupe des principaux chefs de famille). Cela ne prouve pas que tout le monde savait écrire, 16. Omettre 1 וידש -- .את זקני העיר ; TM Ye il instruisit, Khetib; y el il brisa, Qré. mais bien un usage très répandu de l'écriture, puisque celui qui écrit est jeune et le premier venu. Le nombre soixante-dix-sept a quelque chose de consacré. Il est trop arbitraire de supprimer אליך et de supposer que c'est Gédéon qui écrit (contre Budde).
8:15
11 semble que Soukkoth était sans défense. Le G 8 שרי au lieu de אנשי qui correspond mieux à v. 6.
8:16
Le v. 16 est assez embarrassé dans TM; Hum. le respecte : il prit les anciens et les instruments de supplice et donna ainsi une leçon (ÿ7%1) aux autres. Mais il est impossible que le genre de supplice ne soit pas marqué. D'autres mss. hébreux lisent Yet il brisa, suivi par Bet Vg., mais il vaut mieux lire avec A χατέξανεν, il les carda, WT", comme v. 7. Il est naturel que les pauvres gens aient été plutôt déchirés que brisés par les épines, et il n'est mê me pas dit que ce supplice fut prolongé jusqu'à les faire mourir. Budde supp rime comme une glose ואת זקני העור qui étonne comme objet sur le même rang que les instruments de supplice et qui fait double emploi avec les gens, .אנשי A est encore plus complet, > les chefs et les anciens
8:17
Budde supprime 17 ? comme trop cruel; 17 * suffit pour que Gédéon tienne sa parole; mais n'est-il pas probable que les gens de Penouël ayant une tour se soient défendus 7 et dès lors les conséquences ont été plus néfastes.
8:18
Les deux chefs Madianites avaient été ramenés vivants par Gédéon pour retourner l'ironie contre ceux de Soukkoth et de Penouël. 1[ semble même que Gédéon ait attendu son retour dans son pays pour prononcer une sorte de jugement comme l'indique la présence de léther encore enfant (Hum). 11 demande où sont ceux que les chefs ont tués au Thabor. Assuré- 48. כזי אפוא ; TM איפה où? ment il est à regretter que nous ne sachions rien de cette circonstance, mais il faut reconnaître que le Thabor convient parfaitement à la situation des Madianites dans la plaine de 1622661. Budde et Moore proposent toutes sortes de changements parce qu'ils ne veulent pas attribuer notre morceau à l'auteur du ch. 7. Nous voyons ici au contraire une marque d'unité et une preuve de l'attribution de la poursuite à E. Demander avec Moore ce que faisaient donc les frères de Gédéon si loin de chez eux, c'est présumer que leur patrie était très éloignée de lezréël, ce qui est contre l’ensemble du récit. — Π semble que Gédéon veuille faire avouer aux rois qu'ils ont tué ses frères, οἱ que par conséquent son droit et son devoir est d’exercer la vengeance du sang. Comme איפה signifie toujours > où » (LXX), et que איכה (Vg. quales), ne se trouve nulle part que devant des verbes, il faut lire איפא 9, cf. Gen. 27 33 comme τίνες G(M de Moore) : Budde trouve plus beau un dialogue un peu heurté : « où sont-ils? si vous pouvez leur rendre la vie, je vous épargnerai … » Idée par trop étrange! — אחד est à prendre dans le sens de chacun d'eux; cf. Kœn. 73 qui cite 45 4° dans ce sens; il n'est pas nécessaire que chaque tournure biblique 56 trouve plusieurs fois. La réponse n'est pas une flatterie, mais plutôt une bravade, ils vont au-devant de la pensée de Gédéon et se glorifient de la noblesse de leurs victimes. 19 5.) Gédéon veut enseigner à son fils à venger sa famille, et humilier les rois qui vont tomber sous les coups d’un jeune homme. Hum. accuse léther d'avoir manqué de foi et ne serail pas étonné qu'il soit ensuite tombé dans la superstition; la Bible l'excuse sur son âge.
8:21
Les Madianites demandent à tomber sous la main de Gédéon, qui lui, est un homme; il faut donc lire avec Budde איש גבור אתה 12. Le TM a pu naitre facilement de ce texte; il est inintelligible : « comme est chacun, ainsi est-il fort » demanderait כך avant גבורתו et serait en tous cas une 91. כי גבור אתה ; TM כאיש גבורתו 12 car comme l'homme sa force. maxime générale peu en situation ou une excuse banale de léther. Comme trophée, Gédéon prend les croissants (15. 3 18) qui ornaient les chameaux des rois. Ce détail n’étonne ici que d'après nos mœurs modernes.
8:22
Budde et Moore remarquent assez bien que le v. ne suit guère à ce qui précède. Les gens d'Israël en général qui prennent la parole (cf. 7 14 texte non glosé) ne sont pas les trois cents nous sommes plutôt sur le terrain de 7 23 et ss. où d'autres tribus prenaient part à la lutte. La scène se passe quelque part au point où les pillards se rassemblent autour de Gédéon, la querelle soulevée par Éphraïm étant calmée 8 3. La demande des Israélites est très naturelle, Gédéon les a sauvés (cf. 6 14) ; ils offrent la royauté sans le mot, peut-être avec intention.
8:23
11 est très dur d'aller contre le sentiment de tous les commentateurs qui déclarent que Gédéon refuse ici la royauté. Nous voyons cependant que le pouvoir demeure dans sa famille 9 2, ce qui est pour les critiques une occasion de mettre les documents en contradiction, et Josèphe (Ant. V, 6 7( avait très bien compris que Gédéon s'était laissé faire violence. Sa réponse est purement et simplement d'un homme qui saisit le pouvoir en évitant le titre, à la manière d'Auguste : soit! mais ce n’est pas moi qui serai le maître, c'est lahvé qui régnera sur vous tous. Il y a loin de ces paroles à la condamnation théocratique de la royauté comme on la voit 1 Sam 8 7; 10 19 ; 12 12 (contre Budde, Moore et Nowack).
