Paul appeals to Caesar. King Agrippa desires to hear him.
After tvvo yeres emprisonment the Ievves continevv their sute against him, soliciting the nevv President Festus, • first at Hierusalem, then at Caesarea: 9 vvhere through the Ievves partialitie he is faine to appeale vnto the Emperour: 13 and is in the meane time brought forth by Festus (giuing him good testimonie, notvvithstanding the exclamations of the Ievves against him) vnto king Agrippa and his Queene Bernice.
1Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days, he went up to Jerusalem from Cæsarea.Festo adunque entrato nella provincia, tre giorni dopo andò da Cesarea a Gerusalemme.FESTVS therfore vvhen he vvas come into the prouince, after three daies vvent vp to Hierusalem from Caesaréa.Festus ergo cum venisset in provinciam, post triduum ascendit Jerosolymam a Cæsarea. 2And the chief priests and principal men of the Jews went unto him against Paul: and they besought him,E comparvero dinanzi a lui i principi de' sacerdoti, e i più ragguardevoli Giudei contro Paolo: e lo pregavano,And the cheefe priests, & principal men of the Ievves vvent vnto him against Paul: and they desired him,Adieruntque eum principes sacerdotum et primi Judæorum adversus Paulum: et rogabant eum, 3Requesting favour against him, that he would command him to be brought to Jerusalem, laying wait to kill him in the way.Chiedendogli grazia contro di lui, che comandasse di farlo condurre in Gerusalemme, tendendogli insidie per ammazzarlo nel viaggio.requesting fauour against him, that he vvould commaund him to be brought to Hierusalem, laying vvaite for to kil him in the vvay.postulantes gratiam adversus eum, ut juberet perduci eum in Jerusalem, insidias tendentes ut interficerent eum in via. 4But Festus answered: That Paul was kept in Cæsarea: and that he himself would very shortly depart thither.Ma Pesto rispose, che Paolo era custodito in Cesarea: e che egli stesso partirebbe in breve.But Festus ansvvered, that Paul is in Caesaréa: and that he vvould very shortly goe thither.Festus autem respondit servari Paulum in Cæsarea: se autem maturius profecturum. 5Let them, therefore, saith he, among you that are able, go down with me and accuse him, if there be any crime in the man.Quegli adunque (disse egli) di voi, che possono farlo, vengano insieme, e se alcun delitto è in quest'uomo, lo accusino.They therfore, saith he, that are of abilitie among you, going dovvne vvith me, if there be any crime in the man, let them accuse him.Qui ergo in vobis, ait, potentes sunt, descendentes simul, si quod est in viro crimen, accusent eum. 6And having tarried among them no more than eight or ten days, he went down to Cæsarea. And the next day, he sat in the judgment seat and commanded Paul to be brought.Ed essendo restato tra di loro non più di otto, o dieci giorni andò a Cesarea, e il dì seguente sedendo a tribunale, ordinò, che fosse condotto Paolo.And hauing taried among them not aboue eight or ten daies, he vvent dovvne to Caesaréa, and the next day he sate in the iudgement seate: and he commaunded Paul to be brought.Demoratus autem inter eos dies non amplius quam octo aut decem, descendit Cæsaream, et altera die sedit pro tribunali, et jussit Paulum adduci.
7Who being brought, the Jews stood about him, who were come down from Jerusalem, objecting many and grievious causes, which they could not prove:Ed essendo egli stato condotto, lo circondarono que' Giudei, che eran venuti da Gerusalemme, portando molte, e gravi accuse contro di Paolo, le quali non potevano provare.Vvho being brought, there stoode about him the Ievves that vvere come dovvne from Hierusalem, obiecting many and greuous causes vvhich, they could not proue,Qui cum perductus esset, circumsteterunt eum, qui ab Jerosolyma descenderant Judæi, multas et graves causas objicientes, quas non poterant probare: 8Paul making answer for himself: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I offended in any thing.Difendendosi Paolo con dire: non ho niente peccato né contro la legge de' Giudei, né contro il tempio, né contro Cesare.Paul making ansvver, That neither against the lavv of the Ievves, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar haue I any thing offended.Paulo rationem reddente: Quoniam neque in legem Judæorum, neque in templum, neque in Cæsarem quidquam peccavi. 9But Festus, willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, answering Paul, said: Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things before me?Ma Festo volendo far cosa grata ai Giudei, rispose a Paolo, e disse: vuoi tu venire a Gerusalemme, e quivi esser sopra queste cose giudicato dinanzi a me?But Festus vvilling to shevv the Ievves a pleasure, ansvvering Paul, said, Vvilt thou goe vp to Hierusalem, and there be iudged of these things before me?Festus autem volens gratiam præstare Judæis, respondens Paulo, dixit: Vis Jerosolymam ascendere, et ibi de his judicari apud me ? 10Then Paul said: I stand at Caesar’s judgment seat, where I ought to be judged. To the Jews I have done no injury, as thou very well knowest.Ma Paolo disse: sto dinanzi al tribunale di Cesare, ivi fa di mestieri, ch'io sia giudicato. A' Giudei non ho fatto torto, come tu sai benissimo.And Paul said, At Caesars iudgemēt seate doe I stand, vvhere I ought to be iudged: the Ievves I haue not hurt, as thou very vvel knovvest.Dixit autem Paulus: Ad tribunal Cæsaris sto: ibi me oportet judicari: Judæis non nocui, sicut tu melius nosti. 11For if I have injured them or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die. But if there be none of these things whereof they accuse me, no man may deliver me to them. I appeal to Caesar.Imperocché se ho fatto torto, o se ho fatta cosa degna di morte, non ricuso di morire: che se non è nulla di tutto quello, onde questi mi accusano, nissuno può ad essi donarmi. Appello a Cesare.For if I haue hurt them, or done any thing vvorthie of death, I refuse not to die. but if none of those things be, vvhereof these accuse me, no man can giue me to them I appeale to Caesar.Si enim nocui, aut dignum morte aliquid feci, non recuso mori: si vero nihil est eorum quæ hi accusant me, nemo potest me illis donare. Cæsarem appello.
12Then Festus, having conferred with the council, answered: Hast thou appealed to Caesar? To Caesar shalt thou go.Allora Festo avendone discorso in consiglio, rispose: Hai appellato a Cesare? A Cesare andrai.Then Festus hauing conferred vvith the Councel, ansvvered, Hast thou appealed to Caesar? to Caesar shalt thou goe.Tunc Festus cum concilio locutus, respondit: Cæsarem appellasti ? ad Cæsarem ibis. 13And after some days, king Agrippa and Bernice came down to Cæsarea, to salute Festus.E passati alcuni giorni, il re Agrippa, e Berenice si portaron a Cesarea per salutare Festo.And vvhen certaine daies vvere passed, king Agrippa & Berníce came dovvne to Caesaréa to salute Festus.Et cum dies aliquot transacti essent, Agrippa rex et Bernice descenderunt Cæsaream ad salutandum Festum. 14And as they tarried there many days, Festus told the king of Paul, saying: A certain man was left prisoner by Felix.Ed essendovisi trattenuti per vari giorni, Festo parlò di Paolo al re, dicendo: Havvi un cert'uomo lasciato in catene da Felice,And as they taried there a good many daies, Festus signified to the king, of Paul, saying, A certaine person vvas left prisoner by Felix,Et cum dies plures ibi demorarentur, Festus regi indicavit de Paulo, dicens: Vir quidam est derelictus a Felice vinctus, 15About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the ancients of the Jews came unto me, desiring condemnation against him.Per cagion del quale, essendo io a Gerusalemme, venner a trovarmi i principi de' sacerdoti, e i seniori de' Giudei, chiedendo, ch'ci fosse condannato.concerning vvhom, vvhen I vvas at Hierusalem, the cheefe priests and the auncients of the Ievves came vnto me, desyring condemnation against him.de quo cum essem Jerosolymis, adierunt me principes sacerdotum et seniores Judæorum, postulantes adversus illum damnationem. 16To whom I answered: it is not the custom of the Romans to condemn any man, before that he who is accused have his accusers present and have liberty to make his answer, to clear himself of the things laid to his charge.A' quali io risposi: Non esser costume de' Romani di condannare alcun uomo prima, che l'accusato abbia presenti gli accusatori, e gli sia dato luogo di difesa per purgarsi dalle accuse.To vvhom I ansvvered, That it is not the Romanes custome to yeld vp any man before that he vvhich is accused haue his accusers present and take place to make his ansvver for to cleere him self of the crimes.Ad quos respondi: Quia non est Romanis consuetudo damnare aliquem hominem priusquam is qui accusatur præsentes habeat accusatores, locumque defendendi accipiat ad abluenda crimina.
17When therefore they were come hither, without any delay, on the day following, sitting in the judgment seat, I commanded the man to be brought.Eglino adunque essendo immediatamente concorsi qua il dì vegnente, sedendo a tribunale ordinai, che fosse condotto quell'uomo.Vvhen they therfore vvere assembled hither, vvithout any delaie, the day folovving, sitting in the iudgement seat I commaunded the man to be brought.Cum ergo huc convenissent sine ulla dilatione, sequenti die sedens pro tribunali, jussi adduci virum. 18Against whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no accusation of this which I thought ill of:Di cui presentatisi gli accusatori non gli opponevano delitto alcuno di quelli, che io sospettava:Of vvhom, vvhen the accusers stoode vp, they brought no cause vvhich I thought il of:De quo, cum stetissent accusatores, nullam causam deferebant, de quibus ego suspicabar malum. 19But had certain questions of their own superstition against him, and of one Jesus deceased, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.Ma aveano alcune dispute contro di lui intorno alla loro superstizione, e intorno a un certo Gesù morto, che Paolo diceva esser vivo.but certaine questions of their ovvne superstition they had against him, and of one IESVS deceased, vvhom Paul affirmed to liue.Quæstiones vero quasdam de sua superstitione habebant adversus eum, et de quodam Jesu defuncto, quem affirmabat Paulus vivere. 20I therefore being in a doubt of this manner of question, asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem and there be judged of these things.E stando io irresoluto sopra tal questione io diceva, se avesse voluto andare a Gerusalemme, ed ivi eser giudicato sopra queste cose.Doubting therfore of this kinde of question, I said, vvhether he vvould goe to Hierusalem, & there be iudged of these things.Hæsitans autem ego de hujusmodi quæstione, dicebam si vellet ire Jerosolymam, et ibi judicari de istis. 21But Paul, appealing to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept, till I might send him to Caesar.Ma avendo Paolo interposto appello, affine di essere riserbato al giudizio di Augusto, ordinai, che fosse custodito sino a tanto, che io lo mandi a Cesare.But Paul appealing to be kept vnto the knovvledge of Augustus, I commaunded him to be kept, til I send him to Caesar.Paulo autem appellante ut servaretur ad Augusti cognitionem, jussi servari eum, donec mittam eum ad Cæsarem. 22And Agrippa said to Festus: I would also hear the man, myself. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.E Agrippa disse a Festo: Ancor io bramerei di sentire quest'uomo. E quegli: Domane, disse, lo sentirai.And Agrippa said to Festus, My self also vvould heare the man. To morovv, said he, thou shalt heare him.Agrippa autem dixit ad Festum: Volebam et ipse hominem audire. Cras, inquit, audies eum.
23And on the next day, when Agrippa and Bernice were come with great pomp and had entered into the hall of audience with the tribunes and principal men of the city, at Festus’ commandment, Paul was brought forth.E il dì seguente essendo andati Agrippa, e Berenice con molta magnificenza, ed entrati nell'uditorio co' tribuni, e colle persone principali della città, fu per ordine di Festo condotto Paolo.And the next day vvhen Agrippa and Bernice vvere come vvith great pompe, and had entred into the hall of audience vvith the Tribunes and principal men of the citie, at Festus commaundement Paul vvas brought.Altera autem die cum venisset Agrippa et Bernice cum multa ambitione, et introissent in auditorium cum tribunis et viris principalibus civitatis, jubente Festo, adductus est Paulus. 24And Festus saith: King Agrippa and all ye men who are here present with us, you see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews dealt with me at Jerusalem, requesting and crying out that he ought not to live any longer.E Festo disse: Agrippa re, e voi tutti, che siete qui insieme con noi, voi vedete quest'uomo, contro del quale tutta la moltitudine de' Giudei ha fatto ricorso a me in Gerusalemme, gridando, che non conviene, ch'ei viva più.And Festus saith, King Agrippa, and al ye men that are present together vvith vs, you see this man, concerning vvhom al the multitude of the Ievves called vpon me at Hierusalem, requesting and crying out that he ought not to liue any longer.Et dicit Festus: Agrippa rex, et omnes qui simul adestis nobiscum viri, videtis hunc de quo omnis multitudo Judæorum interpellavit me Jerosolymis, petentes et acclamantes non oportere eum vivere amplius. 25Yet have I found nothing that he hath committed worthy of death. But forasmuch as he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.Io però ho riconosciuto, che non ha fatto nulla, che meriti morte. Ma avendo egli stesso appellato ad Augusto, ho determinato di mandarglielo.Yet haue I found nothing that he hath committed vvorthie of death. But forasmuch as he himself appealed to Augustus, I haue determined to send him.Ego vere comperi nihil dignum morte eum admisisse. Ipso autem hoc appellante ad Augustum, judicavi mittere. 26Of whom I have nothing certain to write to my lord. For which cause, I have brought him forth before you, and especially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, examination being made, I may have what to write.Intorno ai quale nulla ho di certo da scrivere al Signore. Per la qual cosa l'ho fatto venire dinanzi a voi, e principalmente dinanzi a te, o re Agrippa, affinché disaminatolo io abbia qualche cosa da scrivere.Of vvhom vvhat to vvrite for certaintie to my lord, I haue not. For the vvhich cause I haue brought him forth to you, and especially to thee, king Agrippa, that examination being made, I may haue vvhat to vvrite.De quo quid certum scribam domino, non habeo. Propter quod produxi eum ad vos, et maxime ad te, rex Agrippa, ut interrogatione facta habeam quid scribam.
