Paul defends his innocence before Felix the governor. He preaches the faith to him.
They prosecute him to Caesarea, bringing vvith them an oratour, vvho before the President Felix accuseth him, 10 He ansvvereth, defending him self from the crimes they charged him vvith, but confessing his religion plainly. 〈◊〉 The Iudge perceiuing his religion to be irreprehensible yeldeth not to condemne him at their pleasure, 24 yea he oftentimes vvith his vvife heareth his preaching, 37 but yet doth not his dutie to deliuer him out of prison.
1And after five days, the high priest, Ananias, came down with some ancients and one Tertullus, an orator, who went to the governor against Paul.E di li a cinque giorni arrivò il principe de' sacerdoti Ananìa con i seniori, e con un certo Tertullo oratore, i quali dieder comparsa al preside contro Paolo.AND after fiue daies the high priest Ananias descended, vvith certaine auncients and one Tertullus an oratour, vvho vvent to the President against Paul.Post quinque autem dies descendit princeps sacerdotum Ananias, cum senioribus quibusdam, et Tertullo quodam oratore, qui adierunt præsidem adversus Paulum. 2And Paul being called for, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying: Whereas, through thee we live in much peace and many things are rectified by thy providence,E citato Paolo, cominciò Tertullo l'accusazione, dicendo: Che molta pace noi per te godiamo, e molte cose siano ammendate dalla tua previdenza:And Paul being cited, Tertullus began to accuse, saying. Vvhereas vve liue in much peace by thee, & many things are corrected by thy prouidence.Et citato Paulo cœpit accusare Tertullus, dicens: Cum in multa pace agamus per te, et multa corrigantur per tuam providentiam, 3We accept it always and in all places, most excellent Felix, with all thanksgiving.Lo riconosciamo sempre, e in ogni luogo con tutta la gratitudine, o ottimo Felice.vve doe alvvaies and in al places receiue it, most excellent Felix, vvith al thanks geuing.semper et ubique suscipimus, optime Felix, cum omni gratiarum actione. 4But that I be no further tedious to thee, I desire thee of thy clemency to hear us in a few words.Ma per non disturbarti più lungamente, pregoti, che per brev'ora ci ascolti con la tua umanità.But lest I hinder then any longer, I desire thee of thy clemencie breifely to heare vs.Ne diutius autem te protraham, oro, breviter audias nos pro tua clementia. 5We have found this to be a pestilent man and raising seditions among all the Jews throughout the world: and author of the sedition of the sect of the Nazarenes.Abbiam trovato quest'uomo pestilenziale, che istiga a sedizione tutti i Giudei per tutto il mondo, e capo della ribellione della setta de' Nazarei.Vve haue found this man pestiferous, and raising seditiōs to al the Ievves in the vvhole vvorld, and authour of the sedition of the secte of the Nazarenes,Invenimus hunc hominem pestiferum, et concitantem seditiones omnibus Judæis in universo orbe, et auctorem seditionis sectæ Nazarenorum: 6Who also hath gone about to profane the temple: whom, we having apprehended, would also have judged according to our law.Il quale ha tentato eziandio di profanare il tempio, e avendolo noi preso, volemmo secondo la nostra legge giudicarlo.vvho also hath attempted to violat the temple, vvhom also being apprehended vve vvould haue iudged according to our lavv.qui etiam templum violare conatus est, quem et apprehensum voluimus secundum legem nostram judicare.
7But Lysias the tribune, coming upon us with great violence, took him away out of our hands;Ma sopraggiunto il tribuno Lisia, lo tolse con molta violenza dalle nostre mani,But Lysias the Tribune comming in, vvith great force tooke him avvay out of our handes,Superveniens autem tribunus Lysias, cum vi magna eripuit eum de manibus nostris, 8Commanding his accusers to come to thee. Of whom thou mayest thyself, by examination, have knowledge of all these things whereof we accuse him.Avendo ordinato, che venisser da te i suoi accusatori: e da lui potrai tu, disaminandolo, esser informato di tutte queste cose, delle quali noi lo accusiamo.commaunding his accusers to come to thee, of vvhom thou maiest thy self iudging, vnderstand of al these things, vvhereof vve accuse him.jubens accusatores ejus ad te venire: a quo poteris ipse judicans, de omnibus istis cognoscere, de quibus nos accusamus eum. 9And the Jews also added and said that these things were so.E i Giudei soggiunsero, che le cose stavan così.And the Ievves also added, saying that these things vvere so.Adjecerunt autem et Judæi, dicentes hæc ita se habere. 10Then Paul answered (the governor making a sign to him to speak): Knowing that for many years thou hast been judge over this nation, I will with good courage answer for myself.E Paolo (avendogli il preside fatto segno, che parlasse) rispose: Sapendo, che da molti anni tu governi questa nazione di buon animo darò conto di me.But Paul ansvvered, (the President making a signe vnto him for to speake.) Knovving that of many yeres thou art iudge ouer this nation, I vvil vvith good courage ansvver for my self.Respondit autem Paulus (annuente sibi præside dicere): Ex multis annis te esse judicem genti huic sciens, bono animo pro me satisfaciam. 11For thou mayest understand that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to adore in Jerusalem:Imperocché tu puoi venire in chiaro, come non sono più di dodici giorni, che io arrivai a Gerusalemme per far la mia adorazione:For thou maiest vnderstand that it is not aboue tvvelue daies to me, since I vvent vp to adore in Hierusalem.Potes enim cognoscere quia non plus sunt mihi dies quam duodecim, ex quo ascendi adorare in Jerusalem: 12And neither in the temple did they find me disputing with any man or causing any concourse of the people: neither in the synagogues, nor in the city.E non mi hanno trovato a disputar con alcuno nel tempio, né a far sollevamento di popolo nelle sinagoghe.and neither in the temple did they finde me disputing vvith any man, or causing concourse of the multitude, neither in the synagogs, nor in the citie:et neque in templo invenerunt me cum aliquo disputantem, aut concursum facientem turbæ, neque in synagogis, neque in civitate:
13Neither can they prove unto thee the things whereof they now accuse me.O per la città: né possono addurre dinanzi a te prova delle cose, onde ora mi accusano.neither can they proue vnto thee the things vvhereof they novv accuse me.neque probare possunt tibi de quibus nunc me accusant. 14But this I confess to thee that according to the way which they call a heresy, so do I serve the Father and my God, believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets:Io però ti confesso, che secondo quella scuola, che essi chiamano eresia, così servo al Padre, e Dio mio, credendo tutte quelle cose, le quali nella legge, e ne' profeti sono scritte:But this I confesse to thee, that according to the secte, vvhich they call heresie, I doe so serue the father my God', beleeuing al things that are vvritten in the Law & the Prophets:Confiteor autem hoc tibi, quod secundum sectam quam dicunt hæresim, sic deservio Patri et Deo meo, credens omnibus quæ in lege et prophetis scripta sunt: 15Having hope in God, which these also themselves look for, that there shall be a resurrection of the just and unjust.Avendo speranza in Dio, che verrà quella, che essi medesimi aspettano, risurrezione dei giusti, e degl'iniqui.hauing hope in God, the vvhich these also them selues expect, that there shal be a resurrectiō of iust and vniust.spem habens in Deum, quam et hi ipsi exspectant, resurrectionem futuram justorum et iniquorum. 16And herein do I endeavour to have always a conscience without offence, towards God and towards men.Per le quali cose io mi studio di conservar sempre incontaminata la coscienza dinanzi a Dio, e agli uomini.In this my self also doe studie to haue a cōscience vvithout offense tovvard God & toward men alvvaies.In hoc et ipse studeo sine offendiculo conscientiam habere ad Deum et ad homines semper. 17Now after many years, I came to bring alms to my nation and offerings and vows.E dopo vari anni sono venuto a portare delle limosine alla mia nazione, e (presentare) obblazioni, e voti.And after many yeres I came to bestovv almes vpon my nation, & oblations, and vovves.Post annos autem plures eleemosynas facturus in gentem meam, veni, et oblationes, et vota, 18In which I was found purified in the temple: neither with multitude nor with tumult.E tra queste cose mi hanno trovato purificato nel tempio: senza raunata di gente, e senza tumulto.In the vvhich they foūd me purified in the tēple: not vvith multitude nor vvith tumult.in quibus invenerunt me purificatum in templo: non cum turba, neque cum tumultu. 19But certain Jews of Asia, who ought to be present before thee and to accuse, if they had anything against me:E que' certi Giudei dell'Asia, i quali dovean pur comparire davanti a te, e accusarmi, se alcuna cosa avessero contro di me:But certaine Ievves of Asia, vvho ought to be present before thee and to accuse, if they had any thing against me:Quidam autem ex Asia Judæi, quos oportebat apud te præsto esse, et accusare si quid haberent adversum me:
20Or let these men themselves say if they found in me any iniquity, when standing before the council,Ovvero questi stessi dicano, se hanno trovato in me colpa quando son io stato nel sinedrio,or let these men thē selues say, if they haue found in me any iniquitie, forasmuch as I stād in the Councel,aut hi ipsi dicant si quid invenerunt in me iniquitatis cum stem in concilio, 21Except it be for this one voice only that I cried, standing among them: Concerning the resurrection of the dead am I judged this day by you.Eccettuata quella sola voce, onde gridai stando in mezzo di essi: Io sono oggi giudicato da voi sopra la risurrezione de' morti.but of this one voice only that I cried stāding among them, That of the resurrection of the dead am I iudged this day of you.nisi de una hac solummodo voce qua clamavi inter eos stans: Quoniam de resurrectione mortuorum ego judicor hodie a vobis. 22And Felix put them off, having most certain knowledge of this way, saying: When Lysias the tribune shall come down, I will hear you.Ma Felice informato appieno di quella dottrina, diede loro una proroga dicendo: Venuto, che sia il tribuno Lisia, vi ascolterò.And Felix differed them, knovving most certainely of this vvay, saying, Vvhen Lysias the Tribune is come dovvne, I vvil heare you.Distulit autem illos Felix, certissime sciens de via hac, dicens: Cum tribunus Lysias descenderit, audiam vos. 23And he commanded a centurion to keep him: and that he should be easy and that he should not prohibit any of his friends to minister unto him.E diede ordine al centurione, che custodisse Paolo, ma che fosse meglio trattato, né si vietasse ad alcuno de' suoi di prestargli assistenza.And he commaunded the Centurion to keepe him, and that he should haue rest, neither to prohibit any of his to minister vnto him.Jussitque centurioni custodire eum, et habere requiem, nec quemquam de suis prohibere ministrare ei. 24And after some days, Felix, coming with Drusilla his wife, who was a Jew, sent for Paul and heard of him the faith that is in Christ Jesus.E passati alcuni giorni tornato Felice con Drusilla sua moglie, la quale era Giudea, chiamò Paolo, e lo udì parlare della fede in Gesù Cristo.And after some daies, Felix comming vvith Drusilla his vvife, vvhich vvas a Ievve, called Paul, and heard of him the faith that is in Christ IESVS.Post aliquot autem dies veniens Felix cum Drusilla uxore sua, quæ erat Judæa, vocavit Paulum, et audivit ab eo fidem quæ est in Christum Jesum.
25And as he treated of justice and chastity and of the judgment to come, Felix, being terrified, answered: For this time, go thy way: but when I have a convenient time, I will send for thee.E disputando egli della giustizia, della castità, e del giudizio futuro, atterrito Felice disse: Per adesso vattene: e a suo tempo ti chiamerò:And he disputing of iustice and chastitie, and of the iudgement to come, Felix being terrified, ansvvered, For this time, goe thy vvay: but in time conuenient I vvil send for thee.Disputante autem illo de justitia, et castitate, et de judicio futuro, tremefactus Felix, respondit: Quod nunc attinet, vade: tempore autem opportuno accersam te: 26Hoping also withal that money should be given him by Paul: for which cause also oftentimes sending for him, he spoke with him.E insieme stava in isperanza, che Paolo gli avrebbe dato del denaro: per la qual cosa frequentemente facendolo a se venire, discorreva con lui.hoping also vvithal, that money vvould be giuen him of Paul, for the vvhich cause also oftentimes sending for him, he spake vvith him.simul et sperans quod pecunia ei daretur a Paulo, propter quod et frequenter accersens eum, loquebatur cum eo. 27But when two years were ended, Felix had for successor Portius Festus. And Felix being willing to shew the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound.E uniti i due anni. Felice ebbe per successore Porcio, Pesto. E Felice volendo ingrazianti co' Giudei, lasciò Paolo in catene.But vvhen tvvo yeres vvere ended, Felix had a successour Portius Festus. And Felix being vvilling to shevv the Ievves a pleasure, left Paul in prison.Biennio autem expleto, accepit successorem Felix Portium Festum. Volens autem gratiam præstare Judæis Felix, reliquit Paulum vinctum.
24:1
24:2
Witham
By thy provision.[Ver. 2. Per tuam providentiam, pronoias, a prudent foreseeing.] Literally, thy providence, by thy prudence. (Witham)
Though Felix governed Judea in the arbitrary manner mentioned in the note on the last chapter, he had nevertheless done some good, which is recorded to his honour. See Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, 20:6. 11. and The Jew War, xii. But had this not been the case, a public orator seldom scruples to gain over the man by praises, whose judgment he seeks. St. Paul was not ignorant of this rule of rhetoric, though he refuses to imitate Tertullus by pressing flattery into his service, as we observe below, ver. 10. and (Acts 22:1-3.) See also the exordiums of Cicero pro Roscio, pro Milone, etc. etc.
24:5
A pestilent,[Ver. 5. Hominem pestiferum, loimon, pestem.] or pernicious, and pestiferous man; Greek, one that is a plague.
Witham
Author, or ringleader of the seditious sect, etc. (Witham)
24:8
Witham
From him thou...mayest know. By the construction it is doubtful whether from Lysias, or from St. Paul. (Witham)
Bible de Vence
Behold them here ready to support the heads of accusation I have brought forward, and which are moreover so self-evident, that the party accused will not dare to deny them. (Bible de Vence)
24:10
Calmet
In the apostle's speech we observe nothing of the flattery, which characterized the opposite party. It would have been unworthy of his just cause. (Calmet)
Menochius
He observes he had been governor of the province many (eight or nine) years, to insinuate, that had he been a seditious man, as he was accused, Felix would not have failed to have heard of his misdeeds before. (Menochius)
24:11
Since I went up from Caesarea to Jerusalem, not to profane the temple, or excite sedition, but to adore the one true God.
24:12
Calmet
In Jerusalem there was only one temple, nor could there, by an express command of the Almighty, be any more throughout the whole kingdom. (Perhaps the Almighty may have wished by this singular circumstance to have impressed more forcibly on their minds the absolute necessity of unity in religion. (Haydock)) But there were many synagogues, which were a kind of schools, in which the law was publicly taught, and the people assembled to read the Scriptures, and to pray. (Calmet)
24:14
Witham
The Father,[Ver. 14. Patri et Deo. to patroo theo.] and my God. In the Greek, the Lord of our fathers. (Witham)
According to the way. The Protestant version has sect for way; but in this, as well as in many other points, the original is not attended to, in which we read kata ten odon, as in our translation.
24:22
Witham
Felix...knowing most certainly of this way. That is, knew even by Lysias's letter, that Paul and the Christians were not guilty of any thing against Caesar, but only accused of disputes relating to the Jewish law. (Witham)
24:25
Witham
Felix being terrified, etc. When St. Paul spoke of God's judgments, and hinted at such sins as his conscience reproached him with. (Witham)
Whoever knows the infamous character of Felix and Drusilla, will not fail to admire the apostle's fortitude, that he durst speak (as formerly John the Baptist did to Herod,) to them on the subject of justice and chastity. Suetonius says of the former, that he married three queens. Drusilla, one of the three, was Herod's daughter, and wife of Aziz, king of Emesa, whom he had seduced by the enchantments of a Jew of Cyprus. Hence it is not surprising he was terrified at the thoughts of a future judgment, when expounded by a St. Paul, whose zeal to make these wicked people enter into themselves, hurried him beyond the bounds of worldly prudence, but made such impression on his hearers, as to disarm the indignation his discourse was calculated to produce. See Josephus, ut supra; Tirinus; Calmet; and others. Next to the worship of God, the Christian religion requires of its followers, in the first instance, justice and chastity. Felix was unjust, avaricious, cruel; and both Felix and Drusilla were guilty of adultery. Such was the wickedness of the Gentiles in those degenerate days, that fornication was not looked upon as a crime. How much had they deviated from the excellent maxim we read and admire, inter Socraticas disputationes! omnem virtutem niti continentia, et incontinentem nihil a bellua brutissima differre; that all virtue was built upon continency, and that the incontinent man differed in nothing from the most brute beast.