8:24
Il n'est dit nullement que refusant la royauté il demande du moins les anneaux ; ni que, l’acceptant, il les demande en vertu de son droit; mais en parfaite harmonie avec le sens que nous donnons à sa réponse, il commence à exercer son droit souverain avec les formes les plus courtoises. Un sanctuaire est nécessaire à sa nouvelle position, il va se le procurer. Sur le droit des chefs arabes de prendre un préciput sur le 24. משללו ; TM omet .ו 25. ויפרש ; TM Le pluriel. — Comme v. 24. butin, cf. W. R. Smith, The Religion of the Semites, p. 459. D’après TM chacun aurait pris précisément un anneau de butin, ce qui ne peut être; en mettant נדמי (Budde) Gédéon eût exigé tous les anneaux. Lire avec G bus, un © est tombé après le 1 précédent. Ces anneaux étaient pour les oreilles ou pour le nez. L'auteur (ou un glossateur ?) sachant que les cultivateurs n'ont pas coutume d'en porter explique que les vaincus étaient Ismaélites. Mais les Ismaélites n’appartenaient pas à la même branche que les Madianites (Gen. 25 2) : il est donc pris ici comme synonyme des riches négociants des caravanes; c'est ainsi que J dit Ismaélites dans l'histoire de Joseph (Gen. 37 25) où E dit Madianites (Gen. 37 28).
8:25
Le pluriel du TM (aussi Vg.) יפרשו est bien moins bon que le sing. Il n'y avait pas besoin de tant de manteaux, נדם שללן doit être corrigé comme au v. précédent.
8:26
Chaque anneau pouvant peser presque un sicle, le nombre de 1700 n'a rien d'exagéré. 26? est une ajoute pour donner une idée de tout le butin ; les vêtements de pourpre surtout n'ont rien à faire dans le compte de l'or. Cependant nous ne connaissons pas assez la manière d'écrire des anciens pour taxer ce passage de glose, d'autant que v. 21 les croissants sont au cou des chameaux, ce qu'un glossateur n'aurait pas remplacé par les chaînes .ענקות En tous cas 26? est une parenthèse.
8:27
Ces dix-sept cents sicles d'or sont employés à faire un éphod, que Gédéon installe dans sa ville à ‘Ophra. — בעפרה a toute l'apparence d'une glose explicative. — 5. Aug. avait parfaitement compris qu'il s'agit ici d'un objet en or et solide; et tout en faisant place à l'opinion commune de son temps qu'il s'agit ici du vêtement du grand prêtre (Ex. 28), il a conclu que Gédéon avait installé à ‘Ophra tout un sanctuaire, ce qu’il considère comme un grave péché (Quest. 44). Son objection contre l'éphod-vêtement est JuGEs 8 27 151 demeurée insoluble : pourquoi tant d'or pour le confectionner ? et si c'était pour acheter le nécessaire, pourquoi demander spécialement des objets en or et les transformer (ויועש אתו) en éphod? Car ἸῺΝ se rapporte évidemment à דהב par-dessus la parenthèse relative au reste du butin. D'autre part ויצג ne peut se dire d'un vêtement ; quoique ce verbe soit employé (6 37) d’un objet mou comme une toison, il signifie même en ce cas placer par terre, non revêtir. D'ailleurs si l’épnod ne peut pas être ici le vêtement du grand prêtre, encore moins un vêtement de lin; il est très difficile de préciser sa nature. L'éphod est associé aux téraphim 47 5 et Os. 3 4, dans ce dernier passage peut-être par opposition; on en voit un au sanctuaire de Nob Sam. 21 10: il sert aux oracles 1 Sam. 23 6.9; 30 7; on l'apporte הגיש) cf. 1 Sam. 44 18 d’après G) et le prètre est portant l’éphod בנשא אפוד 1 Sam. 44 3.18 )0( ; 22 18 (G). D'autre part il est certain que l'éphod était un vêtement de lin, בד 1 Sam. 2 18 etc. Budde remarque que les deux sens se retrouvent dans l’éphod du grand prêtre, vêtement qui contenait l'oracle d'Ourim et de Toummim. L'étym. est douteuse : Lag. a proposé l'arabe wafada, > arrivé, être offert à un grand personnage » ; la connexion des idées fait défaut. Généralement on suppose une racine אפד > revêtir », surtout à cause de אפדה (15. 30 22) qui parait signifier le revêtement d'une idole, où il peut être question de véritables habits. L'étym. demeurant obscure, le plus sage est de s'en tenir à l’usage biblique qui marque un instrument servant aux oracles. Il n’est pas probable qu'il représente une divinité, on imaginerait plutôt une sorte de boite. 11 est évident d'ailleurs que cet éphod ne pouvait être consacré qu'au culte de Iahvé, le dieu de Gédéon ; cette action n’en est pas moins fortement blâmée ici comme une cause de ruine spirituelle pour le peuple. De qui est cette réflexion à partir 133%? D'après Moore, du rédac. deutér. Mais ce n’est pas possible. Le rédac. deut. blâme le culte des dieux étrangers v. 33, et il n'aurait certainement pas mis cette réflexion avant l'humiliation de Madian pour mentionner un repos de 40 ans. Nous admettons un rédacteur très lardif, RP. Il est vrai que l'expression forniquer pour le culte des idoles est ancienne et rien n'empêcherait d'attribuer la réflexion à l'auteur primitif pour expliquer la ruine de la maison de Gédéon, mais on ne peut la concilier avec le calme dela conclusion deutéronomique. Budde prétend savoir que l’action de Gédéon était à l'origine racontée à sa louange. De cela nous ne voyons pas trace dans le récit qui est loin d'être sympathique à cet essai de dynastie. Il est en tous cas impossible de conclure de ce fait à la non existence d'une loi interdisant les images, puisque nous ne pouvons même pas affirmer que l'éphod fût une vraie représentation de la divinité. D'ailleurs la destruction de la maison du sauveur d'Israël suppose bien quelque faute de sa part.