27For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner and not to signify the things laid to his charge.Imperocché contro ogni ragione mi sembra mandare un uomo legato, senza accennare i motivi.For it seemeth to me vvithout reason, to send a prisoner, & not to signifie his causes.Sine ratione enim mihi videtur mittere vinctum, et causas ejus non significare.
25:1
about the year A.D. 60.
Tirinus
Festus having arrived at his province, goes to Jerusalem to be inaugurated. The Jews took this opportunity of requesting St. Paul might be sent to Jerusalem, that they might accomplish the iniquitous purport of their vow. Such consequence did they attribute to the death of this one man, that they had no greater favour to ask of their new governor at his auspicious entry among them. (Tirinus)
25:4
Haydock
It would appear, from their first request being peremptorily denied them, how little solicitous their governors were to please them. The successors of Felix and Festus were not better disposed than their predecessors. Their extortions and oppressions were pushed so far, that the Jews attempted at last to deliver themselves by rebellion, which proved their utter ruin and extirpation. Indeed it was in vain to resist, for they already began to feel the truth of our Saviour's prediction, in their subjugation to the Gentiles. Josephus bears ample testimony to the fulfilment of the prophecy. (The Jewish War, lib. 2:chap 16. etc.) (Haydock)
25:5
Witham
Among you that are able.[Ver 5. Qui potentes estis, oi dunatoi en umin.] It may signify, such as are powerful among you, or such as are able by health, and willing. (Witham)
25:8
Paul making answer,[Ver 8. Paulo rationem reddente, apologoumenou. Ver. 16. Locum defendendi accipiat, topon apologias laboi.] or his apology, by the Greek. In the Latin, giving an account. In like manner, (ver. 16.) have liberty given to defend himself; in the Greek, to make his apology. In the Latin, till he take a place of defending himself.
25:10
Calmet
St. Paul, seeing Festus only sought a plea to get rid of his cause, by putting it into the hands of the Sanhedrim, appeals to Caesar. According to the ordinary rules of jurisprudence, appeals are only made after sentence is pronounced; but Roman citizens had a privilege of anticipating the sentence, when the judge did any thing contrary to justice; as Festus evidently did in this case, by wishing to deliver Paul, a Roman citizen, to the tribunal of his declared enemies, the Jews. The apostle knew he was secured by making this appeal: as the Roman law declared provincial governors violators of the public peace, who should either strike, or imprison, or put to death a Roman citizen, that appealed to the emperor. (Calmet)
25:13
25:19
Witham
Their own superstition.[Ver. 19. De sua superstitione, peri tes idias deisidaimonias.] Their particular religion, and manner of worshipping their God. (Witham)
25:21
Augustus Nero, who was then the Roman emperor.
25:22
Haydock
Agrippa has the same curiosity of hearing Paul, as Herod formerly had of seeing Jesus. The apostle's name had, no doubt, become famous enough to reach the ears, and arrest the attention of Agrippa. Curiosity is certainly not the best motive a person can bring with him to the investigation of religious truth: still it may occasionally become productive of good. The king was half persuaded to embrace the Christian faith. A better motive, or more serious attention, may induce some to embrace the truth, which accident may first have discovered to them. (Haydock)
25:26
Tirinus
To my lord. This was a title the emperors afterwards took, but which Augustus and Tiberius are said by Pliny, in his epistle to Trajan, and by Tertullian, to have refused, as too assuming and too high, ut nimis sublimem atque gloriosum. This was perhaps done, that none might bear the title at a time when the Lord of lords was to appear on the earth. (Tirinus)
Haydock
Whilst we can approve and admire the motives which actuated the emperors in refusing this title, we cannot go the lengths which some modern enthusiasts do, (mostly Americans, Quakers, etc.) who pretend it is blasphemy to call a mortal man a lord, as if that name were incommunicable to any but the Creator of the universe. Whence they derive this article of faith it will not be easy for us to guess; certainly not from Scripture, in which the word Dominus or Lord, applied to man, occurs almost as frequently as King. Certainly not from our Saviour's words, who give both himself and others this title, (Mark 14:14.; and other places.) nor from St. Paul's doctrine, who also uses this word indiscriminately through his epistles, Galatians 4:1; Ephesians vi. v.; etc. Hence we are justified in retaining this practice, in opposition to their cavils; and in treating that opinion as superstitious and void of foundation, which makes it a necessary part of religion to use no titles. (Haydock)
25:7
crimes as •. 27.
25:11
If S. Paul both to saue him self from vvhipping and from death sought by the Ievves, doubted not to crie for succour of the Romane lawes, and to appeale to Caesar the Prince of the Romans not yet Christened: hovv much more may vve call for aide of Christian Princes and their lavves, for the punishment of Heretikes, and for the Churches defense against them? S. Augustine ep. 50.
25:19
This vvhom he termeth by contempt, one IESVS, hath novv made al the Romane Emperours and Princes of the world to know him, and hath giuen the seate of the Caesars to his poore seruants, Peter & his successors.
25:27
〈Greek〉
25:1
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… “Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him, and desired favor against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him.” (
Theodoret of Cyrus † AD 458 The Ecclesiastical History of Theodoret 1.14
… in order that all the churches which still exist may be repaired or enlarged, and that new ones may be built wherever they are required. You, and others through your intervention, can apply to magistrates and to provincial governments
25:4
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him. And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Cæsarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought.” (
25:5
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… What are ye afraid of? What are ye in such a hurry? In fact, that expression, “that he should be kept” ( v. 4 ), shows this. Does he want to escape? “Let them therefore,” he says, “which among you are able, accuse him.” (
25:6
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… What are ye afraid of? What are ye in such a hurry? In fact, that expression, “that he should be kept” ( v. 4 ), shows this. Does he want to escape? “Let them therefore,” he says, “which among you are able, accuse him.” ( v. 5 .) Again accusers, again at Cæsarea, again Paul is brought forth. And having come, immediately “he sat on the judgment-seat” (
25:7
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended anything at all. But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me”? (
25:9
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 26
… “And he did so. And he said unto him, Put on thy cloak, and follow me. And he went out, and followed him; and wist not that it was true which was done by the Angel; but thought he saw a vision. When they were past the first and the second ward, they came unto the iron gate that leadeth unto the city; which opened to them of its own accord.” (
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… they so drove, so hurried him. While as yet he had not got acquainted with the Jews, nor experienced the honor paid to him by them, he answered rightly: but now that he had been in Jerusalem ten days, he too wants to pleasure them (by sacrificing Paul to them): then, also to receive Paul, “Wilt thou,” says he, “be judged there of these things by me?” (
25:10
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… “Then said Paul, I stand at Cæsar’s judgment seat, where I ought to be judged; to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. For if I be an offender, or have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Cæsar.” (
25:11
St Augustine of Hippo † AD 430 The Correction of the Donatists 7
… Nor did he for a moment hesitate to invoke the protection of the Roman laws, proclaiming that he was a Roman citizen, who at that time could not be scourged; and again, that he might not be delivered to the Jews who sought to kill him, he appealed to Cæsar,
Theodoret of Cyrus † AD 458 Letters of the Blessed Theodoret, Bishop of Cyprus 3
… For what looks discreditable is made honourable by the divine command. In the same manner the Apostle called himself at one time a Pharisee and at another a Roman, not because he was afraid of death, but acting quite fairly in fight. In the same way when he had learnt the Jews’ plot against him he appealed to Cæsar
25:12
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… while also as an excuse to them he had Paul’s appeal to allege. “Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? unto Cæsar shalt thou go. And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Cæsarea to salute Festus.” (
25:14
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Cæsar. Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. Tomorrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.” (
25:16
St Athanasius of Alexandria † AD 373 Defence Against the Arians (Apologia Contra Arianos) 6
… if they had aught against me .’ On which occasion Festus also, when the Jews wished to lay such a plot against him, as these men have now laid against me, said, ‘It is not the manner of Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accuser face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him
Theodoret of Cyrus † AD 458 Letters of the Blessed Theodoret, Bishop of Cyprus 81
… I am aware however that Festus the Procurator who was entrusted with the government of the Jews when they demanded the death of the divine Paul, publicly replied, “It is not lawful to us Romans to deliver any man before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have license to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him.”
25:18
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… But observe: Lysias gave it against them, Felix against them, Festus against them—although he wished to gratify them —Agrippa against them. What further? The Pharisees—even they gave it against themselves. No evil, says Festus, “of such things as I supposed: no accusation did they bring against him.” (
25:19
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… No evil, says Festus, “of such things as I supposed: no accusation did they bring against him.” ( v. 18 .) And yet they did bring it: true, but they did not prove it: for their evil design and daring plot against him gave cause to surmise this, but the examination brought out nothing of the kind. “And of one Jesus,” he says, “which was dead.” (
25:20
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… “And of one Jesus,” he says, “which was dead.” ( v. 19 .) He says naturally enough, “of one” (Jesus), as being a man in office, and not caring for these things. “And not knowing, for my part, what to make of the enquiry concerning these things” (
25:23
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 52
(Recapitulation.) “And on the morrow,” etc. (
25:24
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 52
… Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and especially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write. For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.” (
25:26
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… See how his enemies coöperate with him against their will. To make the audience large, Agrippa falls into a desire of hearing: and he does not simply hear, but with much parade. And see what a vindication ( απολογιαν )! So writes Festus,
25:1
1. Festus therefore when he had come into the province. — The Zurich Bible: Festus therefore having taken over the province, namely the care and government of the province, that is, of Judaea; he did this by going to Caesarea: for this was the capital of the province, if you regard the Romans; but if the Jews, the capital was Jerusalem: whence Festus soon went up there.
25:3
3. Asking for favor,—not justice: for they had tried this in court, before the tribune and Felix in vain, Paul clearly demonstrating to them the justice and innocence of his cause even to his very enemies. Again they ask for favor, namely that Paul be sent from Caesarea, whither he had been sent by the tribune on account of the plots of the Jews, back to Jerusalem, so that they might lay new snares for him. For it is customary for some favor to be requested from governors and princes when they first take up or are inaugurated into office. The Jews here ask for nothing other than Paul's death. See how much they esteem Paul, namely as an enemy of Judaism and a champion of Christianity, so that, when they could and ought to ask for many far greater things and those concerning the public good, omitting these they ask for the one head of Paul. Thus envying Paul's glory, not knowing it, they celebrate it far more. Truly the Nazianzen, in the Monostichs: It is pleasing to be envied: but to envy is a great disgrace.
25:4
4. But Festus answered that Paul should be kept at Caesarea.—Festus refuted the petition of the Jews to summon Paul to Jerusalem, either because from the countenance, voice and gesture he saw the malevolence of the Jews toward Paul; or because he had heard of the snares laid for him by the Jews; or because the seat of the governor was at Caesarea, to which therefore he himself was hastening.
25:5
5. Are powerful—for accomplishing the journey, that is to say, who are able to travel and complete so long a journey (of three days). Otherwise Hugo and Vatablus, that is to say, who are able to go to Caesarea without inconvenience to their affairs, to whom namely it is convenient to go. Secondly, powerful, that is, mighty orators, or accusers skilled in tongue, and armed with strong arguments to accuse and convict Paul. For these are called δυνατοί, and this properly applies to the matter at hand. If there be any crime in the man.—For crime, in Greek it is ἄτοπον, that is, absurd, unusual, unseemly, infamous.
25:7
7. Grave causes—αἰτιώματα, that is, crimes or accusations; thus the Zurich edition, Pagninus and others.
25:9
9. Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem?—He does not command, but asks. For it would have been impudent if he had commanded and taken him away thither, where he had not been convicted, says Chrysostom, especially since Paul was a Roman citizen and stood at Caesarea before the tribunal of the Roman Caesar: for the Roman name in the accused is honored by the Roman governor, says Hugo.