At a convenient time I will send for thee. Such is the expedient Felix has recourse to, to silence the voice of conscience: and in this how often is he not imitated by the sinner, who dreads nothing so much as to enter into himself. Why put that off to another time, which will never arrive? Or why delay till death a repentance, which like the remorse of the damned, will then be as unavailing, as it will be eternal?
24:27
about the year A.D. 60.
24:5
〈Greek〉
24:14
〈Greek〉
Because Tertullꝰ the Iewes orator called Christian religion the sect or (as it is there vers. • in the Greeke) the heresie of the Nazarens: S. Paul ansvvereth and shevveth that it is no heresie. And as for the word, Sect. in this place: it is in the Greeke, According to the vvay, vvhich they call heresie, as also Act. 9, 2. 24. 22. And therfore the vvord sect here is so taken. See Annot. c. ••, •2.
the God of my fathers,
24:16
Concordance Ro. 15, 28
24:18
Concordance Act. 21, 26.
24:21
Concordance Act. 23, 6.
24:25
The Apostolike teaching was not of only or special faith, but of iustice, & chastitie, & iudgement, that is to say, of the terrour of Hel and other Gods iudgements in the next life ansvverable to our deedes in this vvorld: by vvhich the hearers vvere first terrified, and so induced to penance. Hovv say Heretikes then that such things make men hypocrites.
24:1
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… hindered as they were by obstacles without number, nevertheless they come, only to be put to shame here also. “And with an orator, one Tertullus.” And what need was there of “an orator? Which (persons) also informed the governor against Paul.” (
St Augustine of Hippo † AD 430 Answer to the Letters of Petilian, the Donatist 3.16
… Let him say whatever he pleases before the inexperienced, that so the learned may be moved to wrath, while the ignorant are deceived. Let him call me, in virtue of my rhetoric, by the name of the orator Tertullus, by whom Paul was accused;
24:2
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… 34, 35 ): again Paul is put in bonds. “And after five days came down the high priest Ananias with the elders.” See how for all this they do not desist; hindered as they were by obstacles without number, nevertheless they come, only to be put to shame here also. “And with an orator, one Tertullus.”
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… As if they had achieved a meritorious action, they make much of it: “Having found this fellow,” etc., “a mover of sedition,” say they, “among all the Jews throughout the world.” (Had he been such), they would have proclaimed him as a benefactor and saviour of the nation! “And a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes.” (
24:5
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 25
… 26 .) Verily this is the reason why it was there they were appointed to be called Christians, because Paul there spent so long time! “And it came to pass, that a whole year they assembled themselves with the Church, and taught much people. And the disciples were first called Christians at Antioch.”
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… 12 ); which in fact was the truth. And the accusers indeed use the term “ringleader,” as if it were a case of fighting and insurrection; but see how mildly Paul here answers. “But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they call heresy,
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… And, “we have found him,” say they: see how maliciously they calumniate him: (found him), as if he had been always giving them the slip, and with difficulty they had succeeded in getting him: though he had been seven days in the Temple! “Who also hath gone about to profane the temple; whom we took, [and would have judged according to our law.”] (
24:7
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… [“But the tribune Lysias came upon us, and with great violence took him away out of our hands, commanding his accusers to come unto thee]: by examining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things, where of we accuse him. And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so.” (
24:8
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… 7 ), he says. For this conduct is violence. “From whom thou mayest know.” He neither dares to accuse him (the tribune)—for the man was indulgent (forsooth)—nor does he wholly pass it by. Then again, lest he should seem to be lying, he adduces Paul himself as his own accuser. “From whom, by examining him, thou mayest take knowledge of all these things.” (
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… Then again, lest he should seem to be lying, he adduces Paul himself as his own accuser. “From whom, by examining him, thou mayest take knowledge of all these things.” ( v. 8 .) Next, as witnesses also of the things spoken, the accusers, the same persons themselves both witnesses and accusers: “And the Jews also assented,” etc. (
24:10
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so.” ( v. 7–9 ). What then says Paul? “Then Paul; after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a just judge unto this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself.” (
24:11
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… What Paul sought was justice. “Knowing thee to be a just judge, I cheerfully,” says he, “answer for myself.” Then also he enforces this by the length of time: that (he had been judge) “of many years. Because that thou mayest understand, that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem for to worship.” (
24:12
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… “And they neither found me in the Temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the city” (
24:14
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… 12 ); which in fact was the truth. And the accusers indeed use the term “ringleader,” as if it were a case of fighting and insurrection; but see how mildly Paul here answers. “But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they call heresy,
24:15
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… See, how he did not let himself be carried away into abuse, although there was strong provocation. “Believing,” he says, “that there will be a resurrection:” now a man who believed a resurrection, would never have done such things—“which” (resurrection) “they themselves also allow.” (
24:16
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… “And in this,” says he, “do I exercise myself, to have always a conscience void of offence toward God and toward men. Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings. In which they found me purified in the temple, not with multitude, neither with tumult.” (
24:17
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… 19, 20, 21 .) For this is justification in superabundance, not to flee from his accusers, but to be ready to give account to all.
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 55
… 24 .) ( i ) Of this he says, I will come and rest together with you “in the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel” ( ib. 29 ): and again “I am going to Jerusalem to minister to the saints” ( ib. 25 ): this is the same that he has said here, “To do alms to my nation I came.” (
St Jerome † AD 420 Against Vigilantius 13
… and if it were thought fit, he would himself either send, or take what was collected. Also in the Acts of the Apostles, when speaking to the governor Felix, he says,
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St Athanasius of Alexandria † AD 373 Defence Against the Arians (Apologia Contra Arianos) 6
… This the divine law determines; for when the blessed Apostle was suffering under a similar conspiracy and was brought to trial, he demanded, saying, ‘The Jews from Asia ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they had aught against me
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… And for the cause of his going up, “I came,” he says, “to bring alms to my nation and offerings.” ( v. 17 .) How then should I have troubled those, for the bringing offerings to whom I had come so long a journey? “Neither with multitude, nor with tumult.” (
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 55
… What lay ye to his charge? What have ye heard? He spoke nothing of the kind. He was simply seen, and he exasperated all against him. Well might he then be set apart for the Gentiles: well might he be sent afar off: there also destined to discourse to the Gentiles. First he calls the Jews, then having shown them the facts he comes to the Gentiles. (
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… Or else let these same here say, if they have found any evil doing in me while I stood before the council, except it be for this one voice, that I cried, standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day.” (
24:20
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings. In which they found me purified in the temple, not with multitude, neither with tumult.” ( v. 16, 17, 18 .) Why then camest thou up? What brought thee hither? To worship, says he; to do alms. This was not the act of a factious person. Then also he casts out their person:
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 50
… Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings. In which they found me purified in the temple, not with multitude, neither with tumult.” ( v. 16, 17, 18 .) Why then camest thou up? What brought thee hither? To worship, says he; to do alms. This was not the act of a factious person. Then also he casts out their person:
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
(Recapitulation.) “And when Felix,” etc. (
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… Having knowledge of that way:” that is, he put them off on purpose: not because he wanted to learn, but as wishing to get rid of the Jews. On their account, he did not like to let him go: to punish him was not possible; that would have been (too) barefaced. “And to let him have liberty,
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee. He hoped also that money should have been given him of Paul, that he might loose him; wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him. But after two years Porcius Festus came into Felix’s room: and Felix, willing to show the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound.” (
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… “Because I doubted,” says he, of “such manner of questions:” he casts a veil also over his own wrong. Then the other desires to see him. ( b ) But let us look again at what has been said.