8:28
Du rédac. deutér. comme il parait clairement par les formules stéréotypées 2 18; 810 5.; 3 30; 4 93 5.; 5 31. Son texte se continue v. 32-35 : conformément à son schéma, tout se passe bien durant la vie du juge, et c'est après 8 mort que les désordres recommencent. Celui qui a écrit cette ligne ne lisait donc pasle v.27? où il s'agit de Gédéon lui-même et non pas seulement de ses successeurs. S. Aug. a bien vu la difficulté : si Gédéon avait péché, comment le pays restait-il en repos? et Hum. avec d'autres en tire argument pour nier que Gédéon ait commis une faute grave. La critique littéraire explique que le rédac. deut. n’avait pas sous les yeux la condamnation sévère du v. 27. Il n'est pas nécessaire de lire כל ימי au lieu de 22 (Budde, Moore d’après 2 18); il peut y avoir ici un cas de bedel arabe, > à savoir pendant la vie de Gédéon », apposition explicative. Peut-être la lecture 212 est-elle une tentative de conciliation comme l’a compris s. Aug. qui place la construction de l’éphod après les quarante ans de paix comptés pendant la vie de Gédéon qui se serait prolongée. En tout cas le v. 32 serait contraire à cette solution.
8:29
Ce verset ne fait point double emploi avec 25? où Gédéon agit encore pour sa ville, οἱ ce n'est pas non plus la conclusion des faits précédents qu'on placerait par exemple après v. 21 (ce qui exclut la correction de Graetz et celle de Budde 28"); c'est plutôt le début dans E de l’histoire privée de Gédéon. Cela s'entend d’un séjour prolongé; cf. וישב dans E, Num. 20 1 ; 25 1.
8:30
Attribué à RP par Budde et Moore à cause de 2) ἸΝΧῚ Gen. 46 26 Ex. 45 (P); mais dans les exemples cités la descendance n’est pas immé- 1866 ; l'expression a plutôt une saveur d'antiquité. Ce verset complète l'image d'une royauté inaugurée : le grand nombre de femmes en est l'accompagnement naturel; d’ailleurs c'est l'introduction aux événements qui suivront, les soixante-dix fils 9 2 etc. .בעפרה TM. ; בעפרת .32
8:31
En plus des femmes de son harem, Gédéon avait une concubine à Sichem ; il semble d'après 9 1-8 qu'elle occupait même à Sichem un certain rang et que son fils Abimélek avait été élevé à Sichem; c’est dans la bouche d'un ennemi qu'elle est nommée servante de Gédéon 9 18; ce genre d'union (sadiga) a été décrit par Robertson Smith (Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p.70-76); cf. 100. 44 5. Josèphe savait que le nom de cette femme était Apouua (Ant. V, 7 8), par confusion avec 9 #1? D'après זז Reg. 47 34; Neh. 97; Dan. 4 7; 5 12, l'expression Dw pour donner le nom a une valeur particulière; dans tous ces cas, il s'agit d'un changement de nom pour insister sur le sens du nom imposé ; il ne serait donc pas étonnant que ce fût ici le but de l'auteur. Abimélek : « mon père est roi serait une allusion à la royauté de Gédéon : Abimélek était à sa manière porphyrogénète. Le nom se trouve déjà dans el-Amarna et son étymologie est probablement : le dieu מלך est mon père. D'ailleurs on ne peut prouver que l'expression שם OÙ soit de création récente, puisque dans tous les cas cités elle est employée pour un changement de nom, ce qui n'est pas ici le fait.
8:32
La mention du tombeau 2 9; 40 2.5; 42 7.10.12.15. — ,בשיבה טובה cf. Gen. 25 8 (P); 45 15 (RJ ?), est une expression qui ne paraît pas très ancienne. On préférerait la leçon de G(B) ἐν πόλει αὐτοῦ, par opposition à Sichem, si elle ne paraissait une corruption du grec primitif ἐν πολιᾷ ἀγαθῇ. Attribuer ce verset à RP, c'est ne plus tenir compte du blâme infligé à Gédéon indirectement, mais nettement v. 27; il doit être du rédac. deut. du même auteur que les autres mentions de sépultures. comme 6 24; il faut אבי העזרי devrait être à l’état construit devant עפרה .בעפרת donc lire
8:33
Suit à v. 28 comme 2 19 à 218; 4 1 à 3 30, c'est le rédac. deut. qui applique aux Israélites en général ce qui va être dit des gens de Sichem, au sujet de Ba‘al Berith. 11 ץ a donc ici les Baals, formule généralisante propre à RD (cf. 37) et un Baal particulier emprunté à l’ancienne histoire. et forniquèrent après les Baals et prirent pour Dieu Baal-Berith. 84 Et les fils d'Israël ne se souvinrent pas de lahvé leur Dieu, qui les avait délivrés de tous leurs ennemis aux alentours. # Et ils ne firent pas miséricorde à la maison de leroubbaal (Gédéon) comme [ils l’auraient dû à cause] de tout le bien qu'il avait fait à Israël.
8:34
Même généralisation dans le style de 2 12.14; les ennemis des environs, au lieu de nommer les Madianites.