25:10
10. I stand before the tribunal of Caesar. — That is to say, Caesar has his own tribunal, which you now occupy in his stead, O Festus, here at Caesarea, as it were in the metropolis of the province; therefore I ought to be judged there, not at Jerusalem. Moreover, the Caesars were named after the Kings and Emperors of the Romans, from Julius Caesar, who first seized power, and was called Caesar from his family. For the family of the Caesars was adopted into the Julii, who descended from Julius Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, according to that verse of Virgil, Aeneid VI: Julius from great Iulo's name descended. Now Caesar was originally called either from caesii oculi (grey eyes), or from caesaries or hair (caesaries) with which he was born; or from the mother's womb being cut (caeso utero), whom for this reason they call caesones, and assert they are born more auspiciously than those who are born feet first, as Pliny asserts, lib. VII, ix; and for this reason Scipio Africanus the Elder was surnamed Caesar. But Spartianus and Servius say that the first who was called Caesar was the grandfather of Julius Caesar, who killed an elephant in Africa: for Elephant in the Punic language was called caesar. Certainly Julius Caesar, from whom the family and nomenclature of the Caesars was propagated, was not born from the mother's womb being cut, for he himself had a mother Aurelia, whom he lost while he was waging war in Gaul. Add to this: his father also was called Caesar, who died at Pisa after holding the office of praetor. Moreover, he himself propagated this name to his descendants, on account of the splendor and glory of the deeds accomplished by him, which many have followed, but none has equaled. For he himself reduced all Gaul, which is contained by the Pyrenean pass, the Alps, and the Rhone and Rhine, into the form of a province in nine years. He himself, being the first of the Romans to invade the Germans dwelling beyond the Rhine by constructing a bridge, subdued them. He himself conquered the Britons, previously unknown. He himself occupied Picenum, Umbria, and Etruria in Italy. He himself invaded the very powerful forces of Pompey which were under three commanders, M. Petreius, S. Afranius and M. Varro in Spain. In Macedonia he overcame Pompey, in Egypt Ptolemy, in Pontus Pharnaces, in Africa Scipio and Juba, in Spain the sons of Pompey, and that most swiftly, like lightning penetrating and laying low all things, so that he deservedly usurped this eulogy for himself: "I came, I saw, I conquered." He triumphed five times: first over Gaul, afterwards over Alexandria; third, over Pontus; fourth, over Africa; fifth, over Spain. Finally, he himself first subdued and occupied Pompey, the Senate, Rome and the entire Empire. Moreover, he was most generous, especially after these triumphs: thus Suetonius in his Life. Wherefore Julius Caesar is celebrated by a recent Poet with these eulogies: Light of the Caesars and father, Roman Alexander, earth's Mars, With the world conquered, the conquering city conquered the world. He punished his ungrateful fatherland with paternal arms. He conquered it unwillingly, by which it lived unwillingly. Indeed, he seems to have been a prodigy of nature, genius, prudence, fortitude and fortune, and so much so that God converted the Roman aristocracy through him into a monarchy, so that he might pave the way for Christ the supreme Monarch about to be born shortly thereafter, and the entire world already reduced by Julius as it were into a monarchy, was to be subjected to him through St. Peter the Roman Pontiff and Constantine the Roman Emperor. For Tacitus truly said, lib. 1: "The body of the state must be ruled by one mind." And Thucydides, lib. VI: "The rule of many is disordered." And Homer, Iliad II, and from him Aristotle, lib. XII Metaphys.: "It is not good for many to rule; let there be one king." More truly St. Leo, serm. 1 in the Nativity of St. Peter and Paul: "When the twelve Apostles," he says, "having undertaken to imbue the world with the Gospel, with the parts of the earth distributed among themselves, the most blessed Peter, prince of the Apostolic order, is destined for the citadel of the Roman empire, so that the light of truth, which was revealed for the salvation of all nations, might pour itself forth more effectively from the very head through the whole body of the world:": namely, as the same one says in the same place, "so that the general preaching might have so many peoples quickly accessible, whom the rule of one city would hold." There I ought to be judged. — He says carefully that he ought to be judged by Caesar, but not that Caesar is his judge, because St. Peter was the proper judge and superior of Paul; but because the Jews and pagan Romans did not acknowledge him, Paul, when accused by the Jews before the Roman governors, had to plead his case before them. For the Romans had subdued Judaea and the Jews to themselves and ruled over them. Add to this, that in civil matters the Apostles and Ecclesiastics in those first times of the Church ought to have obeyed the civil Magistrate, as Paul intimates, Rom. xiii, and there St. Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylactus and St. Thomas expressly teach. For ecclesiastical exemption and immunity had not yet been introduced, which in later centuries the Popes and Ecumenical Councils sanctioned, and Christian kings and princes approved and granted. For since they themselves are sheep and subjects of the Popes, it is not fitting that they themselves judge their Pastors and Superiors, even in civil matters. But in Paul's time the princes were pagan, not Christian, who would in no way have tolerated the Apostles being exempted from their jurisdiction. Wherefore the Apostles willingly subjected themselves to them, lest they give scandal to the infidels, and lest the princes stir themselves up and the faithful against them. See Lessius, lib. II De Justit., cap. xxxiii De tributis et vectigalibus, dubio 4; and Bellarmine, lib. II De Romano Pontif., cap. xxix. Finally, Paul, having suffered violence from the Jews, lawfully implored the aid of Caesar, since he had no other tribunal and remedy to defend himself and his life, as St. Augustine teaches, epist. 50. St. Athanasius imitated Paul, who, oppressed by the Arians, implored the aid of the Emperor Constantius, an Arian. For in his Apology to Constantius he says thus: "If I had been accused before others, I would have appealed to your Majesty, as the Apostle said: I appeal unto Caesar, and the plots against him ceased." I have done the Jews no wrong, as thou knowest better. — "Better," than that for the sake of fuller knowledge thou shouldest need to go to Jerusalem, and there investigate my case and judge me. Lysias testified to thee, Felix and others testified to my innocence. Thou hast known the same from the turbulent accusation of the Jews, by which they could prove nothing, and from my prudent and true defence: thou therefore knowest it sufficiently.
25:11
11. I refuse not to die. — Note the sincere and fearless spirit and voice of Paul: so much does he not decline justice and tribunal, that if he had sinned against it, he would willingly offer himself to punishment and death. No man can deliver me unto them. — He tacitly rebukes the Governor, in that he is too much inclined toward the Jews, and wishes to judge Paul at Jerusalem. For this was to deliver Paul unto the Jews: both because the Jews themselves had laid snares for Paul on the way, as is plain from verse 3; and because those conspiring against him at Jerusalem with common zeal had contrived so many and such great things against him, that he could not escape their hands. I appeal unto Caesar. — The Syriac: "I invoke the protection of Caesar." Paul appealed unto Caesar, first, because he was concerned not for his own life, but for the Church, says St. Augustine, epist. 58. Second, because the Jews had accused him as seditious and as disturbing Caesar's rights. Whence St. Chrysostom notes the wonderful generosity of Paul, in that he wishes to be judged before him whom he was accused of having wronged. Third, because he had received an oracle from God, cap. xxiii, verse 11, that he would preach the Gospel at Rome: he therefore seizes this convenient opportunity by appealing unto Caesar, knowing that God wills it, and therefore the success of this appeal would be God's care and concern. Fourth, because by continual experience Paul had learned that he would never be safe anywhere in Judaea, nor would he escape the snares and hands of the Jews: therefore he appeals to Rome and Caesar. Fifth, that by this appeal unto Caesar, namely Nero, he might win him over, and conciliate himself and the Christians with him: or certainly, if he were condemned by him, he might fall gloriously as a martyr at Rome in the theatre of the world. For, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus truly says, lib. II: "Either a free life, or a glorious death is to be chosen." The chief reason was to avoid the snares of the Jews. For wisely St. Gregory of Nazianzus in his Sentences: "The wise man," he says, "avoids all grave and dangerous things, just as a sailor avoids storms." The same to Bosphorius, epist. 49, or according to others 15: "He is mad who strikes against the same stone twice." And Thucydides, lib. I: "It is better to anticipate snares than to counter-snare those who are snaring." And Demosthenes, Philipp. 1: "Occasions of things do not wait for our slowness and cowardice." And Seneca: "The wise man never provokes the anger of the powerful, but rather avoids it, just as in sailing one avoids a storm." Moreover, a Poet has recently painted Nero in these colors: He was the best among private men, the worst among princes. Worthy of the kingdom, had he not reigned. His soft manners hardened in hardships, hardened in softness. He was master of his country, not its prince. He made the imperial house great, the city narrow. He burned his country, that he might extinguish it. The pyre was lacking to the extinguished: He disdains the earth to cover him, who disdains to touch the earth.
25:12
12. Then Festus with his council (with his counselors; thus the Syriac) spoke. — That is to say, Festus, having heard the accusation of the Jews and the defense of Paul, ordered them to withdraw, and privately consulted his counselors what ought to be done in this case, and whether Paul's appeal to Caesar should be admitted or rather rejected: for if Paul had been a stirrer up of seditions, as the Jews accused him, he ought to have been punished immediately, nor sent to Caesar, as the civil laws have ordained. His counselors therefore declared that he was not such a man, and consequently that the appeal should be admitted, both that Paul appealing might be satisfied in some way, and that the Jews who could not see Paul alive in Judaea might be satisfied, and also that this honor of appeal might be paid to Caesar by the Prefect, and that he himself might profess to Caesar that he was subject to him, and that Caesar was his superior and judge. Thou hast appealed to Caesar, to Caesar thou shalt go. — That is to say, Since thou seemest to reject my tribunal and judgment, and appealest from it to Caesar, go to Caesar, and plead thy cause before him. For these words of the Prefect seem to proceed from a mind somewhat stirred up and offended toward Paul, because Paul by this appeal seemed to impugn the Prefect's judgment as suspect and too much inclined toward the Jews. Note here the deep and wonderful counsel and providence of God, by which He directed Paul through chains, accusations, injuries, vexations not only of the Jews but also of judges to Rome, that with St. Peter he might found the Roman Church, and make it, against Nero's will, the mother of the other churches. Most excellently St. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 18 On St. Cyprian: "Divine wisdom," he says, "knows how to lay the foundations of great things long beforehand, and to procure contrary things through contraries, that it may excite greater admiration of itself in mortals." He gives examples of Joseph, Moses and the Hebrews: "Thus He," he says, "led Joseph, sold by the wickedness and injury of his brothers, into Egypt, and tested him in a woman, and ennobled him in the distribution of grain, and instructed him through dreams, that in a foreign kingdom he might obtain faith and authority, and be honored by Pharaoh and become the father of those great stores, on account of which Egypt is tormented, the sea is divided, bread is poured out like rain, the course of the sun is stopped, the promised land is distributed by lot." Thus Paul here is exalted and glorified through adversities, so much so that through his chains his faith, virtue and glory were celebrated in the court of Nero and in the whole praetorium, as he himself asserts, Philip. i, 13. Morally, the same Gregory of Nazianzus teaches there that Paul and the Saints are cosmopolitans and citizens of the world, because they do not have the Jewish homeland, nor earthly Jerusalem, but the heavenly one, for which they undergo all hardships and death willingly. St. Cyprian, he says, exhorted all the faithful in the persecution of Decius to constancy and martyrdom: "For this is the most excellent business of all, by which the heavenly kingdom is purchased at the price of a little blood, and brief and fragile goods are exchanged for eternal glory. For great and exalted men there is one homeland, namely that Jerusalem which is perceived by the mind, not those which we see here circumscribed within narrow boundaries, and inhabited now by one people, now by another: likewise there is one splendor of lineage in this, that we preserve the divine image and imitate our exemplar. Moreover, there is one principality placed in this, that we obtain the palm against that wicked one, and do not allow our souls to be broken and conquered in those contests which are undertaken for the sake of piety, where vice conflicts with virtue, and the flowing and fragile world with the firm and stable; and the bitter and cruel judge of the contest with strong athletes; and Belial arrays his line against Christ: and for these reasons to despise swords, and to regard cold fire, and wild beasts however savage and cruel, as mild, and to esteem hunger as the greatest delights; but to pass by the tears of friends and relatives, and mourning and lamentation, as the enticement of the devil and obstacles to the way leading to God, he advised. For these things are characteristic of manly and vigorous souls, and of grave counsel and prudence. And he himself was a near example of these things, inasmuch as he counted all things as dung, that he might gain Christ."