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 Homilies on Ephesians 8
… He was imprisoned at Rome, and brought the more converts to the faith; for not only was he himself emboldened, but many others also because of him. He was imprisoned at Jerusalem, and preaching in his bonds he struck the king with amazement, ( Acts xxvi. 28 .) and made the governor tremble. (
St Augustine of Hippo † AD 430 Sermons on Selected Lessons of the New Testament 58.2
… These three things, that is, “abstaining from evil, and doing good,” and the hope of everlasting reward, are recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, where it is written, that Paul taught them of “temperance and righteousness,”
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Tertullian † AD 220 De Fuga in Persecutione 12
… When did Onesimus, or Aquila, or Stephen, give them aid of this kind when they were persecuted? Paul indeed, when Felix the governor hoped that he should receive money for him from the disciples,
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… And observe how Paul immediately discourses not only about faith, nor about remission of sins, but also about practical points of duty. “Go thy way,” he says, “for this time: when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee.” ( v. 25 .) Observe his hardness of heart: hearing such things, “he hoped that he should receive money from him!” (
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles 51
… Having knowledge of that way:” that is, he put them off on purpose: not because he wanted to learn, but as wishing to get rid of the Jews. On their account, he did not like to let him go: to punish him was not possible; that would have been (too) barefaced. “And to let him have liberty,
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1. And after five days, — not from the capture of Paul, as Cajetan wishes, but from Paul's arrival at Caesarea, to which he came the day after his departure from Jerusalem, as Luke said, XXIII, 32. For this reason Luke expressly records all these days of Paul, so that the sequence of events and time might be clear, and so that he might show that there were twelve, as Paul says, verse 11. See what I said at chapter XXI, verse 27, where I recorded these 12 days one by one through the acts of Paul. Therefore τὸ descended cannot be taken in the inchoative sense, to mean he began to descend and set out; but in the perfect or completed sense, to mean, descending or setting out, he arrived at Caesarea. For if you take it to mean he began to descend, it would follow that he arrived at Caesarea not after five, but after eight days (for the journey from Jerusalem to Caesarea is three days); to which add the seven I recorded at chapter XXI, verse 27, you would have 15, when nevertheless Paul, verse 11, assigns only twelve. But if you take it to mean descending he arrived, you will have precisely twelve days of Paul; for five added to seven make twelve. For this reason the tribune, sending Paul to Caesarea by night, lest he deceive the Jews and they should hear of it fraudulently, on the following day warned the chief priests, so that they themselves might send accusers from the opposing side to Caesarea, who would accuse Paul before Felix. The chief priests, burning with hatred of Paul and fearing for themselves, lest Paul should forestall them before Felix and blacken their character, having held a second council, began to descend and go to Caesarea, and arrived there after three days, so that after five days of Paul's arrival, they also arrived at Caesarea. The sense therefore is, as if Luke said: Paul arrived at Caesarea, as I said at chapter XXIII, verse 32, the day after his departure from Jerusalem; the chief priests arrived there on the fifth day after Paul, to accuse him. The high priest Ananias descended, — both because as a Sadducee he burned with hatred of Paul and Christ; and because he feared for himself, lest he be accused of sedition stirred up against Paul, especially because he had publicly ordered his mouth to be struck in the council, contrary to law, so that he could not plead his case. For thus the same Felix at that same time killed Jonathan, of whom presently. And a certain orator Tertullus. — It appears that Ananias took him as his advocate, both for the sake of eloquence, and because he was skilled in the Latin language, which he himself, being a Hebrew, was ignorant of. For before a Roman governor, it was customary that this case be conducted in Latin. Whence Tertullus from his name appears to have been a Roman, or an Italian. For governors used to bring with them Italian procurators and advocates to the provinces to which they were sent, so that they might undertake the cases of provincials and conduct them before him in Latin. Thus Tertullian, who appears to be named from Tertullus, used to plead cases in the forum before he was a Christian: but when he became a Christian, he renounced this office, and therefore, mocked by the Gentiles because he had exchanged the toga for the pallium, he wrote a book On the Pallium, where in chapter V he says: "I, he says, owe nothing to the forum, nothing to the field, nothing to the senate: I do not watch over any office, I do not occupy any rostrum, I do not observe any praetorium, I do not adore the barriers, I do not pound the benches, I do not disturb the laws, I do not plead cases: I have withdrawn from the people, nay, I have but one business, and now I care for nothing else but not to care. I enjoy a better life more in retirement. No one is born for another, dying for himself."
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2. Since we live in much peace. — He speaks partly truly, for Felix had indeed suppressed the Egyptian false prophet with his factious followers; partly falsely, for Felix had caused the high priest Jonathan to be killed by assassins, and afterwards permitted them to prey upon others with impunity, as testified by Josephus, lib. XX Antiq., cap. V and VI. Tertullus therefore chatters like a pettifogger, and flatters an unjust and rapacious man. Concerning such pettifogging lawyers, the Italian proverb is true: "Many praisers from Laus, few truth-tellers from Verona," namely many flatterers and adulators, few truth-tellers. And many things are corrected (the Greek has, and many services are rendered to this nation) through thy providence. — κατόρθωμα is the same as a virtuous deed, right action, a glorious exploit: likewise a work properly corrected, amended, restored, promoted: finally κατορθώματα contains all the marks of virtue, as Cicero says, lib. III De Finibus. Thus the Greeks say κατορθοῦν τὴν σωφροσύνην, that is, to fulfill all the parts of temperance; and τῆς οἰκονομίας κατορθωτής, one who is skilled in the frugal administration of household affairs. Thus Budaeus, Annot. in epist., in the word Frugi.
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3. We receive, — ἀποδεχόμεθα, which the Zurich and Clarius versions render "we approve"; others, "we embrace." Salmeron suspects the reading should be "we admire," that is "we wonder at and celebrate." But the suscipimus corresponds to the Greek. Most Excellent. — Concerning this title I have spoken in cap. XXIII, 26. Felix. — Cornelius Tacitus, lib. V Histor., gives him the praenomen Antonius: but Josephus, Zonaras and Suidas, Claudius. He therefore had both, namely he was called Antonius Felix, from Antonia, the mother of the Emperor Claudius, whose slave and freedman he had been. He was also called Claudius Felix, from the Emperor Claudius, to whom he had been transferred by his mother. For freedmen were binominal: for they bore sometimes the name of the emperor, sometimes that of their deceased patroness, as Lipsius says in lib. XII Annal. Taciti.
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4. For thy clemency. — In Greek, ἐπιεικείᾳ, that is, gentleness, equity, mildness, modesty, affability, patience, humanity, clemency.