8:35
Ce reproche n'est pas destiné comme le veut Budde à remplacer l'histoire d'Abimélek, mais plutôt à l’introduire. Le rédac. deut. ne pouvait se dispenser d’une réflexion morale sur la rechute des Israélites : cela fait, il lui fallait une transition pour revenir aux événements. Lui disait Gédéon, il se peut donc que leroubbaal ait été introduit plus tard pour mieux fusionner avec 9 1. Le G(B) a αὐτός ἐστιν Γεδεών, ce qui caractérise mieux la glose. Critique littéraire. — La distinction des documents dans l'histoire de Gédéon est des plus compliquées dans Budde, Moore, Nowack. On fait entrer en scène J, JE, E, E? sans parler du rédacteur deutéronomiste et des dernières retouches. Le récit est partagé surtout en deux grandes histoires. D'après J, Gédéon reçoit la visite de l'ange (6 11-24), se met à la tête de son clan (6 34), triomphe de l'ennemi par la ruse des torches enfermées dans des pots 7 20.21 (en partie), mais cette victoire a lieu au delà du Jourdain où il a poursuivi Zébah et Salmana qui étaient venus faire une razzia dans laquelle ils avaient tué les frères de Gédéon (8 4-21); on attribue encore à J l'épisode de l’éphod (8 24- 26). D'après E ou E?, Gédéon détruit l'autel de Baal (6 25-40), défait les Madianites dans la plaine de Beisân au moyen des trompettes (7 16-20) et se dispute avec les Éphraïmites (7 24-8 3) puis il rentre chez lui (8 29). — On a ainsi deux histoires à peu près complètes, mais supposant deux traditions très divergentes : d'après les uns les Madianites avaient regagné tranquillement l'autre rive du Jourdain après le meurtre des frères de Gédéon ; d'après les autres ils auraient été vaincus pendant leur invasion; on divise les pots et les trompettes qui auraient ensuite 646 bloqués. Cela suppose nécessairement un remaniement complet et très arbitraire. Voici d’ailleurs l'analyse détaillée de Budde : J 6 2b-62*,11.12P.132,14"15a.16*17a.18a*.18b.192*.19b. 91 ,4. 34;8 4-9.103>.11 7 16*172.18bB*.192:20*21b"8 122; 7 292b*:8 19b. 13-178 18- 21ba,22* s.? 24-26.27aa 30-32", De E ou de J? 6 122.13b.14*.15b.16*.17b. 18:*,192*.20. De 1:6 23-31.33.36-40 ; 7 1.9-11.13-15.16*17b*.18*.19n.19b. 2028 212,222*,22b*,24 s. ; 8 1-3.22 8.221. De E? 6 7-10. De RJE 6 32.35; 7 (16-22). Du deuxième rédacteur deutéronomiste : 6 1.22,6b. 8 28.33-35. De plus ce rédacteur aurait enlevé 8 22 8. 8 24-2682799, Le dernier rédacteur RP, aurait remis 8 22 8. 24-26.27a+ et ajouté 7 2-8.12.14*.23; 8 1028b; 21b8. Mains postérieures 7 13* ; 826b. Les astérisques indiquent les passages retouchés. Dans Nowack le texte est encore plus morcelé et panaché. Il est difficile de ne pas éprouver un certain scepticisme en présence d’un pareil morcellement; cependant nous avons étudié avec soin les raisons données pour le justifier; mais nous ne pouvons nous rallier à ce système qui dissèque beaucoup trop et qui suppose trop de divergences dans les traditions. Nous sommes loin cependant de soutenir une unité absolue. Sans parler des gloses légères résultant de dittographie ou d’autres péchés de copistes, nous considérons comme très tardifs et peut-être comme postérieurs à la dernière rédaction 7 3s; 8 10% qui paraissent une surcharge et 8 27b qui est exclu par le v. suivant (cf. les notes). Nous n'osons cependant retrancher 008 passages comme de pures gloses. Le rédacteur deutéronomiste se retrouve au début et à la fin, formant cadre 6 1. 22* 6 et 8 28.32-35. Il faut encore lui attribuer, ou à un réviseur postérieur, la morale du prophète anonyme qui s'adresse en général aux fils d'Israël 6 8-10. Il reste en somme toute l’histoire de Gédéon. Cependant même dans cette histoire nous ne pouvons conclure à une unité absolue, Il y a deux graves objections, selon nous décisives. La première c’est le double autel bâti par Gédéon à Ophra, une fois à cause d'une vision (6 11-24) comme commémoraison de la visite de l'ange, une autre fois (6 25-32) au lieu et place de l'autel de Baal renversé. De plus la victoire des Éphraïmites sur les chefs de Madian ‘Oreb et Zeëb paraît une variante de la poursuite de Gédéon contre Zébah et Salmana. L'épisode des Éphraïmites est une conclusion différente de la campagne qui ne peut se placer ni avant que Gédéon ait passé le Jourdain, c’est contraire au texte, ni avant qu'il ait atteint ses ennemis, ni même après, car il ne se serait pas humilié si modestement devant les Éphraïmites après avoir châtié si durement Souccoth et Penouël. Nous avons donc comme deux centres de cristallisation dans chacun de ces points el nous ne demanderions pas mieux que de restituer deux histoires complètes. Si nous prenons pour point d'attache la visite de l'ange, nous trouvons deux fois la mention du clan d'Abiézer 6 11.24. La même mention se trouve (634) lorsque Gédéon revêtu de l'esprit de lahvé se décide hardiment à l'entreprise (tandis que 6 36 il hésite encore) et dans l'épisode des Éphraïmites où le clan d'Abiézer est victorieux (8 2) (tandis que dans la bataille ce sont trois cents hommes choisis par un signe divin). Nous rattachons donc l'épisode des Éphraimites à la vision de l’ange, contre tous les critiques. Si nous revenons au début, nous constatons que Gédéon, caché dans un pressoir pour dépiquer son grain, accuse l'oppression telle qu'elle est décrite 6 2b-4. Nous ne voyons rien de plus dans cette histoire. Elle est fort incomplète, mais du moins très suivie. Gédéon, d'une humble famille du clan d’Abiézer (6 15) et lui-même sans autorité dans la maison de son père, travaillant de ses mains, est suscité de Iahvé pour délivrer Israël des Madianites. 