25:13
13. King Agrippa. — This Agrippa was not that senior one, who was struck down by an angel and died in chapter xii, but his son, brother of Drusilla and Bernice. For Agrippa the senior had two sons, Drusus and Agrippa the younger; and three daughters, Drusilla, Bernice and Mariamne: thus Josephus, lib. XVIII Antiq., cap. vii. Agrippa the younger, to distinguish him from the Senior, is called by the Hebrews Agrippina. He was a boy at Rome when his father died, and was made king of Chalcis by the Emperor Claudius. Then the tetrarchy of Philip, namely Trachonitis, was added to him; but Judaea remained under Roman governors. That therefore Agrippa changed the high priest of the Jews and meddled in their sacred affairs, as Josephus writes, he did this not so much by right as by the connivance of the Roman governors, who permitted it to him as to a religious Jew and nephew of the king of Judaea, especially because the dominion of Agrippa was reckoned to belong to Judaea and the Jews. Moreover, both Agrippas were called by this name, in honor of M. Agrippa, who was the son-in-law of Augustus Caesar: for from Augustus, Herod the Ascalonite, who was Agrippa's grandfather, had received the kingdom of Judaea. Whence Agrippa the senior called his daughter Drusilla, in honor of Livia, the wife of Augustus, who was surnamed Drusilla, as I said cap. xxiv, 24; but his son Drusus, in honor of Drusus, the son of Livia and brother of Tiberius Caesar. For Agrippa is not a Hebrew name, but a Roman one, so called from difficult birth, or from ailment and feet. Hear Gellius, lib. VI, cap. xvi: Those whose feet, not head, came first in being born, which birth is held to be most difficult and most troublesome, were called Agrippae, from ailment (aegritudo) and feet (pedes). But Varro says that children were fixed in the womb, resting with head lowest, with feet raised upward: not as human nature is, but as a tree (whence man is also called an inverted tree). For feet and legs, he calls the branches of a tree; the head, the trunk and stem. When therefore contrary to nature they happen to be turned around with feet, the arms usually spread out, they are then retained with difficulty, and women labor more painfully. And Pliny, lib. VII, cap. viii: "To proceed in birth feet first," he says, "is contrary to nature: by which argument they called them Agrippas, as being born with difficulty." Whence also M. Agrippa had many ailments of body and mind: "For he was troubled by poor health of the feet, a wretched youth, a military life amid arms and deaths, followed by harmful success, an unhappy stock on earth in all respects, but especially through both Agrippinas: for one of these bore Gaius Caligula Caesar, the other Nero, 'so many torches of the human race. Moreover, by brevity of life, snatched away in his fifty-first year, amid the torments of his wife's adulteries and his father-in-law's, on account of grave servitude, it is thought that the omen of a perverse birth was expiated:' thus Pliny, and Suetonius, in Augustus, cap. lxiii, lxiv and lxv. In like manner both Herods Agrippa were wretched, unhappy and ill-fated: for under the Younger the Jewish war was waged, and Judaea and Jerusalem were destroyed by Titus. Pliny adds: "Nero also, throughout his whole reign an enemy of the human race, his mother Agrippina writes was born feet first. It is the custom of nature that man be born head first, be carried out feet first." Note here the same character and office of the Herods in judging the faithful and Christians, propagated by continuous succession. For the first Herod the Ascalonite was judge and executioner of innocent little ones, and would have been of Christ too, if he could have caught him. His son, Herod Antipas, was a mocker of Christ and executioner of St. John the Baptist. But his grandson Herod Agrippa the Senior was judge and imprisoner of St. Peter, and murderer of St. James. His great-grandson, namely Agrippa the Younger, was as it were judge of St. Paul. And Bernice. — There were many illustrious women by this name. The first Bernice was the wife of Ptolemy Lagus, the first king of Egypt after Alexander the Great, and mother of Ptolemy Philadelphus, a rare woman in beauty and most beloved by her husband. The second Bernice was the daughter of Philadelphus, who afterwards married her brother Ptolemy Euergetes, whose hair is thought to have been carried to heaven by the persuasion of Conon the Mathematician, concerning which Catullus has an elegy. The third was Bernice, most celebrated among the Greeks, by whom she was called Pherenice, that is, bearing victory, as being the daughter, mother and sister of Olympic victors, that is, of those who had won victory and the palm in the Olympic games, as Pliny testifies, lib. VII, cap. xl. The fourth Bernice was the daughter of Herod of Ascalon, whom Augustus Caesar held in honour. The fifth was St. Veronica (for she is called in the Chronicle of Lucius Dexter and by others Bernice, Berenice, or Beronice), who gave to Christ going to the cross a napkin to wipe away the sweat, upon which Christ impressed His face, which is preserved in Rome in the basilica of St. Peter with great veneration and is shown every year on the Lord's Supper. The sixth was this Bernice, daughter of Herod Agrippa the Elder and sister of the Younger, so called from her great-aunt, namely from Bernice the daughter of Herod of Ascalon. Moreover, Luke joins her to Agrippa the Younger here, to signify that she was not only his sister, but also his concubine. For she herself, equally as her sister Drusilla, was incontinent and suspected of incest with her brother: whence they loved each other so much that they always went about together, as will appear in verse 23. Hence Chrysostom also calls her "the wife of Agrippa:" wherefore Bernice, to dispel this suspicion, married Polemon, king of Cilicia, or as others wish, of Lycia, whom however she soon left on account of her intemperance, whence Juvenal calls her "incestuous," Satire 6: "A barbarian gave this (diamond) to the incestuous sister of Agrippa." But Tacitus, lib. I and II of the Histories, teaches that she pleased Vespasian and that nothing was nearer than that she should marry Titus. Hear Josephus, lib. XX Antiq., cap. v: "Moreover Bernice, after the death of Herod, who was both her husband and her uncle, having spent some time in widowhood, when it was rumoured that she was consorting with her brother, persuaded Polemon, king of Cilicia, to marry her after he had first been circumcised, thinking thus to refute the falsehood. Nor did Polemon refuse, being induced chiefly by the woman's wealth. Yet this marriage was not lasting, on account of her intemperance, as is said, Bernice departing from him; who, soon abandoned by his wife, himself also became a deserter of the Jewish religion." Josephus adds concerning Mariamne, another sister of Bernice, of the same disposition as she: "At the same time also Mariamne, disdaining Archelaus, migrated to the chamber of Demetrius, the first among the Alexandrian Jews and the Alabarch, from whom she bore a son Agrippa." Behold with what impure and incestuous persons Paul had to contend, and yet he, though they were his judges, struck them down and stupefied them by the vehemence of truth and his speech, as will appear in the following chapter, verses 24 and 27. Moreover Bernice, if you regard the Greek etymology, is the same as βάρος νίκης, that is, gravity, or weight of victory, or grave and weighty victory: but Pherenice is the same as bearing victory. For the Macedonians often exchange φ for β and say Berenice instead of Pherenice. But if you regard the Hebrew etymology, Bernice is the same as purity, innocence: for בר bar is pure, נקי naki is innocent; thus Pagninus in the Interpretation of Hebrew Names. These etymologies and meanings most aptly suit St. Veronica: in the others, however, and especially in our present one, they signify not what they were, but what they ought to have been. To greet Festus, — as a new governor, congratulating him on his happy arrival in the province.
25:15
15. Demanding against him condemnation. — δίκην, that is, a sentence by which he should be condemned to death; thus Vatablus.
25:16
16. It is not the custom of the Romans, etc. — The same custom existed among other peoples. For it is of natural and common law that an accused defendant should not be condemned unless he is first heard and given a place for his defense. Whence that saying: "Hear the other side." Thus Alexander, as testified by Plutarch in the Apophthegms, sitting as judge on the tribunal, would close one ear to the accused, so that he might keep it intact for the defendant. Ammianus relates, in book XVIII, that Delphidius, when he accused Numerius of theft and could not prove it, the latter boldly denying it, exclaimed: "Who, most flourishing Caesar, could be guilty anywhere, if denial should suffice?" To whom Julianus replied: "Who could be innocent, if accusation should suffice?" Wherefore the laws established that a defendant, unless convicted of the crime, should be acquitted. For it is better to acquit the guilty than to condemn the innocent, Digest, On Penalties, book Absent, chapter On accusation. For this reason astute and prudent litigants make themselves defendants in the suit and by this means often win the case which they would otherwise lose: for it is easier to wage defensive war than offensive war; just as it is easier to defend a city than to capture it. For the burden of proof of the crime falls upon the accuser; it suffices for the defendant to deny it. Whence if the accuser fails in proof, the defendant is thereby acquitted. For once life is taken from the innocent, it can never be restored: but life granted to the guilty can at any time be sought again and taken away, as King Theodoric says in Cassiodorus, book VII, epistle 1. To condemn a man, — εἰς ἀπώλειαν, to death and destruction, as the Greek and Syriac texts add. Whence the Roman Bible rightly corrects τὸ donare, and reads condemn in its place. For to give someone to death, as the Greek texts have it, is the same as to condemn. Moreover, Luke says χαρίζεσθαι, that is, to give, because the Jews were asking a favor from Festus against Paul; namely, that he be given to them as a gift unto death, as Paul says in verse 3, that is, be condemned: by which they sufficiently acknowledged the weakness and iniquity of their case, namely that they wished Paul to be condemned by favor and partiality, whom they could not prosecute as guilty of death by justice.
25:18
18. No charge (no offense, no crime) they brought, — thus the Syriac: for this is what αἰτία signifies. Whence Our Lord, explaining this charge, adds: "No charge they brought concerning those things of which I suspected evil." Wherefore Pagninus translates it clearly, "they intended no crime against these matters, of which I suspected; " I suspected, I say, because I saw the Jews so ardently accusing him and demanding him for death.
25:19
19. Concerning their superstition. — Thus Festus, because a Gentile, calls the religion of the Jews. And indeed the Gentiles abused these words and titles, when they held their own Kings and Emperors, either from fear or flattery, as gods and honored and sacrificed to them with divine honors. Whence Virgil concerning Octavian Augustus, Eclogue 1: For he shall ever be a god to me, his altar oft shall a tender lamb from our folds stain. More wisely do Christian Kings and Emperors call Augustus and venerate them, as divinely given, and with a certain religious veneration, human however, not divine, on account of their merits toward the commonwealth to be observed. It was indeed beginning to be superstition.
25:20
20. But I, doubting concerning such a question, was saying, if he would wish to go to Jerusalem. — Festus lies, to color his own deed; for not on account of doubt, but to please the Jews did he wish to bring him to Jerusalem. And when a little before he called it superstition, how was he doubting about it? Whence Chrysostom: "If you are doubting," he says, "and anxious, why do you drag him to Jerusalem? Thus he spoke, shadowing forth his sin."
25:21
21. To the knowledge of Augustus. — Nero here, as elsewhere any Emperor, is called "Augustus," and the origin is from Octavian Augustus, who succeeded Julius Caesar, just as Caesar is called from Julius. For Octavius was called Thurinus as an infant. "Afterwards," says Suetonius in his Life, chapter vii, "he assumed the name of Caesar and then Augustus: the former by the will of his great-uncle; the latter by the opinion of Munatius Plancus, when, as some thought he ought to be called Romulus, as if he too were a founder of the city, it prevailed that he should rather be called Augustus, not only by a new but also by a more ample name; for places also that are religious and in which something is consecrated by augury are called august, from auctus (increased), or from the gesture and taste of birds (avium gestus gustusve), as Ennius also teaches, writing: After the august augury the renowned Rome was founded. " For among many omens of the empire and happiness of Octavian Augustus, which Suetonius recounts in his Life, chapter xciv and following, an eagle snatched bread from him while dining, and immediately returned it. Again: "An eagle hovering over his tent struck down and cast to the ground two ravens attacking from either side, with the whole army noting it, presaging future discord sometime among his colleagues, such as followed, and the outcome," says Suetonius, chapter xcvi. Certainly the eagle signified Augustus, who in the triumvirate defeated two ravens, that is, Lepidus and Antony, his colleagues, and thus made himself a monarch. Hence Augustus, in Greek σεβαστός, is the same as venerable, and to be revered with a certain majesty of divinity. For he is a King or Emperor, a living image of God on earth, and as it were a certain earthly god. Whence that common saying: "Princes are given by fate." Thus Virgil, book VI of the Aeneid, sings: "Augustus Caesar, offspring of the gods;" and Servius in book IV of the Georgics: "Augustus," he says, "is the same as consecrated by augury, improperly noble and full of majesty. And Statius, book IV of the Silvae, chapter ii, and Ovid, book I of the Fasti: The Fathers call sacred things august, temples are called august, Duly consecrated by the hands of priests. And Cicero, book III of On the Nature of the Gods, concerning the gods says: "Whom we all revere with awe and holiness."
25:22
22. I myself also wished to hear the man, — from curiosity, which had kindled in Agrippa a great desire to see and hear Paul. "For," says Chrysostom, "unless he had desired it, he would not have sought to hear; nor would he have made his wife (thus he calls Bernice, the sister and concubine of Agrippa) a companion in the hearing, unless he had perceived great things about him."