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5. This pestilent man. — In Greek, λοιμόν, that is, a plague. Thus they call something destructive ὄλεθρον, that is, destruction, by antonomasia. Note: The oration of Tertullus is so woven together with lies as it has words, as is evident to anyone examining each part. Author, — πρωτοστάτην, or, as others read, πρωτιστάτην, that is, a prefect, a chief centurion, the first standing in the line of battle. For the author and founder of Christianity was Christ, not Paul; but he among the leaders of Christ, namely the Apostles, was the chief centurion and principal author of the propagation of Christianity, as it were an ensign-bearer and the first standing in the line of battle of Christ to fight for him. Catiline, when interrogated by Cicero the consul in the senate concerning his conspiracy against the Republic, whether he was its author, in order to display his audacious madness to his associates, mocked the consul with this riddle: "Since there are two bodies," he said, "of which one is thin and sickly, yet has a head; the other is strong and great, but without a head, what harm do I do if I myself place myself as a head upon this one?" as Plutarch relates in the Life of Cicero. But when all cried out against him and called him an enemy and a parricide, that madman in fury said: "Since I am hemmed in by enemies and driven headlong, I shall extinguish my conflagration by my ruin." Sallust is witness in the Catilinarian War. How different was Paul, who was so far removed from sedition and ambition that he did not even wish to be called or regarded as the author of a new religion and Church! Indeed, he acknowledged and proclaimed its author and invisible head, Christ the Lord, and its visible head, St. Peter; but he himself was merely Christ's minister and St. Peter's helper. Of sedition. — This word separately is not in the Greek, but is included in the preceding πρωτοστάτου, if you derive that from στάσις, that is, sedition, and πρώτος, that is, first, or rather blend them together. For he proves that Paul was stirring up seditions, as he said, from the fact that he is πρωτοστάτης, that is, a prefect of sedition, as it were the first seditious person, standing in the front rank of the sect of the Nazarenes, which everywhere stirs up seditions while it rises up against Judaism and paganism, and, excluding both, attempts to put itself in their place and substitute itself. When therefore he says "of sedition of the sect," it is a hypallage, as if to say, of the seditious sect, or which is the mother of sedition. See here how great and how false a calumny is heaped upon Paul, when rather his very accusers, the Jews, were seditious; for in all cities they had stirred up seditions and popular tumults against him, as we saw in chapter IX, 23; chapter XIII, 50; chapter XIV, 5; chapter XVIII, 12; chapter XXI, 30. By his example Religious are comforted, who, imitating him, are even now called seditious and troublemakers by sectarians and rivals. Truly St. Ambrose, in the oration On Delivering the Basilica: "Always," he says, "the praises of Christ are the blows of the faithless, and now when Christ is praised, the heretics say that sedition is stirred up. The heretics say that death is prepared for them; and truly they have death in the praises of Christ." Thus in the case of our Campian, when they led him bound to London, they affixed a title in capital letters: Edmund Campian, seditious Jesuit, but he went forth in the midst of a great crowd with unconquered spirit, with a cheerful countenance, his majesty increased even in adversity, which would inspire admiration and reverence even in his enemies, as his martyrdom relates. Of the Nazarenes. — Thus from Christ the Nazarene Christians were first called, as I said in chapter II, 22. Later the Nazarenes were called heretics, who wished to join Judaism to Christianity, whose parent was Cerinthus. "But while they wish to be both Jews and Christians, they are neither Jews nor Christians," says Epiphanius, in heresy 29. Moreover, out of contempt they call Paul a "Nazarene," just as they once called Christ a "Nazarene," as if coming from the vile town of Nazareth. But truly this is the highest praise of Christ and Paul, that each is a Nazarene, that is, separated, holy, consecrated, crowned, indeed that he is the author and teacher of the Nazarenes, that is, of those who from eternity are inscribed by God as citizens of the Saints, who earnestly strive for holiness, so that they may be transferred to the heavenly assembly of Saints and the Blessed.
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6. Who also attempted to profane (in Greek, βεβηλῶσαι, that is, to desecrate) the temple, — by introducing into it Trophimus, a gentile, concerning whom chapter XXI, 29. The advocate lies again and deceives, when the Jews themselves had violated the temple, in that they laid violent and sacrilegious hands upon Paul in it, and beat him and nearly killed him. According to our law, — the Jewish law: for although Tertullus appears to have been a Gentile, nevertheless he arrogates to himself the name and law of the Jews, because he was pleading their cause as it were their patron. To judge, — to condemn judicially and deliver the condemned to be killed by the Roman prefect. He lies again: for the Jews wished to kill Paul tumultuously, not to judge him according to law. This verse is wanting in many Greek manuscripts.
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7. Took him away. — The Syriac adds, "and sent him to you." The same is found in some Greek codices.
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8. From whom, — to the tribune. Thus Dionysius and Hugo; or rather, to Paul, that is to say, Paul himself will not be able to deny the charge, if, by examining, that is by questioning and judging him, you draw out the truth from him, and extort it by fear and threats. For, as Chrysostom says: "Lest he appear to lie, he brings Paul as his own accuser." So shameless and bold is impudence, that it strikes down the accused and drives him to confession of a crime, even if false. Again, shameless and impudent is impiety, while it transfers its own crimes to the pious. For the Jews here were guilty of all the crimes of which they accused Paul: they themselves had stirred up sedition against him, they themselves had violated the temple, laying violent hands upon him; they themselves were authors of schisms and sects, they themselves were pestilential. Thus commonly men who, driven by envy, jealousy, or similar passion, accuse others, or judge them concerning certain vices or defects, are themselves more liable to those very same things than he whom they accuse or judge, as Cassian has carefully noted, book V On the Institutes of Renunciation, chapter XXX. Where again note the modesty of Paul, who could truly have turned these calumnies back upon his accusers, and brought forth in judgment insulting words and blows which he had suffered from them; but he was unwilling and suppressed all things in deep silence.
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9. And the Jews also added, saying, These things are so. — Chrysostom notes that the order of judgment is perverted, while the Jews who were Paul's accusers make themselves witnesses of the crime, and strive by their authority and multitude to overwhelm him. Morally, see here in what a dangerous state are governors and judges, who are driven by impious powerful men and Prelates as if by an armed hand to unjust sentences, unless they have a lion's heart, by which they most strongly resist them: for they are struck by as many battering rams as there are powerful men and tyrants. Wisely the Ecclesiasticus, VII, 6: "Do not," he says, "seek to become a judge, unless you are able by virtue to break through iniquities: lest perhaps you fear the face of the powerful, and place a stumbling block in your justice."
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10. And Paul answered. — It is customary for the accused, as fearful, anxious, troubled, and dismayed, to be given an advocate, so much so that by civil law, if the accused has no one, the praetor ought to give him one. But Paul, trusting in God and his cause, is himself his own advocate; namely, truth and innocence fear neither power nor eloquence. For the just man is confident as a lion; and a lion, equally as a wolf, does not fear a multitude of sheep, but seeks and desires them. For the just man bears the scepter of God upon his head. He himself said: "He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of my eye." Truly also Gregory of Nazianzus in his Sentences: "When God grants it," he says, "envy can do nothing; when he denies it, labor can do nothing." And many years thou hast been judge. — The Greek codices and Chrysostom add just; which is the proper epithet of a judge, signifying that Felix is not such, but ought to be such, if he wishes to be a legitimate judge, that is to say, I admonish you, O Felix the judge, tacitly by this epithet of your office, namely that since you are a judge, you should have regard for justice, not for favor, not for the crowd of high priests, who unjustly conspire against me. Note: Felix had been prefect by the Emperor Claudius of Trachonitis, Batanea and Gaulanitis, which are neighboring to Judea, but to Judea itself he had been given as governor by the same Claudius only two years before his death. Thus Josephus, book II of the War, chapter XI. Paul alleges this for his innocence, that is to say, Since you have been prefect over this nation for so many years, and have never heard any complaint about me from the Jews, you will easily gather that I have never harmed anyone. With good cheer. — The interpreter reads with some Greek manuscripts, cheerfully: now many read by the comparative, more cheerfully, that is with a more equable, tranquil, secure, and cheerful mind, that is to say, Fearlessly, intrepidly, freely, securely and readily will I answer for myself: for cheerfulness is joy, pleasantness, right constitution of mind, security, delight, alacrity, hilarity, and, as Cicero, book V On the Ends, translates it, tranquility of mind, in which he asserts Democritus placed the highest good; for he called it cheerfulness, that is a mind free from fear. I will answer for myself, — concerning those things which pertain to me I answer; I make a defense for myself, accused I defend myself, I plead my cause.
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11. Because there are not more than twelve days to me. — I have recounted these days individually and their deeds concerning Paul in chapter XXI, 27. The sense is, that is to say, In so few days could not I, a stranger and unknown, stir up so many seditions and tumults, so many crimes, as many and as great as the Jews object to me. Since I went up to worship in Jerusalem. — Worship is general, and embraces various acts and kinds, among which one is sacrifice: for this is worship not so much verbal as real. For it is a profession of Divinity and of the highest Godhead, which has power over the life and death of all; to whom therefore we immolate victims, kill, burn, and sacrifice. For Paul was going up into the temple to sacrifice.
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12. Or making a concourse of the crowd. — Not gathering crowds together, namely for sedition, as Pagninus translates it.
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Nor can they prove, — παραστῆσαι, that is to exhibit, to show, to convince. Whence certain Greek codices add με, as if to say: They cannot present me to you, represent and demonstrate me to be such as they paint and feign, namely seditious, factious, and sacrilegious.