1] l'emporte, — nous ne savons comment la victoire était racontée dans ce récit — et doit céder l’honneur du triomphe aux orgueilleux Éphraïmites. C’est un héros qui se rapproche du type de Samson et jusque dans l'allusion aux capitaines qui laissent leurs noms à des endroits connus on retrouve la même manière ; cf. 45 19. Gédéon sonne de la trompette comme Éhoud pour convoquer les siens et fait lui aussi couper les gués du Jourdain. Cf. 634 et 3 27; 7 24 et 3 28. Rien n'empêche donc de voir dans ces trois récits l'auteur des guerres de Iahvé que nous désignons par J. Tout le reste forme une histoire parfaitement suivie selon nous, et dont tous les éléments connus se soudent facilement, quoiqu'il y ait des lacunes. Son caractère n’est pas plus surnaturel que celui de la précédente, mais la conduite de Dieu paraît davantage et le salut suppose certaines dispositions morales. L’oppression est indiquée (6 5 qui répète ce qui a été dit vv. 2b-4) et suivie d'une demande de secours. Ce secours est censé promis 6 36, il y a en effet la promesse 6 16; mais précisément on constate en cet endroit un léger embarras de rédaction. Gédéon devrait avoir reconnu Ilahvé, et cependant sa surprise éclate plus tard (6 22) avec sa crainte. Il semble donc que de 611 à 6 24 il y a dans la visite de l'ange des traces d’une autre apparition dans laquelle Dieu parlait à Gédéon. En tous cas Dieu exige d'abord qu'on renverse l'autel de Baal et qu’on le remplace par le sien (6 25-32) et Gédéon paraît à la fois comme réformateur et comme sauveur. 1[ demande un signe (6 36-40) et la victoire elle-même, réservée à Iahvé par le choix de ses instruments et le mode du combat, sera comme une démonstration de sa puissance (7 1-21). Invasion des Madianites (63) et convocation des tribus (635), tout est très bien lié, car il fallait que le peuple fût d’abord assez nombreux pour qu'on eût trois cents trompettes et trois cents pots. Bataille ou plutôt panique. Les ennemis se dispersent (7 22). Ici nous nous trouvons en présence d’une grande difficulté. Il est déjà étonnant qu'après leur chaude alerte les Madianites aient pu se grouper et cependant gagner assez d'avance pour se croire en sûreté au delà du Jourdain. Ce qui frappe surtout c'est que Gédéon poursuit spécialement leurs chefs Zebah et Salmana et que c’est ἃ peine si on mentionne le désordre de l’armée (810). Les gens de Souccoth et de Penouël savent très bien à qui Gédéon en a. Enfin lui-même révèle le motif de sa haine personnelle ; il s'agit d'une vengeance de famille. Les deux Madianites avaient tué les frères de Gédéon au Thabor. Dans tout cet épisode Gédéon est hardi et indomptable, sévère jusqu'à la cruauté, sinon envers les chefs ennemis qui devaient périr selon la loi du sang, du moins envers les gens de Penouël et de Souccoth. Ce n'est plus le Gédéon timide et anxieux qui n'entreprend rien sans avoir un signe. Aussi les critiques ont-ils refusé ce morceau à E pour l'attribuer à ὁ, Mais ilen résultait qu'ils attribuaient à E l'incident des Éphraïmites, contrairement aux vraisemblances, et, en somme, celui dont les frères ressemblaient à des princes serait plutôt le Gédéon qui commande à dix de ses serviteurs que le misérable batteur en grange. Cependant on ne peut supposer que le motif qui détermine la vengeance n'a pas été écrit; on a dû dire d'abord comment Zébah et Salmana ont tué les frères de Gédéon. Si ce récit appartenait à J ou à E pourquoi ne l’aurait-on pas conservé? ][ nous semble donc qu'il y avait là un document spécial. On racontait l'histoire d'une vengeance particulière. Le début cadrait sans doute mal avec la vocation de Gédéon qui délivra ses concitoyens de l'oppression des Madianites, vocation qui se trouvait aussi bien dans J que dans E. La fin pouvait au contraire se souder facilement à l'histoire générale et c'est pourquoi elle a été conservée. Après cet épisode nous nous trouvons dans une sorte de réunion générale après la victoire. Le peuple, sauvé par Gédéon, lui offre une sorte de principat héréditaire (8 22). 11 refuse, mais s'empare en réalité du pouvoir, au moins dans le cercle de son influence ; Abimélek a simplement voulu lui succéder au détriment de ses frères, non inaugurer un ordre nouveau. Il fait fabriquer un splendide éphod, instrument sacerdotal que le prêtre faisait fonctionner pour le roi et prend des femmes nombreuses qui lui donnent de nombreux enfants. Quant à l'auteur de ce récit, nous n’hésitons pas à désigner l'école Élohiste et ici nous sommes avec Budde, Moore et Nowack, sauf que ces critiques attribuent à l’inverse les Éphraïmites à E et la poursuite transjordannienne à J. La vision nocturne, le songe avec son interprétation, la lutte contre δαὶ sont des indices qui ne peuvent tromper; ils sont accompagnés, dans un bon nombre de cas du mot Élohim et de quelques locutions particulières. Il n'est pas nécessaire qu'on reconnaisse partout la manière de l'Élohiste; il suffit que les faits se soudent bien les uns aux autres pour qu'ayant conclu à l'unité d'auteur dans cette histoire on lui en fasse honneur. Nous reconnaissons donc dans l’histoire de Gédéon comme trois traditions principales. Mais ces traditions ne sont nullement contradictoires et nous ne supposons pas que, pour faire son récit, l'auteur ἃ découpé ses documents en petits morceaux pour les faire servir à des combinaisons différentes. Il est