25:23
23. With much pomp — phantasia, that is appearance, ostentation, display, retinue, pride: this pride consisted in a great crowd of servants and nobles, splendor of garments, diadem, crown, scepter and other insignia of royal dignity, pompous bearing, etc. Thus Suidas: φαντάζεσθαι, he says, ἐπὶ τὸ φαίνειν ἔλεγον, namely to appear, for display and ostentation. Artabanus dissuading Xerxes from war against the Greeks: "God," he says, "strikes down tall and lofty animals, nor does he allow them to show off, in Greek, οὐδ' ἐᾷ φαντάζεσθαι, and as it were to make a spectacle of themselves: but small ones he does not even scratch or pluck:" thus Herodotus in the Polymnia. Wherefore wisely Isocrates, in the Exhortation to Nicocles, teaches that the majesty and protection of princes does not consist in the arms of their guards, but in the virtue of friends, the goodwill of citizens and the prudence of the prince, and, as Pliny adds, in the Panegyric of Trajan, in innocence: "For this as it were an inaccessible citadel and an impregnable fortification, needs no fortification; in vain does he gird himself with terror, who is not surrounded by love: for arms provoke arms." Here is fulfilled that oracle concerning Paul: "That he may carry my name before the Gentiles and kings," Acts ix. "See," says Chrysostom, "what an audience is gathered for Paul before the principal men of the city. For the prince and king with all his guards would come together, and with them the tribunes and first men of the city were present." For the name and fame of Paul had stirred all to see and hear him, and certainly would have stirred any others. Whence St. Augustine wished to see three things, namely, Paul thundering in the chair, Rome flourishing in its triumph, Christ conversing in the flesh, as I said in the proem to St. Paul. Into the audience hall, — into the hall of the praetorium, where cases and disputes were heard and tried before the Prefect sitting on the tribunal. Into that place Paul is brought from prison in chains, but higher than the prefect, king and whole assembly, as we shall hear from his speech in the following chapter. Namely "God wished," says Chrysostom, "to make manifest the innocence of his client in such a theater, and to make it attested by so many and such wealthy testimonies." Whence the Prefect soon adds, verse 25:
25:25
25. But I myself found that he had done nothing worthy of death. — I found this both from the letter of Lysia, and from the testimony of Felix, the governor before me, and from the accusation of the Jews and the defense of Paul. But when he himself (that is, Paul himself, as is clear from the Greek, καὶ αὐτοῦ δὲ τούτου) appealed to Augustus, I judged it right to send him, — that is to say: Not from my own judgment (since I perceived him to be innocent, and therefore thought he should be released), but from Paul's own appeal I determined to send him to Nero, especially lest the Jews accuse me before him, that I released a guilty man and hindered the appeal and the cognizance of Caesar.
25:26
26. What certain thing I shall write to the lord; — To Nero Caesar: for the title of Caesar was lord, which however Augustus Caesar refused, as Tertullian says in the Apology, chapter xxxiv, and Dio, book LV, because by the hidden instinct of God, he in fact as it were had a presentiment that the birth of Christ was at hand, who was to be King of kings and Lord of lords, of whom he himself was only a type and shadow. Thus the Turks call their Emperor the Great Lord; the Tartars, Persians and others call him Sultan, that is, lord. Moreover, Christian Emperors are depicted with a globe in their hand, into which a cross is fixed, as the Emperor Justinian was first depicted, as Procopius testifies, and from him Suidas, in the word Justinian. But our Gretser, book II On the Cross, chapter liv, teaches from Gregory and Glycas that before Justinian, Constantine, Theodosius and Eudoxia, the wife of the Emperor Valentinian III, were depicted in that manner: by which it is signified that the Emperor is not so much lord of the world (for he has only a small part of the world subject to him), but that he ought to propagate and defend the faith and cross of Christ throughout the whole world.
Machine translation from the Latin, not reviewed.
25:1
2, 15,1); v. 4 Festus ergo cum venisset in provtnciam, post. triduum ascendit Ierosolymam a Caesarea; studium ostendit conditionem provinciae cognoscendi. Ea 066461026 pro suo inveterato odio utuntur svnedristae
Festus, melioris indolis vir, per biennium munus procuratoris gessit; pauca de eo refert losephus (Antiq. 20,8,9-11. Bell. iud.
Uti Lysias synedristis denuntiavit (23,30), ita agunt v. 1 post quinque autem dies descendit princeps sacerdotum, Ananias, cum senioribus quibusdam; dies quinque numerandi erunt ab adventu Pauli in urbem Caesaream, de quo scil. Lucas narravit ultimo loco. Nullo enim modo indicatur eos dies referri, ut quandoque volunt, vel ad captivitatem Pauli in Ierusalem vel ad eius ab urbe profectionem ; quare eos referre oportebit ad ultimum terminum de quo narratum est (cf. Lap. Felt. Wendt, Weiss). Verum ita numerari possunt, ut dies adventus sit et censeatur primus, οἱ dies quo illi Caesaream advenerint sit quintus nondum completus. Bene adverte dici μετὰ πρεσξυτέρων τινῶν ; proinde falsum esse quod /Hi/g. contra priorem narrationem (23,7.9) oggerit, deesse in subsequenti narratione omne vestigium aliquos synedristas de l'auli culpa dubitasse. Ananias autem solum aliquos synedristas secum adducit, neque ullo modo ad consensum totius synedrii recurritur; e£ Tertullo quodam oratore, causidico; Tertullus nomen est haud infrequens, deminutivum a Tertio, ut Catullus a Catio et Lucullus a Lucio (Wetstein), qui adierunt praesidem adversus Paulum ἐνεφάνισαν (23,15) denuntiarunt praesidi, seu indicarunt contra Paulum sc velle accusationem proferre. Causidicum adhibent iuris romani et litis agendae peritum, quo certius suam evincant causam ; v. 2 et citato Paulo coepit accusare Tertullus dicens : cum in multa pace agamus per te et multa corrigantur per tuam providentiam διςρθωμάτων γινομένων in meliorem statum redigantur huic genti, v. 3 semper et ubique suscipimus, optime Feliz cum omni gratiarum actione πάντῃ, quoquoversus, omni modo el ubique ἀποξεχέμεθχ haec cum gaudio excipimus. Impudenti adulatione causidicus benevolentiam praesidis captare studet. Laudat pacem multam et prosperitatem qua fruantur et emendationes in rebus publicis ad populi commodum factas. Sed qua ratione Felix revera gubernarit, satis ostenditur locis allatis Taciti (ad 23,94) et ipsa accusatione quam Iudaei contra eum instituerunt (losephus, Antiq. 20, 8,9). Dedit quidem Felix operam latrociniis reprimendis, sed tamen eius culpa et.saeviendi ratione seditiones et turbae creverunt et bellum iudaicum et interitus populi per eum quasi inaugurabatur (Antiq. 20,8,5 seq. Bell. 2,13,9; cf. ScAürer 1 p. 4.19 seq.). Nam intempestivis remediis delicta accendebat (Tacitus, Ann. 12,54). Post hanc adulationem promittit se accusationem breviter propositurum, quam ut brevi audire dignetur, praesidis benignitatem appellat v. & ne diutius autem te protraham, oro, breviter audias nos pro tua clementia, gig breviter nos audiat clementia tua. Causidicus exordio usus est ad iudicis benevolentiam captandam valde apto. Pontifex et seniores interea cumulum accusationum collegerunt et tolam Pauli agendi et praedicandi rationem tamquam concitationem popularem praesidi persuadere statuerunt. A Iudaeis asianis edocti erant, quomodo variis in urbibus Iudaei Paulo restitissent; quae in Macedonia contra Paulum tentata essent, certe eos non latebat. lam haec omnia facile subministrabant amplam accusandi materiam qua praesidem qui rebelles acerrime punire solebat induci posse sperabant ad Paulum interimendum v. 5 ?nvenimus hunc hominem pestiferum zip» pestem, de homine iam Demosthenes (25,80; B/.), et concitantem seditiones omnibus Iudaeis in universo orbe 1. e. in toto imperio romano eo enim nomine imperium romanum designari vide ad Luc. 2,1 (Comment. p. 103); gig invenimus hunc virum pestem et ו seditiones non tantum generi nostro, sed fere universo orbi terrarum ; quae lectio accedit ad graecam lectionem 17,6; cf. 91, 28 et recole 13,45; 15,9. 5. 18; 16,920; 17,5. 13; 18,12; 19,23 seq. 20,19, ex quibus pro Iudaeorum malitia accusationes seditionum confingebantur; et auctorem seditionis sectae Nazarenorum, gig auctorem sectae Nazareorum, πρωτοστάτην, vox e re militari desumpta est et dicit eum qui in primo ordine aciei stat, ducem, antesignanum. Cum primores in lerusalem contenderent a Galilaea non surgere prophetam (loan. 7,52), ipsos Christifideles per contemptum quod Iesum Nazarenum agnoscerent Messiam Nazarenos appellabant. Prae-. sidi autem Paulus insuper denuntiatur lamquam dux et caput factionis ludaeis inimicae. Praeterea accusatur criminis quo commisso poena mortis iurc unicuique infligi potuit alienigenae (cf. 91,98( v. 6 qut ettam templum violare conatus est quem et apprehensum voluimus secundum legem nostram iudicare; belle mentitur causidicus; illud prius de violatione templi Iudaei asiani spargebant; unde ex eorum mente loquitur; alterum autem purum putum mendacium causidici est et aliorum Iudaeorum qui coram praeside testantur v. 9 ita se res habere. Loquitur ac si ipse Iudaeus esset eo quod nomine Iudaeorum verba facit. Hi vero Paulum occidere tentabant bis (21,31; 23,10. 1&4); v. 7 superveniens autem tribunus Lysias cum vi magna eripuit eum de manibus nostris, v. 8 iubens accusatores eius ad te ventre; Iudaeis manebat ius de causis violatae legis ex lege iudicare et poenas decernere excepta sententia capitis; quare causidicus rem ita proponit, ac si Lysias Iudaeos prohibuisset suis uti iuribus et contra fas impedivisset quominus Paulum secundum legem iudicarent. Et ita rem se habere audacter confirmat monens praesidem, ut ab ipso Lysia exquirat cuncta : a quo poteris ipse iudicans de omnibus 15015 cognoscere, de quibus nos accusamus eum; haec quae a v. 6 leguntur in vulg. et apud alios testes (vide lect. var.) plane necessaria sunt; nam, ut bene advertit Δί. * verum non ferri potest quod sec. א etc. hoc monstrum orationis post pauca verba iudicem ex reo (παρ οὖ v. 8 post ὃν ἐχρατή- σαμεν 6) cetera quaerere iubet (sim. Jecl. Felt. Bels.). Et satis mirum esset, si causidicus ad probandam accusationem contra Paulum ad ipsum Paulum tamquam testem provocaret. Accusatores autem postulasse, ut Lysias testis vocaretur et Lysiae quoque aliquid culpae imputasse, satis comprobatur 25,92 : cum tribunus Lysias descenderit audiam vos; ergo ad eum in accusatione provocatum est; proinde ex ipsa subsequente narratione textus vulg. aliorumque testium confirmatur. Orationi causidici reliqui adstipulantur v. 9 «diecerunt autem et Iudaei τυνεπέθεντο simul aggressi sunt, una scil. cum causidico invaserunt in Paulum accusando dicentes haec ita se habere φάσκοντες dictitantes, firmiter saepiusque affirmantes (cf. Rom. 1,22). Verum men- . dacia proferri praeses ex epistola Lysiae cognovit. Singula accusationis capita Paulus breviter, sed efficaciter diluit simplici rerum enarratione; v. 10 respondit autem Paulus annuente sibi praeside dicere : ex multis annis te esse iudicem genti huic sciens 6ono animo pro me satisfaciam; en aliud exordium plane diversum ab adulatione illa Tertulli et tamen etiam captalio benevolentiae, at apostolo digna et rei veritati congrua. Ait enim se εὐθύμως bono, alacri animo proferre τὰ περὶ ἐμοῦ quae de me dicenda sint, quia sciat eum bene nosse Iudaeorum mores et instituta, quippe qui iam per multos annos sit iudex in ea gente constitutus. Proin enuntiat se confidere iudici iudicemque laudat utpote gnarum rerum iudaicarum. Erat Felix praeses ab anno 52, uti plerique statuunt (cf. Felt. Bels. Wendt, Schürer 1 p. 11); quod concludunt ex eo quod losephus facta mentione de Felice per Claudium in Iudaeam misso subdit narrationem ex anno duodecimo Claudii (Antiq. 20.7,1); annum 1 assignat Harnack; αἱ ex iis quae Tacitus refert, Felix iam ab anno 48 Samariam administrabat , et ad annum 52 dicitur ab co Felix iam pridem Iudaeae impositus (Annal. 