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14. According to the sect, — ὁδόν, that is the way, that is the institution and norm of living, for instance according to Christianity, which they themselves call a heresy, that is a sect and faction, but unjustly and wrongly. 15. So do I serve (λατρεύω, that is I worship and adore with latria) the Father and God. — "The Father," as a son; "God," as a creature and servant I serve with latria. In Greek τῷ πατρῴῳ Θεῷ, that is the ancestral God, whom namely our fathers, that is mine and the Jews', worshipped. Thus the Syriac, Oecumenius, the Zurich Bible and others; by which Paul shows that he is not an enemy of the law, nor an apostate from the Synagogue, as the Jews objected: but that he adheres to the faith and religion of the fathers and ancestors. Again, the ancestral God was the guardian of the nation, proper and peculiar to the Jews, such as were called by the Gentiles penates, indigetes, and lares.
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Having hope in God (supply with the Zurich Bible, that there shall be), which these also themselves await, the resurrection of the dead. — For if you add τὸ "that there shall be," the meaning is clear; which is involved, if by hope you take metonymically the thing hoped for, namely the resurrection: for we do not have this with God, but we hope for and await it to be brought about by God.
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16. In this. — Hugo, believing in this; the Syrian, on account of this; more plainly the Zurich version, and indeed in this, that is to say: So far do I not depart from the God of my fathers, from the law, religion, faith and hope, especially of resurrection, that even in this worship, religion and institution of the God of my fathers, I strive to have a pure conscience toward God and toward men. I strive, — ἀσκῶ, that is, I exercise myself, I labor, I am earnest, that is to say: I am wholly engaged in this matter. Thus formerly the Ascetics were called the Religious, who devoted themselves wholly to themselves and to God, who were wholly engaged in subduing the passions of the soul, wholly in the exercise of virtues, that is to say: I am wholly engaged in this, that I may serve God without blame, that by divine and human judgment nothing in me may be reprehended; or, that I may offend neither men nor God in any respect. This assuredly is true wisdom, true prudence, the true duty of an Apostle and of every faithful person. "Fear God, and keep his commandments: for this is all man," says the Wise Man, Ecclesiastes XII, 13. Excellently does St. Gregory of Nazianzus say in his Sentences: "Strive, he says, to be the best. Never stop on the path of virtue. For what you have left behind from a vicious life, I think it is the same for you to remain as if you were falling into the lowest abyss of vice. Come then, having abandoned this whole world and cast off the burdens of the world, set sail toward heavenly life: especially let the Trinity be your care." The same, in epistle 57 or 63, exhorting Eudoxius to abandon rhetoric and give himself to the study of wisdom, virtue and Christian perfection: "Do not endure, he says, to excel among jackdaws, when you could be an eagle. Let us depart hence, let us become men, let us cast aside dreams. Let others be occupied, let them boast, let them be mocked by envy, time and fortune. Let thrones, riches, splendors avail, this vile and despicable glory, and finally the great mockeries and theatrical trifles of this scene. Let us embrace the Word most closely, and wish to have God for all things, alone, I say, that perennial good of his and ours: because the reward of virtue is to become God. Strive for these things, fly toward them. Set your hopes nowhere, until you have reached that supremely desirable and blessed good." Without offense, — that is, blameless; the Syrian, pure. Morally: learn here from Paul how great ought to be the care of each one for an entire and pure conscience, concerning which see what is said I Timothy I, 5, and II Timothy I, 3. Indeed this was also the common saying of the Philosophers. For Bias, when asked, "what thing in life would be without fear?" answered: "A good conscience." Thus Maximus, sermon 24. Socrates, when asked, "who would live tranquilly? — Those, he said, who are conscious of no absurdity in themselves." Thus Antonius in the Melissa, II part., sermon 77. Periander, when asked, "what in the smallest would be the greatest? — A good mind, he said, in the human body." Agis, the last king of the Lacedaemonians, condemned by the ephors, led to punishment, seeing someone weeping for his fate, "Do not, he said, weep for me, because beyond justice and equity I am led to this dire punishment, and I am better than those who have condemned me to death." Thus Plutarch in the Laconian History. Chilon, advanced in years, asserted that he was conscious of no deed of which he repented, except one, that when he had been chosen as arbiter to settle a dispute between two friends, and he did not wish to do anything against the laws, he persuaded the other friend to refer the arbitration to others; having done this, he both kept the law and offended his friend. For he said he ought to have made himself the patron of the law, and thereby offended the friend. Thus Laertius in his Life. The house of Julius Drusus lay open to the views of his neighbors. A builder suggested that he would remove it for five talents. To whom Drusus: I will give ten if you make my house such that it is open from all sides to everyone's eyes, so that all may see how I live in my home. Stobaeus collects more examples, sermon 22. Hear a few from many. Periander, when asked, "what was liberty?" said: "A right conscience." Isocrates said: "One ought not to hope at all that if you have done something base, you will escape notice. For although you escape others, you yourself will be ill-conscious to yourself." Pythagoras "said that no one was so bold whom a bad conscience would not make most timid:" for this trembles at any breeze, as the Wise Man beautifully describes in the Egyptians, chapter XVII, 4 and following. The same used to say: "An impious man suffers more evil afflicted by conscience than one who is punished in body." For indeed the ailments of the mind are much graver than the diseases of the body, according to that saying of the Poet: Do you think they have escaped, whom the mind conscious of a dire deed holds in terror, and strikes with dire scourging, shaking the hidden torturer in the soul with a whip? Wherefore Chilon asserted, "damage is always to be preferred to shameful gain. For the former grieves once, the latter always." Thus Laertius, lib. I, cap. IV. "For the conscience of a right will is the greatest consolation in the midst of all inconveniences," says Cicero to Torquatus. To God and to men. — So that neither men nor God, the knower of hearts, may blame her: for God inspects and perceives the innermost recesses of the mind and conscience with the most acute and luminous eyes of his divinity. For, as Clement of Alexandria says, lib. VII Strom., after the beginning: "Just as the sun not only illuminates the heaven and the whole universe, brightening the earth and sea, but also through windows and a small opening sends its splendor into the most hidden recesses of houses; so the Word, diffused everywhere, regards even the smallest actions of life." Wherefore St. Leo, serm. 5 De Quadragesima, admonishes his people "not to flatter themselves: For us, he says, the consciences of individuals cannot be hidden; since the eyes of God, seeing all things at once, are not shut in by hidden things or walls: nor are only deeds and thoughts known to him, but also things to be done and to be thought. This knowledge therefore of the supreme judge, this is the terrible aspect; to which every solid thing is open and every secret is revealed; to which dark things are bright, mute things speak, silence confesses, and the mind speaks without voice." And St. Bernard, De Modo bene vivendi, to his sister: "Sin there where God is not," does not see. But if you believe that God sees you and yours everywhere, how do you dare to sin in the eyes of such majesty and judge and avenger? Surely if we seriously considered the presence and gaze of God, it would be impossible to sin before him, to provoke him to wrath, to incite him to vengeance. Let us strive with Paul to have an unblameable conscience toward God and toward men always. Let us say with St. Francis Xavier: "Wherever I shall be, I will remember that I am on the stage of the world, in the eyes of the heavenly King and the blessed above." Always. — The Syriac: perseveringly.
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17. After many years, — namely 24 from the conversion of Paul: for he was converted in the year of Christ 36, but he did and said this in the year of Christ 58. See the Chronology which I prefixed to the Acts. Came to bring alms, — namely those which I had collected in Asia from the faithful for the Christian poor who were in Jerusalem, intending to bring them to them. See II Cor. VIII and IX. He removes the suspicion of sedition, as if to say: So far am I from being seditious, that for the sake of beneficence and almsgiving, to be done for my own people, I have undertaken so great a journey to Jerusalem. Offerings and vows. — Hence it appears that Paul had previously made certain vows and offerings to be offered in the temple at Jerusalem, before he was admonished by James, cap. XXI, 20, but being admonished by James he hastened to fulfill them. He did this to avoid the envy of the Jews and to gain their favor, showing himself to be a worshipper of the temple and the law, not an enemy.