impossible de conclure de notre analyse à des histoires substantiellement différentes. Le pays de Gédéon est bien la tribu de Manassé; ni le champ de bataille ni la mention du Thabor n'indiquent une autre origine. On ne peut pas dire non plus que les ennemis étaient pour un auteur les Madianites, pour un autre les Ismaélites, pour un autre les nomades de l'Orient! ces expressions seraient d'ailleurs synonymes. Enfin les deux batailles doivent avoir été distinctes à l'origine comme elles le sont dans la rédaction, chacune avec son caractère, tandis qu'on veul supposer que la première s'est enrichie dans Ε des pots empruntés à J. Chaque auteur avait son point de vue particulier, la situation générale demeure claire et avec les caractères de l'histoire. Critique historique. — L'histoire de Gédéon marque une étape dans l'histoire politique et religieuse d'Israël. Israël est devenu un peuple agricole. Comme tous les envahisseurs, une fois bien installé, il sera conduit par son intérêt même à arrêter les nomades dans le mouvement qui l’a porté lui-même au pays de Canaan. Ainsi firent les Francs d’Austrasie au temps de Charlemagne. C’est, comme l'exprime si vivement le symbole que Gédéon vit en songe, le pain du fellah qui roule et renverse la tente du nomade. Sur les marches d'Israël la population était sans doute plus mélangée et on était exposé en première ligne aux coups de l’envahisseur venu de l'est : d'où la lâcheté prudente des gens de Souccoth et de Penouël. Les nomades qui entrent ici en scène ne paraissent pas d’ailleurs avoir eu l'intention de se fixer en Palestine. Ils se contentent de razzias. Quelques-uns, et c'était sans doute la part d'‘Amaleq, descendaient jusqu'à Gaza (6 4). D'autres passaient le Jourdain et remontaient jusqu'au Thabor. Ils étaient surtout attirés par les plaines où croissaient de riches moissons et où leurs chameaux se développaient librement. Les habitants n'avaient d'autres ressources que de gagner les montagnes et de se réfugier dans les cavernes ou derrière des remparts de grosses pierres. Sans se presser, les Orientaux dressaient leurs tentes comme en pays conquis. Le but de ces invasions n’était nullement une guerre d’extermination et les ennemis faits prisonniers n'étaient pas ordinairement exécutés si Zébah et Salmana n'avaient pas tué les frères de Gédéon, lui-même ne les aurait pas mis à mort (8 19). Mais ce premier acte de cruauté exaspéra Gédéon et sa famille. Selon les règles mêmes de l'honneur et de la justice, il devait poursuivre la vengeance du sang. Aussi alla-t-il chercher les chefs madianites jusqu'au delà du Jourdain où ils se croyaient en sûreté, et eux-mêmes semblent le provoquer à faire son devoir. La situation n'en était pas moins précaire et même intolérable pour les Israélites. Gédéon fut suscité de Iahvé pour purger le pays de ces sauterelles malfaisantes. Il s'agissait moins de les combattre en bataille rangée que de les disperser. Sans organisation militaire, aussi prompts à fuir qu'à attaquer, ils offraient une proie facile aussitôt que leur force de cohésion était rompue. M. Vigouroux a bien montré combien l'alerte nocturne où triomphe Gédéon est conforme aux vraisemblances historiques. Connaissant mal le pays où chaque rocher pouvait cacher une embûche, les Madianites n'avaient plus qu’une pensée, regagner le désert en passant le fleuve. Les gués occupés, errants dans les fondrières qui bordent le Jourdain, ils devenaient une proie facile; Gédéon put le dire en toute vérité, 16 glanage d'Éphraïm valait mieux que la vendange d'Abiézer. Une réponse prudente met le sceau à Ia réputation d’un guerrier. Les Israélites présents lui offrirent un principat héréditaire. Gédéon s'exprime avec modestie tout en gardant du pouvoir tout ce que la situation comportait. Or elle était embarrassée et mal définie. Le clan d’'Abiézer demeura certainement dans sa main, mais Manassé, sa tribu, paraît avoir été la plus dispersée de tout Israël. Éphraïm était ombrageux. La cohésion n’était nulle part. Il fallait plus qu'une campagne rapide pour que les Israélites formassent une armée régulière, prélude obligé de la royauté. Gédéon se contenta de demeurer sans conteste le chef de tout un district que nous ne pouvons déterminer. Il avait déjà bâti un autel à Iahvé-pacifique. Il installa de plus, non pas chez lui, mais dans sa ville, un éphod, le plus précieux ornement d’un sanctuaire et l'apanage ordinaire de la royauté. Il eut de nombreuses épouses et étendit ses relations jusque parmi les Cananéens de Sichem. Sa mémoire demeura en bénédiction, attachée à son tombeau de famille. Mais de tragiques événements devaient interrompre brusquement cette ébauche de la royauté. Le rôle religieux de Gédéon est encore plus remarquable. Il est vrai que certains critiques le nient ou le révoquent en doute. Tout aurait été altéré par les derniers rédacteurs. Pour Wellhausen (Prol.f, p. 245 ss.), le vrai sens de l'apparition de l'ange à Gédéon indique un culte complètement semblable à celui des autres serviteurs de Baal. D'où le nom de Ieroubbaal ou plutôt de 16200288], pour Renan Iarébaal (celui qui craint Baal 1), car on n’a jamais porté le nom d'un dieu si ce n'est pour l'honorer. D'accord sur ce point, les critiques se divisent sur ce qu'exprime Baal. Pour Renan c'est le baal cananéen et Gédéon changea en effet de maître : « des circonstances que nous ignorons inclinèrent [arébaal vers le culte exclusif de Iahvé? ». Pour Moore et Nowack, le baal n’est autre que lahvé lui-même. On fait remarquer que ce terme, en soi indifférent, marquant seulement le dieu propriétaire du sol a dû être appliqué à Iahvé puisque nous le trouvons parmi les familles sincèrement iahvistes, Ichbaal, fils de 1. Histoire, 1, p. 319. 