19,54). Ex Eusebio colligitur annus 50 vel 51, quo Felix sit in Iudaeam missus (cf. δεῖς. Quartalschrift 1898 p. 366). Ex hisce ergo explica »mu/tos annos modo oratorio; cum v. ₪. Valerius Gratus procurator fuisset ab anno 15-20, et Pilatus ab anno 26-36, Paulus haec non ignorans certe tres vel quattuor annos non potuisset dicere multos; saltem sex vel septem annos debuit intelligere. Ceterum si narrationi Taciti quidquam veri subest, nulla prorsus potest esse difficultas (cf. Be/s. 1. c. 363). Statim accusationem seditionis diluendam aggreditur ostendens se per paucos solum dies in urbe lerusalem commoratum ne tempus quidém habuisse ad movendam seditionem v. 11 potes (enim) cognoscere ἐπιγνῶναι accurate cognoscere, quia non plus sunt mihi dies quam duodecim 62 quo ascendi adorare in lerusalem; dies censendi sunt pleni et integri; quare dies quo advenit in urbem (post meridiem fortasse, quia sequenti solum die adit lacobum) et dies iste quo sese defendit non erunt computandi. Unde primus dies ille est quo adit Iacobum, secundus, quo purificatus intrat in templum (21, 18.26), die sexto (vide ad 21,27) capitur a Iudaeis; die septimo orationem habet coram synedrio (22,30-93,10), die octavo vespere ducitur Antipatridem, die nono advenit Caesaream; post quinque dies i. e. die tertio decimo adveniunt Iudaei ex urbe cum Tertullo et accusatur Paulus, qui dies utpote nondum completus non computatur (ita Felt. Wendt; similiter Calm.; alii alio modo computant, qui v. gr. dies quinque 24,1 numerant a profectione ex lerusalem, uti Beel. Patr.). Offenduntur aliqui critici eo quod Paulus dicat se venisse in urbem ut adoraret, quasi res non ad veritatem sed ad circumveniendum iudicem proponeretur adeoque non satis integre institueretur defensio (cf. Overb. Wendt); putant enim apostolum debuisse dicere se ascendisse, ut fidelibus afferret eleemosynas ethnico-christianorum et ut unionem et concordiam efficeret inter utrosque. lam de eleemosynis statim loquitur v. 17; verissime autem potuit dicere προσχυνήσων; nam festinabat iter faciens, ut diem pentecostes ageret lerosolymis; proin ad festum diem ascendit, idque iudici gentili explicat utens generali voce ad cultum divinum designandum. Hoc plane verum erat, hoc aptum et sufficiens ad accusationem refellendam de violatione templi; insuper quis esset nexus inter hanc accusationem et desiderium consiliumque Pauli fideles palaestinenses benevolos reddendi fidelibus ex gentibus? Ad quid igitur hoc afferret? Et quam longe abfuerit a violatione templi, etiam accuratius ostendit v. 12 et neque in templo invenerunt me cum aliquo disputantem, aut. concursum | facientem. turbae, neque in synagogis; synagogae veluti totidem scholae erant, ubi publice lex docebatur coetusque habebantur publici ad sacrorum voluminum lectionem et preces communes; fas utique fuisset apostolo eo cum ceteris convenire diputationesque pro more de Scripturarum sensu agi- . tare; sed nec eo venerat (Caílm.); fabulantur rabbini fuisse in urbe 480 synagogas atque in singulis et beth-sepher et beth-talmud (cf. Schürer 11 p. 354); v. 13 neque in civitate; neque probare possunt tibi de quibus nunc me accusant; « accusationes sola negatione diluit; cum enim adversarii nullum idoneum dictorum suorum testem adducerent, ius erat apostolo sola negatione se purgare; actoris est probare; probare dicta ad accusatores pertinebat; Pauli vero erat illorum argumentis respondere » (Caím.). Neque tamen solum negat accusationes , sed ea profert quibus crimina excluduntur; v. 14 confiteor autem hoc tibi quod secundum sectam quam dicunt haeresim χατὰ τὴν $35» 996 secundum viam scil. religionis et cultus (9,2) quam hi haeresim, sectam, factionem dicunt, sic deservio Patri et Deo meo, τῷ πατρῴῳ Θεῷ i. e. Deo patrum nostrorum; sic, ipsa mea vita et religione colo Deum patrium, Deum nostrum a maioribus adoratum; proin nulla ratione se esse desertorem patriae religionis asseverat cum emphasi, credens omnibus quae 1n lege et prophetis scripta sunt, v. 15 spem habens in Deum quam et hi 1psi exspectant , resurrectionem futuram iustorum et iniquorum ; duobus participiis declaratur illud 510; quia resurrectio in prophetis docetur (cf. Is. 26,19. Ez. 37,& seq. Dan. 12,2) et a plerisque Iudaeis credebatur, poterat apostolus ad praesentes ludaeos provocare, etsi inter ludaeos fuerit:pars quaedam et factio eam negantium. Demonstrat itaque apostolus modo pro praeside consantaneo et apto se nullatenus esse alienum a religione patria; proinde se non esse quod Tertullus indicaverat ducem et antisignanum factionis religioni hostilis. Et hac religione et fide se revera in vitae ratione dirigi affirmat v. 16 tn 0 in eo scil. statu mentis constitutus, vel ut alii explicant : propterea (cf. Beel. Patr. Felt. Wendt, Bl.) et ipse studeo àsxà laboro, me exerceo sine offendiculo conscientiam habere ad Deum et ad homines semper, conscientiam habere ἀπρέσχοπον quae scil. nulla culpa sibi conscia percutiatur; ita contendit vivere, ut et apud homines nunquam arguatur offensionis. lam transit ad illud particulare, quod captivitati eius ansam dedit et quod Tertullus speciali modo in v. 6 tetigit; quae adiungit, praeterea valde idonea sunt ad suam causam penitus cognoscendam v. 17 post annos autem plures (cf. 18,22) eleemosynas facturus in gentem meam veni et oblationes (et vota), neque gig habet.et vota; en hic explicite statuitur eliam illa ratio itineris quam apostolus in epistolis suis saepius tangit (Rom. 15,95. 1 Cor. 16,1. 2 Cor. 9,19) ; quare affirmatur id quod Weizs. Wendt iam prius debuisse dici volunt, quasi prudenti lectori non sufficere debeat id semel indicari. Oblationes dicit sacrificia nasiraeatus completi pro quibus impendit pecuniam (21,24. 96) v. 18 in quibus àv αἷς (προσφοραῖς), dum haec scil. - fierent sacrificia, tnvenerunt me purificatum (21,26), proin sanctitatem templi reveritum, nullatenus violantem, ἐπ templo, non cum turba, neque cum tumultu, cf. v. 19; iterum hoc commemorat utpote rem maximi momenti pro iudice stante illa accusatione. Quare fidenter etiam provocat et ad eos qui ipsum in templo comprehenderunt et ad praesentes synedristas v. 19 quidam autem ex. Asia Iudaei quos oportebat apud te praesto esse et accusare si quid haberent adversum me; explica τινὲς δέ, ita ut particula δὲ inferat novam rem cum aliqua oppositione et suppleatur verbum antecedens : εὗρον : invenerunt me, non illi qui nunc adsunt sed aliqui Iudaei (cf. Klotz, Devar. 1I p. 256); hi debebant adesse; sed cum ipsi non compareant primi accusatores, iam innuit apostolus falsa esse quae sibi imputarentur. Quod eo fidentius a se dici indicat cum pergat v. 20 aut hi 1051 dicant εἰπάτωσαν imperando et eos quasi digito demonstrando loquitur cum iusta quadam indignatione, (s?) quid invenerunt in me iniquitatis, cum stem in concilio, cum essem coram synedrio 23,1 seq., v. 91 nis: de una hac solummodo voce qua clamat tnter eos stans : quoniam de resurrectione mortuorum ego tudicor hodie a. vobis, ἐφ᾽ ὑμῶν coram vobis, apud vos. Ex hac voce ortus est totus ille tumultus, ex quo Paulus ne discerperetur ereptus est 8 tribuno; inde coniuratio facta et abductio in Caesaream (23,6 seq.). Intellexit sane praeses affirmationem Pauli omnino congruere illis quae Lysias scripserit 23,98. 99 eum accusari solum de quaestionibus legis. lam quid iudex? ex epistola Lysiae et defensione Pauli potuit ac debuit Paulum absolvere. Synedristae autem postulabant eius condemnationem et insuper ius suum puniendi Paulum ה tribuno esse iniuste impeditum affirmarant (v. 6.7). Cum igitur hi Lysiam quoque incusarent, ex una parte, ex altera autem ad eum utpote testem provocarent (v. 8), mediam quandam viam eligit iudex : rem amplius esse inquirendam v. 22 distulit autem illos Feliz 205520555 . ampliavit eos i. e. pronuntiavit amplius (scil. quaerendum esse) quod faciebant iudices, si neque ad condemnandum ncque ad absolvendum res sibi satis liquere videretur (B/.) certissime sciens de via hac ἀχριβέστερον accuratius cognitam habens religionem novam; cum jam ex pluribus annis esset in ludaea et cum Caesareae etiam esset coetus Christianorum, poterat satis nosse eam religionem ita ut etiam veram causam accusationis facile perspiceret. Haec poterat ei esse ratio, ut non condemnaret Paulum. Differendi autem iudicii causam allegat hanc ex oratione Tertulli depromptam : d:- cens : cum tribunus Lysias descenderit, audiam vos; noluit synedristas offendere Paulum absolvendo, iis autem aliquatenus saltem satisfacere, dum novam diceret instituendam esse inquisitionem Lysia praesente. Verum minime sollicitus fuit, ut Lysias se sisteret; quid Id saltem aequitatis in Paulum quem insontem culpa esse perspexit observavit, ut levi custodia eum teneret v. 28 iussitque centurioni custodire eum et habere requiem ἄνεσιν remissionem , lenem captivifatis conditionem ἃ vexatione et severitate alienam, nec quemquam de suis prohibere ministrare ei, « Lucam inquam, Trophimum, Aristarchum aliosque fortasse qui cum ipso venerant Hierosolymam, quosque credere est atque adeo ex hoc loco satis apparet, ut audierunt Paulum abductum Caesaream, statim se illuc contulisse » (Patr.). Comparant quod losephus de Agrippae custodia scribit : cvAxxi μὲν yàp xxi τήρησις ἦν, μετὰ μέντοι ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν δίαιταν (Antiq. 18,6,10). At Paulus in custodia militari manebat; cf. v. 97. Ex biennio hoc captivitatis aliqua Lucas refert; v. 2& post aliquot autem dies veniens Felix cum Drusilla uxore sua quae erat Iudaea vocavit Paulum ; notat Cat. : nisi Drusilla fuisset causa buius vocationis, non nominasset Lucas Drusillam Iudaeam; et Lap. scribit : incitante forte Drusilla uxore, quae cum esset ludaea ex curiositate volebat audire quaenam esset nova secta quae ἃ Iudaeo Paulo praedicabatur, ac quid differret christianismus a iudaismo, Felix iterum vocavit Paulum. Quod isti (cf. 6/0. quoque) merito suspicati sunt, altera lectione clare enuntiatur, quam Cassiod. quoque cognitam habuit , cum scribat : rogatus Felix ἃ Drusilla coniuge sua coram ea Paulum fecit adduci. Erat Drusilla filia Agrippae I de quo vide 129,1. 19 seq., soror Agrippae II ; cum pater eius moreretur, ipsa erat sexennis (JosepAus, Antiq. 19,9,1) et iam desponsata Epiphaui Antiochi Commagenorum regis filio, qui tamen quia noluit cireumcidi eius nuptias recusavit (l. c. 20,7,1); Agrippa IL autem, cum anno duodecimo Claudii completo à Claudio donatus esset Philippi tetrarchia et Batanca et Trachonitide una cum Abila (Chalcide tamen ablata), Drusillam sororem Azizo Emesorum regi in matrimonium collocavit (1. c.). Non multum autem post Felix conspecta Drusilla, quae omnes pulchritudine praecellebat, eius tenebatur desiderio et per Iudaeum quendam Cyprium, nomine Simonem ei suadendum curabat, ut relicto marito sibi nuberet. Quod ipsa quoque fecit contra patria instituta; παραῤῆναι τὰ πάτοιλ γέμιμα πείθεται (1. c. 20,7,2). Dicitur Felix ἃ Suetonio trium reginarum maritus (Claudius 28); unam ex iis nominat Tacitus etiam Drusillam, Cleopatrae et Antonii neptem, ut eiusdem Antonii Felix progener esset (Hist. 5,9). Quae fuerit tertia Felicis uxor ignoratur. Drusilla Felici nupsit Claudio Imperatore; nam Azizus rex Emesorum primo anno Neronis mortuus est (1. c. 20,8,4); cum anno 86 esset sexennis, florentissima iuventute annos nata 15 vel 16 Felici iuncta est. Apostolus autem non solum eius curiositali satisfecit disserens de fide in Christum Iesum, verum etiam ea praedicavit adulteris illis quae non exspectarant ; et audivit ab eo fidem quae est in. Christum Iesum; proin prius exposuit Iesum esse revera Messiam illum quem Judaeos exspectare Drusilla novit; sed simul huius Iesu doctrinam proposuit eam qua conscientia utriusque percuteretur v. 25 disputante autem illo de iustitia — et Felix per omnem saevitiam et libidinem ius regium servili ingenio exercuit (Tacitus, Hist. 5,9) et castitate et de iudicio futuro tremefactus Feliz respondit : quod nunc attinet vade ; tempore autem opportuno accersam te ; talis doctrina de divinis mandatis et de severo Dei in peccatores iudicio et supplicio aeterno Felici nova erat adeoque terrorem ei incussit; at conscientiae stimulos reprimens molestum praedicatorem tacere et abire iubet, simul coram eo terrorem sibi incussum dissimulare tentans, cum dicat : tempus opportunum nactus ad me accersam (μεταχαλέσομαι) 46. Nihil additur de Drusilla; ipsi mandata Dei non erant incognita neque iudicium futurum. Unde fortasse illi accidit quod peccatoribus et apostatis evenire solet, ut animos gerant plane obduratos neque ulla doctrina iam tangantur. | Terror ille etiam apud Felicem brevi mala cupiditate victus et exstinctus est. Audierat de eleemosynis quas Paulus pro aliis collegit; novit eum doctorem insignem religionis christianae; videbat studia amicorum in eum. lam is qui pro aliis multum pecuniae accepit, profecto pro se ad libertatem emendam plurimam poterit accipere; unde v. 96 simul et sperans quod pecunia ei daretur. a Paulo; neque eum puduit id Paulo insinuare, ut scil. libertatem pecunia coemeret; indicatur enim hoc : propter quod quia sperabat pecuniam sibi dari, δι x3: ut illiceret illum ad se pecunia temptandum (B/.) et frequenter accersens eum. loquebatur cum eo; verum Paulus spem fefellit nec se pecunia redimere voluit, verum se et vitae suae rationes divinae commisit dispositioni libenter portans quoque captivitatem pro nomine Iesu. Felix autem spe pecuniae tandem accipiendae captus noluit alteram inquisitionem instituere, uti v. 22 promiserat, quamvis synedristae saepius monerent, uti colligendum est ex 25,2, quia scil. statim successorem Felicis adeunt eius postulantes opem contra Paulum; v. 21 biennio autem expleto accepit successorem Feliz Portium Festum; quando id fuerit, vide Proleg. p. 1% seq. Videtur Felix egisse eo modo quem in Albino Josephus describit : is solum qui nihil dedisset in carceribus tamquam maleficus retinebatur (Bell. iud. 2,14,1); insuper maxime erat, cur desideraret id facere quod gratum esset Iudaeis ; volens autem gratiam praestare Iudaeis Feliz, reliquit Paulum vinctum, secundum alteram lectionem διὰ Δρούσιλλαν, potest utrumque verum esse (B/.); nam mulierem Paulo fuisse maxime infensam propter sermoneni de castitate quis negabit? proin ex utraque parte Festus ad iniustitiam illam vehementer inducebatur (Bels.). Neque tamen Iudaeorum iram etaccusationem effugit. Nam primores Iudaeorum Caesaream incolentium Romam profecti contra eum accusationem instituerunt, et dedisset omnino poenas iniuriarum, nisi Nero precibus Pallantis fratris eius, qui tum maxime apud eum in honore erat, multa indulsisset (Antiq. 20,8,9).