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18. They found me purified in the temple. — As if to say: Therefore I did not violate the temple, as they object, but honored it: because I was purified in it. Every word of Paul has force and weight, by which he breaks the objections brought against him.
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19. But certain Jews from Asia. — The Syriac and Vatablus: But certain Jews from Asia stirred up this tumult, not I, whom it was fitting to present themselves with me before you, as if to say: My accusers stirred up the tumult, not I: therefore it is fitting that they should present themselves here, to be judged and punished by you, not I, who suffered sedition and injury, and received from them blows almost deadly.
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20. When I stood in the council, — as if accused by the Jews: therefore it is for them to say what iniquity they found in me, and to prove it and convince me. The Syriac translates "when I stood," namely in the council of Jerusalem as a defendant before them, cap. XXIII, 1, and thus Dionysius, Cajetan and some others read it. The Greek στάντος, since it is in the aorist, can be translated either way. The latter reading agrees very well with what Paul adds, that he cried out in the council: "Because concerning the resurrection I am judged."
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21. Unless concerning this one voice. — It is a tacit irony and sarcasm, as if to say: I have stirred up no sedition, unless they wish to consider and call my voice seditious, by which I cried out standing among them: "Because concerning the resurrection of the dead I am judged by you this day." For on account of that voice the Pharisees made a schism from the Sadducees, and against them they protected Paul. But you yourselves were the cause of this schism, not I, who pleaded my cause and spoke the truth, and openly professed my faith concerning the resurrection of Christ and of Christians. What did I sin in this my apology? what crime did I commit in this profession of my faith? For I did a necessary, praiseworthy, true, religious and pious thing. Whence some, translating the Greek ἤ, that is "unless," as "or," thus render it: Or let these very men say if they found any iniquity in me; or concerning this one voice, by which I cried out standing among them, as if to say: If they have nothing else, let them object this crime, that I cried out that I am judged on account of faith and profession of resurrection. But this is not a crime, but my virtue and praise. The Gloss adds that Paul wished again to turn away the Jews set against each other by himself; for by bringing up again the name of resurrection, he was tacitly renewing the dissension between Pharisees and Sadducees, which he had stirred up a little before in Jerusalem. For the Pharisees eagerly received the name and faith of resurrection, and openly defended it against the Sadducees. Finally, he mentions resurrection, so that the Gentile governor might know that Paul is accused by the Jews not of sedition, but of a new religion, namely resurrection, which the Gentiles, if they did not believe, certainly did not condemn, but rather revered, feared and suspected. For this faith is a sign, cause and stimulus of piety and of a fearful, innocent and holy life. Whence Luke adds:
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22. And Felix deferred them, knowing most certainly concerning this way. — ἀκριβέστερον, that is, knowing more certainly; but the comparative is used among the Greeks and Latins elegantly for the superlative. Hence that saying of the Poet: In the evening what fire in the sky more delightful. that is, the most delightful star. For the Platonists held that stars are fiery, and thus are fires and heavenly torches. And that saying of the Apostle: "But greater than these is charity." Greater, that is, greatest among faith and hope, I Cor. XIII, 13. Now some understand by way Judaism and Jewish law, as if to say: Felix, as one long versed among the Jews, knew what the Jewish religion was, and how much it differed from the Christian religion which Paul preached. Others better understand by way the institution and religion of Christ and Paul, as if to say: Felix, both from the letter of Lysias and from hearing Paul's so wise, modest and innocent apology, certainly learned that his doctrine, religion and life were not seditious, as the Jews accused; but that they had wickedly conspired against him out of hatred, just as Pilate recognized the innocence of Christ, and the Scribes and Chief Priests wickedly conspired against it. Thus St. Chrysostom, Lyra, Hugh, Dionysius and others. Note here a remarkable testimony to the innocence and virtue of Paul. Wherefore Felix ought to have absolved him and immediately released him; but like Pilate, lest he offend the chief priests, and in order to extort money from Paul, he unjustly kept him in custody. Thus Chrysostom.
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23. And to have rest, — ἄνεσιν, that is, relaxation, to be held more loosely, to be treated more mildly, to be given more freedom and recreation.
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24. With Drusilla his wife. — Drusilla was the daughter of Herod Agrippa the elder, who killed St. James and imprisoned St. Peter, chapter XII, 1; and consequently she was herself the sister of Agrippa the younger, of whom in the following chapter. Cornelius Tacitus, book V of the Histories, writes that Drusilla was the granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra, "so that the same Antony's Felix would be son-in-law, and Claudius grandson." Whence it appears that Cypris, the wife of Agrippa and mother of Drusilla, was the daughter of M. Antony and Cleopatra, as Marian says in chapter XII of Acts. Hence also it appears that she was called Drusilla, from Livia Drusilla, the wife of Augustus, and from his son Drusus, brother of the Emperor Tiberius. For Drusus from Antonia, the sister of M. Antony, begot Claudius, who succeeded Caius Caligula in the empire. For King Agrippa, the father of Drusilla, was raised to the kingdom by Caius Caligula and the Emperor Claudius. Whence in honor of Claudius, he named his daughter Drusilla: for Drusus was a cognomen of the Claudian family. Whence also Livia, the wife of Augustus Caesar, mother of Drusus and grandmother of Claudius, was called Drusilla, whom Caius Caesar consecrated as a goddess in the guise of Venus: just as she herself by the same name had been consecrated as a goddess in the guise of Juno. Whence she herself was called Celestial Venus, by the cognomen Panthea. Thus Dio, book LIX, and from him Lipsius in book V of the Annals of Tacitus, at the beginning. Moreover this Drusilla, as Josephus testifies, book XX of the Antiquities, chapter V, had three husbands. For first she was betrothed to Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus the king: but he refused her, because he was unwilling to undergo circumcision, which condition in her marriage, as she was a Jewess, was required. The second was Azizus, king of Emesa, who underwent the condition of circumcision, and thus contracted matrimony with her. The third was Felix, who drew her away from Azizus her husband to himself. Hence Drusilla was called "the wife of three kings, and three times a queen," and therefore perhaps by Suetonius in Claudius, chapter XXVIII, Felix is called "the husband of three queens." Finally Drusilla, a woman of profligate modesty and faith, from her husband the king to an adulterer the prefect, not only abandoning conjugal fidelity, but also spurning her native religion, passed over, and with Felix the Gentile became a Gentile. Heard. — Urged perhaps by Drusilla his wife, who, since she was a Jewess, from curiosity wished to hear what this new sect was which was being preached by the Jew Paul, and how Christianity differed from Judaism. Whence these curious hearers obtained no fruit from Paul's ardent discourse, except that of greater damnation, on account of the greater guilt and obstinacy after the truth had been known in error and vice. The faith which is in Christ Jesus, — which is concerning Christ Jesus, namely the faith of Christ, or Christian faith.