2. Renan, loc. laud. Saül, Meribaal, fils de Jonathan, Baalyada, fils de David (cf. Os. 2 18 ss.). Plus tard le nom de Baal devint pour ainsi dire le signe des cultes païens : on le remplaça dans les noms propres par celui de Bochet (abomination) dans le propre nom de 162002288[ (II Sam. 41 21) comme dans celui d'Ichbaal. Un autre artifice aurait consisté à faire dire à ce nom que le héros avait combattu contre Baal, d'où l’histoire du second autel destinée à réparer le scandale du premier. Tout cela est étrange et méconnaît la sincérité manifeste de nos auteurs. On a bien pu insérer une note pour blâmer l'usage 66 4 (8 27), mais de là à inventer toute une histoire maladroitement plaquée à côté de l’autre, il y a loin. L'appréciation générale est superficielle. L'école historique ne prendrait pas sur elle de nier l'opposition entre lahvé et les Baals qui forme toute l’histoire d'Israël au pays de Canaan. Que la religion de Iahvé ait été gravement atteinte par le contact avec la civilisation cananéenne, c'est ce que la Bible crie à toutes les pages, mais en somme lahvé est demeuré seul maître, et cela ne peut pas avoir été sans lutte. C’est un épisode de ces luttes que l'Élohiste a raconté. Budde sans garantir la réalité des faits défend du moins leur mérite interne, nous dirions leur parfaite vraisemblance > le plus souvent le passage au culte de lahvé a dû s'accomplir insensiblement, Iahvé étant devenu le maître du sol de la Palestine ; mais on ne peut exclure 101 ou là un changement violent » (p. ὅθ). Lorsqu'un récit que rien ne rend suspect raconte des choses parfaitement vraisemblables, il n'y a aucune raison de mettre en doute 18 réalité des faits. Il est donc chimérique de voir dans les parties élohistes une correction inspirée par les scrupules que causait l’ancienne histoire. Ce qui a pu choquer dans la suite, ce qui a gêné en tous cas les interprètes, c'est que Gédéon ait bâti un autel en dehors du sanctuaire de l'arche, mais l’Élohiste n'avait pas ici de scrupules puisqu'il lui en fait bâtir un, lui aussi. Tout ce qu'on peut dire, c'est que le Ilahviste ne semble pas s'être préoccupé de la lutte religieuse, peut-être simplement parce que de son temps cela n'avait pas le même intérêt, ou parce qu'il voulait simplement dire les guerres de Iahvé. Chez lui d’ailleurs Gédéon n'est pas mû par un désir privé de vengeance. Il ne songe qu’à son ouvrage et c'est une mission divine qui l’arrache à ses occupations. Son début est tout semblable à celui de l'Élohiste : les Madianites oppriment Israël et P. LaGnaxGe. — Les Juges. ΠῚ lahvé intervient pour les délivrer en suscitant Gédéon. C'est quelque chose comme l'épisode d'Éhoud, un extrait des actes de Jahvé par Israël, avec une vue jetée sur les prétentions arrogantes d'Éphraïm. Il est clair d'ailleurs que ni l’Élohiste, ni le lahviste ne se préoccupent de l'unité du culte autour du sanctuaire national. Gédéon a donc combattu le baal d’Ophra, pour le remplacer par 1806. Ce pourrait être à la suite d'une conversion. Pourtant cette opinion ne repose que sur une faute de copiste. On fait de 1088 le propre prêtre de Baal : il serait donc naturel qu'il eût donné à son fils un nom glorieux à son dieu. Mais l'autel de Baal n’était pas au père de Gédéon, il était à toute la ville. Depuis longtemps on s'étonne que le bonhomme se soit montré si froid pour son dieu dont il se moque. Sa conversion à lui aussi eût été très prompte! En réalité il était sans doute dans les sentiments iahvistes de son fils; ce n'est pas lui que son fils craignait, le texte dit, non sans intention, qu'il craignait sa famille et les gens de la ville (6 27). Ieroubbaal n'était donc pas un nom destiné à glorifier le baal d'Ophra. Encore moins 288] suppose-t-il ici pour lahvé. Dans une histoire de lutte contre Baal ce serait une confusion étrange. Il est vrai qu'on n'a jamais donné à quelqu'un le nom d'un dieu pour marquer qu’il en a été l'adversaire : maisle texte — qu'on pourrait d'ailleurs abandonner comme une glose — n’est pas tombé dans cette confusion. Il a fait de Baal le sujet du verbe, ce qui est philologiquement très vraisemblable ; il faudrait prouver que jamais Sémite n’a reçu un surnom à la suite d'un événement mémorable. Peu importe d’ailleurs que le nom réponde en lui-même exactement à la situation, pourvu qu’il donne satisfaction à l'instinct populaire. L'action de Gédéon marque donc un progrès dans la religion de lahvé. Le triomphe qui suivit prouva que lahvé régnait en maitre au pays de Canaan. 1/1066 d'attribuer à un auteur récent tout ce qui marque le surnaturel est tellement peu critique qu'on ne l’emploie que dans l’exégèse de la Bible. Gédéon ne pense pas faire tort à la cause de lahvé en installant un éphod. Comme chef militaire il pouvait avoir à consulter [ahvé avant de rien entreprendre. L'éphod paraît avoir eu ce but; le récit est ici bref jusqu'à l'obscurité. Peut-être a-t-il été interrompu et remplacé par le jugement sévère qui s'imposait à une époque plus récente , lorsque la centralisation du culte était devenue une loi absolue. CHAPITRE 9. — HISTOIRE D'ABIMÉLER 1. Omettre ἸῺΝ. 4-6, UsurPaTION .אפואאום\'פ — L'unité est reconnue. Moore dit ₪ Budde et Nowack J.