25:2
v. 2 adieruntque ἐνεφάνισαν (23,15; 28,1) eum principes sacerdotum et primi Iudaeorum, synedristae (cf. 24,1); eo tempore autem Ananias (23,2; 25,1) iam pontificatu privatus erat; nam Felice adhuc procuratore Agrippa rex pontificatum contulerat in Ismaelum Phabi filium (Antiq. 20,8,8); inter synedristas erant nobiliores ex sacerdotibus, ἀρχιερεὶς, vide &,6 ὅσοι ἦσαν Ex γένους ἀρχιερατιχοῦ, ex 115 familiis ex quibus pontifices eligebantur; adversus Paulum, ei denuntiarunt adversus Paulum; accusationes protulerunt, et rogabant eum,
25:3
v. 3 postulantes gratiam adversus eum, quam instanter rem desideratam a praeside obtinere cupiunt declaratur; id 8 novo praeside ut primum favorem expetunt, insinuantes quam grato auspicio procurationem sit aggressurus et nobilium ludaeorum animos maxime sibi devincturus, μέ zuberet perduci eum in lerusalem, ἑπως μεταπέμλνηται ut arcesseret eum; sed quo consilio id ab eo flagitent, additur : insidias tendentes, ut tnterficerent eum tn via scil. per sicarios qui eo tempore ad omne genus scelerum paratissimi erant; nam > ad maximum numerum excreverant ensiculis parvis utentes ; turbae permisti quotquot voluerint nullo negotio trucidabant » (Antiq. 20,8,10). Idem ergo synedristae fieri volunt quod antea iam approbarant in quadraginta illis coniuratis (23, 13), quos idem hoc loco tentare voluisse, additur in versione syriaca philoxeniana (marg.). Ex v. 16 videntur prius postulasse, ut Festus Paulum capitis damnaret; idem colligitur ex v. 24; quod cum Festus solis accusatoribus auditis nollet praestare, tum petebant, ut eum arcesseret statim in urbem; neque hoc Festus concedit
25:4
v. & Festus autem respondit; ser - vari Paulum tn Caesarea εἰς, scil. in quam urbem abductus sit in custodiam ; ibi innuit esse tribunal procuratoris coram quo sit iudicandus; non vult Iudaeis quasi quandam exceptionem concedere; quare cum firma quadam auctoritate et emphasi τηρεῖσθαι primo loco ponitur; atque eo minus opus esse a consueto ordine recedere, quia ipse brevi reversurus sit Caesaream : se autem materius profecturum, ἐν τάχει, celeriter, cito, mox, brevi;
25:5
v. 5 qui ergo in vobis (ai2) potentes sunt δυνατοί; quinam sunt isti potentes? explicant alii : qui idonei sünt; alii : quibus commodum est iter illud instituere; ita gig quoque : qui inter vos possunt. At erit exponendum : qui inter vos auctoritate praestant (cf. Beel. Patr. Felt. Wendt, Weiss), neque obstat id quod B/. monet Festum cum ipsis proceribus δυνατοὶς loqui; nam cum multi ex synedristis adierint Festum, omnino ad eos dici potest, ut qui sint inter eos potentes et praecipua auctoritate emineant, descendentes simul, si quod est in viro cximen ἄτοπον improbum, accusent eum; insuper attendere oportet Festum recentissime advectum adiri 8 Iudaeis quos nondum cognoscat, quorum auctoritas apud populares ipsi pariter est ignota; esse illos nobiles poterat utique facile advertere. Quid itaque magis est ad rem quam ut dicat ad eos quod dixisse Lucas refert? Ceterum losephus quoque haud raro ξυνα- τούς nominat simul cum principibus sacerdotum (cf. Patr. Schürer || p. 153). Et Caesaream reversus Festus continuo praestat quod Iudaeis pro- . miserat
25:6
v. 6 demoratus autem inter eos dies non amplius quam octo aut decem, descendit Caesaream ; modus loquendi de tempore commorationis videtur indicare narratorem, qui Caesareae consistens noverit quidem quamdiu a Caesarea abfuerit, verum quamdiu inter Hierosolymitanos versatus fuerit οἱ quod tempus fortasse aliis urbibus invisendis vel itineri impenderit, non accurate assequi potuerit (cf. Weiss). Festus autem Caesaream reverlitur; nam procuratorem novum mox in sede sua salutatum iriab aliis principibus, Romanorum amicis, exspectari debuit (cf. v. 13. 93); οἱ altera die sedit pro tribunali (19,91) et $ussit Paulum adduci; monstrant omnia magistralum qui strenue munera sua capessit (BL.);
25:7
v. 7 qut cum perductus esset, circumsteterunt eum qui αὐ Ierosolyma descenderant Iudaei, multas et graves causas obüicientes quas non poterant probare; nam | bene intellexerant ad praesidem commovendum veteres illas quas antea proposuerant non sufficere; quare addunt accusationes laesae maiestatis, ut patet ex
25:8
v. 8 Paulo rationem reddente ἀπολογουμένου causam suam defendente : quontam neque ?n legem Iudaeorum, neque in templum, neque in Caesarem quidquam peccavi; priorem igitur accusationem de seditione 25,5 jam ita exornabant, ut crimen in Caesarem eiusque imperium commisisse eum dicerent. Duas priores accusationes Paulus eodem modo diluit, uti antea 95,11-91; 8 Felice de illis non erat iudicatus; Festus de quaestionibus legis parum curavit. Pro tertio crimine quod non in Ierusalem, sed in variis urbibus eum commisisse probabilissime ex variis illis Iudaeorum contra Paulum perturbationibus eruere volebant, non habebant testes atque ea accusatio statim suspecta videri debuit Festo qui optime sciebat magistratus romanos sedulo in rebelles invigilare eosque severe punire. Actores autem nullam Pauli condemnationem poterant asserere, Paulus e contra demonstrare poterat se fuisse dimissum liberum actoribus et accusatoribus reiectis (cf. 16,39; 18,15-17). Ceterum vide ad v. 19. Tertia accusatio itaque non poterat sustineri. Duae priores, etsi probarentur, non videbantur spectare ad tribunal magistratus romani, quia in re religiosa aliqua iurisdictio competebat synedrio (cf. 9, 1 seq.). Iudaei plurimum instabant apud procuratorem, ut Paulus condemnaretur; cos ab initio sibi infensos reddere, non videbatur esse consultum ; unde
25:9
v. 9 Festus autem colens gratiam praestare Iudaeis respondens Paulo dixit : vis lerosolymam ascendere et ibi de Àis iudicari apud me? ut scil. ibi de quaestione religiosa a synedrio iudicaretur; dicit ἐπ᾿ ἐμοῦ coram me, me praesente; ne scil. ᾿ quidquam iuiquius statueretur et ut dignitas civis romani in tuto collocaretur, promisit se praesentem fore, quippe qui sententiam synedrii vel ratam habere vel irritam declarare vel mutare posset. Interrogat autem Paulum, quia civis romanus ius habebat fori romani, ut scil. . eius causa a magistratu romano iudicaretur, neque invitus poterat hoc iure privari. Paulus quoque quid iuris sit bene noscit; optime perspectas habet insidias synedristarum eorumque iniquitates; quare libere respondet
25:10
v. 10 dixit autem Paulus : ad tribunal Caesaris sto; ibi me oportet iudicari; procurator nomine et auctoritate lmperatoris iudicat; nam « quae acta gestaque sunt a procuratore Caesaris, sic ab eo comprobantur atque si a Caesare ipso gesta sint » (Ulpianus, L. I D de offic. procuratoris; Beel. Patr. Felt. Wendt). Atque insuper reiicit Paulus cum aliqua indignatione illud effugium Fesli rem devolvendi tandem ad synedrium : Judaeis non 00101, οὐδὲν ἠδίχηχκα nihil iniuriae, nihil iniusti commisi contra Iudaeos stcut tu. melius nosti, χάλλιον optime (24,22; 2/.( ; iudicem perstringit, quod causam melius perspexerit, quam interrogatione illa proposita prodere velit. Et aperte enuntiat ad quid tandem illud eius consilium - perventurum esset, si illud acciperet;
25:11
v. 11 s? entm noct, aut dignum morte aliquid feci, non recuso mori, εἰ μὲν οὖν 1. e. cum itaque &d tuum tribunal quod est tribunal Caesaris stem, si te iudice nocens sum et crimen capitale admisi, 8 te capitis damnari non recuso; proin 8 procuratore vult iudicari ; sed. cum ille iudicium detrectet et rem velit ad synedrium devolvere, cernit Paulus fore ut arbitrio synedristarum tradatur, utique perimendus; si vero nihil est eorum quae hi accusant me, nemo potest me illis donare χαρίζεσθαι, ut scil. quasi de dono benevole dato pro lubitu disponant. Severe monet procuratorem (nemo) de iure violato; unde Caesarem appello, provoco ad Caesarem; hoc ius a tribunali. procuratoris ad Caesarem provocandi competebat civi romano (cf. Mommsen, Róm. Staatsrecht 9. ed. II p. 258). Paulus eo libentius iure suo utitur, quia Romam venire iam diu desiderabat (19,91; 23,11. Rom. 1,10; 15,23 cupiditatem habens veniendi ad vos ex multis iam praecedentibus annis). Ex v. 11 videtur consequi Paulum provocasse ad Caesarem ea sojum conditione, si Festus causam vellet devolvere ad synedrium. Provocatio ad Caesarem poterat a magistratu negligi, si magnum quoddam periculum immineret aut si facta esset sine sufficienti ratione (cf. Wendt); ex iure autem ante sententiam appellari potest , si quaestionem in civili negotio habendam iudex interlocutus sit, vel in criminali, si contra leges hoc faciat (Digest. XLIX, 5,2; Wetstein). Moris erat ut magistratus haberent in iure dicundo assessores vel consiliarios ) 27. ; exempla affert Schürer I p. 391); unde
25:12
v. 12 («nc Festus cum concilio locutus, respondit : Caesarem appellasti , ad Caesarem ibis; putandum sane est Festum eam occasionem libenter arripuisse, qua se a causa molesta liberaret; si enim Paulum absolvisset, maximam se incurrere sciebat Iudaeorum invidiam ; eum vero condemnare qua erat aequitate non potuit (cf. v. 25). Et quam celeriter illam occasionem arripuerit, patet quia mox conqueritur, se non habere quid certum scribat ad Caesarem. Dum Festus opportunitatem aliquam opperitur Paulum mittendi Romam, invisitur ab Agrippa; de eo vide quae notata sunt ad 25,94; ad regiones quas ei Claudius donaverat addidit Nero partem quandam Galilaeae, Tiberiadem et Taricheas, item Iuliadem Peraeae urbem et vicos quattuordecim eius in vicinia positos (Josephus, Antiq. 20,8,4). lam Claudius 1162001, Agrippae I fratri, principi Chalcidis, dederat potestatem templi sacraeque pecuniae et ius creandi summos pontifices et haec omnia ctiam erant apud Agrippam II (Antiq. 20,1,3) et iure illo creandi summos sacerdotes sedulo usus est (l.c. 920,8,8. 11; 20,9,1);
25:13
v. 13 et cum dies aliquot transacti essent, Agrippa rez et Bernice descenderunt Caesaream κατήντησαν pervenerunt, ad salutandum Festum ; ἀσπασάμενοι est lectio valde communis; participium aoristi adiectum ad aoristum potest significare id in quo actio illa aoristo declarata consistat vel exprimatur (cf. Krüger 53,6,8). Quam notionem si retinueris, ipsum illud pervenire Caesaream quasi salutatio procuratoris designatur (Wendt, Weiss); aliis tamen videtur ἀσπα- σέμενοι esse legendum cum testibus paucioribus; nam prior illa aceeptio subtilior videtur esse : advenerunt salutaturi (cf. Felt. B/.). Bernice soror Agrippae erat natu maxima; 8208 nata sexdecim Herodi patruo in matrimonium erat collocata (Antiq. 19,9,1); posl eius mortem diu erat vidua, sed fama percrebrescente consuetudinis incestuosae cum fratre nupsit Polemoni, regi Ciliciae; verum hoc quoque coniugium non diu irruptum mansit; δι᾿ ἀχολασίαν reliquit Polemonem (Antiq. 20,7,3) et rediit ad fratrem; postea « seni quoque Vespasiano magnificentia munerum grata » (Tacitus, Hist. 2,81), etiam Titus eam adamavit, imo etiam nuptias pollicitus ferebatur (Sueton. Titus 7). Agrippam rerum iudaicarum haud ignarum consulit Festus; cum enim nihil criminis in Paulo invenisset et tamen videret, quanto odio letali eum primores Iudaeorum prosequerentur, pronum erat rem cum Agrippa communicare, ut ab eo audiret quid fortasse rei subesset
25:14
v. 1& et cum dies plures ibi demorarentur, Festus regi indicavit . de Paulo ἀνέθετο τὰ χατὰ τὸν Παῦλον causam Pauli ei exposuit, dicens : vir quidam est derelictus a. Felice vinctus,
25:15
v. 18 de quo cum essem lerosolymis adierunt me principes sacerdotum et sentores Iudaeorum postulantes adversus illum damnationem; si id contuleris cum 25,2. 3, dicere poteris, Iudaeos id prius postulasse et id quasi innui in illo : adierunt eum contra Paulum; quod cum Festus recusasset, dein illos postulasse gratiam ut eum iuberet perduci in Ierusalem. Posset discrimen etiam explicari ita, ut Festus coram Agrippa maluerit rem vertere in maiorem laudem romanae iustitiae, et modus quo loquitur in v. 16 hanc suspicionem non tollit
25:16
v. 16 ad quos respondi : quia non est Romanis consuetudo damnare aliquem hominem χαρίζεσθαι unde Iudaei petebant, uti sibi traderet Paulum interimendum ; vel Festus ita rem enarrat; prius quam is qui accusatur praesentes habeat accusatores locumque defendendi accipiat ad. abluenda crimina; « apparet gravitas et iustitia romani hominis, etsi habebat ea iustitia nonnihil facticii et fucati » (B/.) et simul videtur id consulto efferre, ut appareat quam longe primores Iudaeorum absint ab integritate romana. Vix poterat esse ignarus quot caedes a sicariis perpetrarentur; unde in illa laude romana reprehensio continetur acerba iudaica. Suum strenue agendi modum etiam laudat
25:17
v. 17 cum ergo huc convenissent sine ulla dilatione ἀνχξολὴν ובג 522 -| die sedens pro tribunali iussi adduci virum cf.