8:3
OREB AND ZEB. - Totemic names ('ôrêbh "raven"; zê'êbh "wolf") of two Midianite chiefs, captured by the Israelites of Gideon's time (v.) west of the Jordan (Judg. 7:25; 8:3; cf. Ps. 83:12), killed along with many of their men at a place near the river (probably in the territory of Ephraim), afterward named in memory of the event, respectively "rock …
8:4
… The latter, having vainly asked for help from the inhabitants of Succoth and of Penuel, localities near the river Jabbok, captured and killed them, probably after having led them to Ophrah, his city (Judg. 8:4-21). Gideon, besides exercising a right of war, intended thereby to avenge the blood of his brothers (cf. Ex. 21:12; Num. 35:16-18). The episode is also recalled in Ps. 83:11. Angelo Penna
Zebee (Heb. Zebhaḥ, "Sacrifice")
… The two chiefs managed to flee, but, pursued and captured, they were brought to Succoth, where they were killed personally by Gideon, who intended to avenge the slaughter of his brothers carried out by them on Mount Tabor (Judg. 8:4-21). The historical psalm 82:12 extols this victory over Z. Angelo Penna
8:5
Jahel (Heb. Jāʾēl; Vulg. Iahel)
J. belongs to a clan related to Moses (Judg. 1:16; 4:11) and therefore to the Israelites (cf. 1 Sam. 15:6). Her intervention against Sisera, at war with them, is explained precisely by the principle of solidarity, which makes it a duty for related tribes to intervene against the enemy (cf. Judg. 8:5-9, 15-17; 21; 1 Sam. 14:21; 29). Therefore J. is praised, while the Israelite city of Meroz is cursed (Judg. 5:23), which did not move against the defeated. …
8:6
II. DIVORCE IN THE BIBLE. - Fasting is praised and even commanded in the Old Testament (Tob. 12:8; II Kings 12:16; Judg. 8:6; Joel 2:12; Esth. 14:2; II Macc. 12:12).
8:7
… dumtaxat, ut quadragenarium numerum (di piaghe) non excedant, ne foede laceratus ante oculos tuos abeat frater tuus» (ibid. 25, 3). Of flagellation, it is true, speak, threatening it, Gideon with regard to his enemies, if they should fall into his hands (Judg. 8, 7), and Rehoboam to the Hebrews, who murmured against his way of proceeding (I Kings 12, 11-14), but they do not refer to a legal penalty. …
8:8
Phanuel (Heb. Pēnî'ēl, "Face [Appearance] of God")
inhabitants had not helped the Israelites in their struggle with the Midianites, P. was cruelly punished by Gideon (Judg. 8:8, 17). It was again fortified by King Jeroboam I (1 Kings 12:26).
8:13
Joas (Heb. Jō'āf and Jēhō'āf; Greek: 'Iōzōz)
The same name was borne by: 3. The father of Gideon, of the family of Abiezer, tribe of Manasseh (Judg. 6:11; 7:14; 8:13, 29, 32). A lukewarm worshiper of Baal, he defended his son when he tore down the idol of Baal (Judg. 6:29 ff.). - 4. The son of King Ahab; the latter, setting out toward Ramoth, handed …
8:22
Theologians have therefore raised the question whether the infused c. of which Sacred Scripture speaks is not fundamentally the supernatural friendship between God and the righteous man, as also among the adopted children of God. The affirmative answer is already contained in the Old Testament: Judg. 8:22; Wis. 7:27; Ps. 138:17 (according to the Septuagint and the Vulgate); and above all in Jesus' declaration: «You are my friends, if you do what I command you. I no longer call you …
… The recognition of their authority — which in origin and exercise often shows charismatic traits — is an act of national and religious faith: being chosen by God, they are entitled to absolute power, which can acquire the appearance of a true and proper monarchy (cf. Judg. 8, 22-23 with 9, 1-6).
8:28
… Adding up the times of the individual Judges (to the major Judges are attributed 40 years [Judg. 3:11; 5:32; 8:28; cf. 13:1], 80 years [3:30], 20 years [cf. 16:31; 4:3]), the total comes to 410 years; but since according to 1 Kings 6, the whole time from the Exodus to the building of the Temple …
8:31
2. ABIMELECH, son of Gideon (Judg. 8:31-9:57). After his father's death, with the help of his mother's relatives dwelling in Shechem, he killed his 70 brothers, considered dangerous rivals, and had himself proclaimed king. …
8:33
Sichem (Heb. Šēḥḥem «Nuca»; Gr. Sychem or Sychima)
… solemn assembly of all 12 tribes (Josh. 8:30) and there the covenant pact was confirmed and renewed (ibid. 24:1); it was among the Levitical and refuge cities (ibid. 20:21). In the time of the Judges there was still in the city a temple to Ba'al bèrith (Judg. 8:33; 9:4), from whose treasury Abimelech took the money to hire partisans for his political designs (ibid. 9:2-6); and because of the hostility of the Shechemites, he marched against the …
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · original Douay-Rheims (Douay 1609-10), transcription by EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Public domain.