25:18
v. 6; 18 de quo, cum stetissent accusatores σταθέντες cum se stitlissent (Jec/.) cum praesto essent, nullam causam deferebant, de quibus ego suspicabar malum, nullam accusationem seu crimen αἰτίαν inferebant eorum quae suspicabar ego scelerum. Cum enim tanto studio mortem Pauli expeterent, Festus necessario putabat eum esse hominem seditiosum, fortasse ducem quendam sicariorum. Atea proferebant quae Festo minime erant curae
25:19
v. 19 quaestiones vero quasdam de sua superstitione. περὶ τῆς ἰδίας ξεισιδαιμονάς de propria religione (gig), vox est media cf. 17,22; adhibet eam loquens ad Agrippam certe notione bona, habebant adversus eum et de quodam Iesu defuncto quem affirmabat Paulus vivere; « non potuit melius rudis harum rerum Festi mens effingi » (Bl.) ἔφασχεν dictitabat, repetito et studiose asserebat; inde etiam videtur esse enata accusatio Paulum in Caesarem peccasse (v. 8). Cum enim Iesum 8601188550) Iudaei quod se regem faceret ideoque a Pilato esset, cruci affixus, facile poterat Paulo verti crimini quod esset eius assecla eumque praedicaret regem et dominum; quare dignum esse qui a procuratore simili supplicio interimeretur. Contra quod Paulus ex Iesu resurrectione ostendit eius innocentiam et regnum spirituale. - Cur procurator merito neglexerit accusationem rebellionis, vide ad v. 8. Quare nihil allatum est quod procuratori poena dignum videretur;
25:20
v. 90 Aaesitans autem ego: ἀπορούμενος ignarus quid statuendum esset de huiusmodi quaestione, sed Paulus ei clare indicaviteum perspexisse - quid oporteret facere, verum noluisse facere ut gratiam iniret apud Iudaeos v. 10. 11, dicebam si vellet tre Ierosolymam et ibi iudicari de istis;
25:21
v. 91 Paulo autem appellante, ut servaretur ad Augusti cognitionem, explicatius in gig (vide lect. var.), tussi servart eum, donec mittam eum ad Caesarem, ἀνχπέμψω « mittam ad eum ad quem res pertinet Luc. 23,7.15, quasi in locum superiorem, cf. Polyb. 1,7,12 de captivis Romam missis » (B/.);
25:22
v. 92 Agrippa autem dizit ad Festum : volebam et ipse hominem audire, ἐξουλόμην, ut nostrates dicunt : ich wollte (Wendt); comparari potest Rom. 9,3 et Gal. 4,20, quamvis hisce locis de re agatur quae fieri nequeat, nostro autem 1000 id modestia quadam petitur quod fieri potest, ubi graece βουλοίμην ἄν dicitur (cf. Blass, Gramm. p. 202). Libenter annuit Festus , qui rem eam cum Agrippa non sine certo quodam consilio communicavit, id quod etiam aperte in v. 26 edicit. Unde loquens de Paulo cum Agrippa iam exspectavit eiusmodi Agrippae responsum; cras, inquit, audies eum. Sequenti autem die Festus Agrippam honorificentissime excipit
25:23
v. 93 altera autem die, cum venisset. Agrippa et. Bernice cum multa ambitione φαντασίας, « quo nomine designatur multiplex apparatus et pompa regalis officii » (Beda), ostentatio, pompa (Bl.) et introissent in auditorium cum tribunis et viris principalibus civitatis; ex altera lectione aderant quoque qui ex provincia ad salutandum Festum convenerant; erant Caesareae quinque cohortes (Bell. iud. 3,5,2); tribunos et viros nobiles accersivit Festus, ut Agrippam selecto virorum comitatu honoraret (cf. Bels.); uti viri nobiles erant ex Caesarea, ita pariter tribunos intellige caesareenses ; utrique adsunt ad honorandum Agrippam; non opus est explicare de tribunis ipsius regis Agrippae, quos secum adduxisset Caesaream (cf. v. 13) ; ?ubente Festo adductus est Paulus ; v. 9* et dicit Festus : Agrippa rex et omnes qui simul adestis nobiscum viri, videtis hunc de quo omnis multitudo Iudaeorum interpellavit me Ierosolymis, καὶ ἐνθάδε et hic (gig et hi?!); in v. 2 et 7 de solis primoribus mentio fit; sed hi certe exprimebant quoque omnes ludaeos id expetere et « nihil obstat quominus Hierosolymis certe etiam multitudinis clamores accessisse putemus » (B/.), petentes et acclamantes non oportere eum vivere amplius; eundem tollebant clamorem sicut antea 22,92. - Breviter in textu nostro res perstringitur; multo uberius alibi (vide lect. var.);
25:25
v. 95 ego vero comperi nihil dignum morte eum admisisse. Ipso autem hoc appellante ad Augustum, iudicavi mittere; iam vero 6 post appellationem interpositam litterae dandae sunt ab eo 8 quo appellatum est ad eum qui de appellatione cogniturus est, sive principem, sive quem alium, quas litteras dimissorias sive apostolos appellant » (Digest. XLIX, 6; Wetstein)
25:26
v. 26 de quo quid certum scribam domino non habeo; inde a Caligula mos obtinuit imperatorem vocandi dominum, quam appellationem, ut maledictum ct opprobrium, Augustus ipse semper exhorruit (Sueton. Octav. 53); idem narratur de Tiberio : dominus appellatus a quodam denuntiavit, ne se amplius contumeliae causa nominaret (l. c. Tiber. 27; cf. Tacitus Annal. 2,87 : acerbe increpuit, qui ipsum dominum dixerant), etiam Alexander Severus teste Lampridio (Alex. Sev. &) dominum se appellari vetuit (Wetstein, Patr.); eum titulum libenter audivit Domitianus, qui cum procuratorum suorum nominc formalem dictaret epistolam, sic coepit : dominus et deus noster sic fieri iubet; unde institutum posthac, ut ne scripto quidem ac sermone cuiusquam appellaretur aliter (Sueton. Domit. 13); propter quod produxi eum ad vos, et mazime ad te, rex Agrippa, ut interrogatione facta habeam quid scribam ; Agrippa quippe rerum iudaicarum gnarus ea dc quaestione ceteris melius suadere et iudicare poterat ;
25:27
v. 27 sine ratione enim ἄλογον absurdum mihi videtur mittere vinctum et causas etus non significare ; quod enim ipse se fatetur intellexisse v. 19, videri ei poterat aeque 37.2;zv in illis litteris apponere. Argumentum orationis ita complectitur Cassiod. : > Paulus primum iudicem laudans ab initio quae sibi acciderant integra veritate complexus est, refcrens quemadmodum christianum populum fuerit persecutus; deinde cum iret Damascum, qualia lumine Domini circumventus audierit, statimque ut necesse fuit sermonibus obedisse dominicis, unde se praedicasse perhibet populis et gentibus, ut conversi dignaque poenitentiae opera facientes aeternae vitae praemia reperirent; qua de causa commoti Iudaei eum occidere decreverunt; quorum manibus auxilio divinitatis ereptus, usque ad illud tempus ea se praedicasse testatus est quae in prophetis et reliquis Scripturis divinis leguntur esse conscripta ». Unde tres quasi partes orationis distinguuntur; in priore vitam suam explicat pristinam prooemio praemisso (v. 2-7), in altera declarat quomodo ad fidem Messiae et ad praedicandam gentibus eam fidem adductus sit (v. 8-18); in tertia parte hanc praedicationem gentibus factam indicat causam esse cur Iudaei mortem suam moliantur (v. 19-23). Ostendit itaque Agrippae regi, ad quem tota oratio dirigitur, se non esse apostatam a religione paterna, cum credat in Messiam; praedicare gentibus se iussum esse divino mandato eamque praedicationem plane consentaneam esse legi et prophetis (cf. Fe/t.). Orationem ad defensionem Pauli et ad indolem Agrippae quam maxime esse aptam, fugere potest neminem, qui conditiones rerum expenderit. Festus verbis suis, praesertim 25,26, urbane invitaverat Agrippam, ut in ea inquisitione primàs sibi assumeret partes;
25:5
… When the procurator, who resided at Caesarea in the Palace of Herod (πρωταγόριον Ἡρώβου, Acts 25:5), went to Jerusalem, he took up residence in the Palace built by Herod in the upper city, to the west of the present Jaffa Gate (cf. Philo, Legatio ad Caium, 38; Flavius Josephus, Bell. …
25:10
… without trial and without imprisonment, if he had really been condemned to the beasts, Paul would have lost that title of Roman citizenship, on which he would rely and which would be recognized in him even after his stay at Ephesus (Acts 22:25-29; 25:10 ff., 21). On the other hand, the Acts and 2 Cor. 11:23-29 are completely silent on the matter, whereas in the series of trials endured by the Apostle, so grave a fact should have been mentioned. …
… I appeal to Caesar." P. F., after conferring with his Council, replied: "You have appealed to Caesar, to Caesar you shall go!" (Acts 25:10-12).
25:12
Religions, Comparative Study of
Having appealed to Caesar, the apostle Paul is brought to Rome, where he preaches freely for two years (Acts 25:12; 28:30-31). Peter goes there spontaneously, because Rome is the center of the world as then known. …
25:13
Agrippa II (Marcus Julius; or Herod Agrippa)
… In an inscription of Baalbek he is designated "Patronus col(oniae)." Having come with his sister Berenice to greet the new procurator Porcius Festus at Caesarea, he acknowledged the innocence of Paul, confessing to him that ἐν ὀλίγῳ (almost?) he would have persuaded him to become a Christian (Acts 25:13-26:32).
… During this period, around 60, Agrippa II and B., passing through Caesarea Maritima, were invited by the procurator Festus to hear the defense of St. Paul, who had appealed to Caesar (Acts 25:13-26:12). Subsequently B. succeeded in seducing the already aged Vespasian, and Titus, who would have married the Jewish woman had he not feared the disapproval of the Roman people.
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · original Douay-Rheims (Rheims 1582), transcription by EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Public domain.