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25. And as he disputed concerning justice and chastity. — The Syrian [version reads], concerning justice and holiness; for chastity is holiness, that is, purity of soul and body, as I have shown in 1 Corinthians VII, 34. Paul took up this theme of discourse, purposefully suited to Felix: for he knew him to be an adulterer and unjust, that he might recall him to chastity and justice. An adulterer, because he had drawn Drusilla to himself on account of her extraordinary beauty, by the work of a certain Simon, a magician, so that, abandoning her former marriage to Azizus, king of the Emesenians, she might pass to his nuptials: whence he received from her a son, whom he named Agrippa after Drusilla's father. Tacitus adds that he conducted himself through every lust, whose words I shall presently recite. Nor is it surprising: for if he dared to invade the royal bedchamber, and to draw a queen from a king to himself, what would he not attempt against the common people and subjects? Deservedly therefore, before the adulterers Felix and Drusilla, Paul disputed concerning chastity, Paul, I say, the high priest of virginity, who, as St. Augustine says, strove to make men into angels, nay into gods. Morally: Paul teaches here that judges and governors ought to be continent, both from lust and from avarice, lest for gain they overturn justice, for cupidity they overturn chastity and marriages. Whence the ancient Romans wonderfully restrained themselves from both; and by that means they extended their empire, and obtained one so vast and so great, as we read in histories, as Valerius Maximus teaches with many examples, book IV, chapter III. Unjust, because, as Tacitus says in book XII of the Annals, when he had become governor of Judaea, "he grew insolent, reckoning all crimes unpunished to himself, supported by such great power." And soon after: "Felix inflamed crimes with untimely remedies." The same author, in book V of the Histories: "Felix," he says, "exercised royal law through all cruelty and lust with a servile disposition." For he himself had been a slave, as also his brother Pallas, by whom, through the Emperor Claudius, being granted freedom and advanced, Felix likewise obtained the prefecture of Judaea. Here that saying of Proverbs XXX, 21 is truly verified: "For three things the earth is disturbed, and the fourth it cannot bear: for a slave when he reigneth; for a fool when he is filled with meat; for an odious woman when she is married; and for a handmaid when she is heir to her mistress." Wherefore the high priest Jonathan often admonished Felix, that he might better administer the affairs of the Jews; who, not bearing the admonitions and the admonisher, took care to have him killed by the Sicarii, who then, with his connivance, spread themselves against many others, perpetrating many murders, nay robberies, as Josephus testifies, book XX of the Antiquities, chapter VI: "Invited," he says, "by this license, the Sicarii, coming at every festival and concealing their weapons, mingled in like manner with the crowds, stabbing some on account of private enmities, others hired for money, and this not only in the other parts of the city, but in the temple itself. Whence it is right to believe that God, offended by such great impiety, opposed Jerusalem, and brought the Romans into the temple, as no longer a pure dwelling place, to purify it with lustral flames." Josephus then adds the tumult that arose in Caesarea between Jews and Syrians, in which Felix, sending in soldiers, killed many of the Jews. And these were the seeds of rebellion, which shortly after broke out into open war, by which Jerusalem was laid waste and destroyed by Titus. Josephus continues, chapter VII: "Moreover," he says, "after Felix had a successor, Portius Festus, sent by Nero, the leading Jews dwelling in Caesarea went to Rome to accuse Felix; and he would certainly have paid the penalty for the injuries with which he had afflicted the Jews, had not Nero pardoned him at the prayers of his brother Pallas, who was then in favor with the prince." See the same author, book II of the Wars, chapter XII, where he graphically describes how great then was the number, audacity and terror of the Sicarii and robbers. Deservedly therefore Paul disputed concerning justice before the unjust governor. Here again note the freedom and magnanimity of Paul. For he freely accused Felix the tyrant of tyranny; knowing that for this very reason Jonathan the high priest had recently been killed by him, and therefore offering himself likewise to death for God and justice. He accused the same Felix with Drusilla of adultery, mindful and conscious that John the Baptist, accusing the adultery of Herod (who was the great-uncle of Drusilla: for he was the uncle of Herod Agrippa, the father of Drusilla) with Herodias, received as the reward of his accusation death and martyrdom: assuredly Paul sought this, Paul desired this. Truly St. Chrysostom, in his second homily On the Praises of St. Paul: "Paul," he says, "regarded tyrants and peoples breathing fury as if they were certain gnats. But death, and tortures, and a thousand punishments, he thought to be as it were a children's game, provided he endured something for Christ. For indeed, confined in prison, he dwelt in heaven, and more willingly did he receive blows and wounds than others snatch up prizes." And further below: "For since Paul, walking on earth, conducted himself in all things as if he enjoyed the society of angels. For though still bound to a passible body, he rejoiced in their perfection, and being subject to such great frailties, he strove to appear in no way inferior to the heavenly virtues." Again: "It is the mark of the great-souled to be open in love and hatred," says Elias of Crete in the tenth oration of Gregory of Nazianzus. This we see in Paul. AND CONCERNING FUTURE JUDGMENT. — This goad, which is the sharpest, Paul applies to the impure and unjust governor, so that he might drive him to repentance and lead him to justice, chastity, faith and Christian life: or at least so that he might put a bridle on his desire, lest he commit such grave deeds as he was accustomed to, and lest he condemn himself innocent against justice in favor of the Jews, mindful that his judge would be God and Christ, who will judge justices, Psalm LXXIV, 3. Let Preachers and Confessors learn from this goad of divine judgment to prick and break the hard hearts of the impious. Thus with the same goad Moses pricks and strikes, Deuteronomy cap. I, vers. 17; David, Psalm LXXIV, vers. 3; Solomon, Ecclesiastes V, 7; Ecclesiasticus, cap. VII, vers. 40; the Maccabees, lib. II, cap. VII; St. Paul frequently, as in I Corinthians cap. III, vers. 13: "Every man's work shall be manifest. For the day of the Lord shall declare it, because it shall be revealed in fire." And cap. IV, vers. 1: "But he that judgeth me, is the Lord." And epistle II, cap. V, vers. 10: "For we must all be manifested before the judgment seat of Christ, that every one may receive the proper things of the body, according as he hath done, whether it be good or evil. Knowing therefore the fear of the Lord, we persuade men." Following Paul, St. Cyprian, lib. IV, epistle 9 to Florentius: "These things," he says, "I have written in reply with a pure conscience of my mind and trust in my Lord and God. You have my letters, and I have yours: on the day of judgment before the tribunal of Christ both shall be read." So too our Edmund Campion, athlete and martyr of England, in the book of Ten Reasons, reason 20: "Elizabeth," he says, "that day shall come, that day which shall clearly show you to whom you have been loved, the Society of Jesus or the progeny of Luther." I heard in Belgium a distinguished preacher who in each sermon stirred up vehement pathos by the intention and exaggeration of divine judgment, to the great movement and fruit of his hearers. TREMBLING FELIX. — For the voice of Paul struck him, as an adulterer and tyrant, like thunder. For such is the voice of virgins, Apocalypse XIV, 2. But Paul was a virgin, as is evident from I Corinthians VII, 7. Hence also such was the voice of St. James and St. John thundering: "In the beginning was the Word:" for each was a virgin. Whence also by Christ they were surnamed "Boanerges," that is sons of thunder, Mark cap. III, vers. 17. Truly St. Jerome, epistle 61 to Pammachius: "Where," he says, "is the vessel of election, the trumpet of the Gospel, the roar of our lion, the thunder of the Gentiles." And St. Augustine, sermon 31 On the Words of the Apostle: "We have heard," he says, "from a great cloud thunders: for these words sounded as the cloud of God and made us tremble." If Paul struck the impious governor while standing before him subject, guilty and bound; how shall he strike him when he shall sit with Christ and the Apostles upon twelve thrones, judging Felix, and indeed all the tribes of Israel and the whole world according to that word of Wisdom cap. V, vers. 1: "Then shall the just stand with great constancy against those that have afflicted them and taken away their labors. Seeing it they shall be troubled with terrible fear," etc.? Wherefore in Paul that enigma and antistrophic eulogy is true: Behold the unarmed fights, the innocent harms; The weaponless overcomes arms, the unmoved moves; In peace warlike, in war tenacious of peace; Groaning in anger, terrible in clemency; Rigidly severe, and severe courteously; Judged he judges, and strikes the judge; Bound he conquers, conquering the conqueror; Guilty becomes judge, and makes the judge guilty; Suppliant commands, commanding supplicates; Terror fears, fear terrifies. O wondrous force of virtue! O man! O angel! O new God of the new Pharaoh! AS FOR NOW. — Dionysius read wrongly, "what now pertains," namely to speak of these things and thus thunder forth? For in Greek it is τὸ νῦν ἔχον, which Pagninus and the Zurich Bible translate as "in the present," namely go to free custody, says the Gloss; so that he gave him freedom of going through the city, says Lyra. There follows by antithesis: "But at a convenient time I will send for thee," so that I may hear your case more fully, examine and judge it.
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26. Hoping that money would be given to him by Paul. — The Greek texts add ὅπως λύσῃ αὐτόν, that is, that he might release him, as if Paul were about to redeem himself with money, and purchase his liberation and freedom with payment. For Felix had heard from Paul that he himself had brought money to Jerusalem for the purpose of giving alms, verse 17, and he knew that the faithful and disciples would spend all their possessions to redeem him. See here the sordid avarice of Felix. A righteous governor does what Tacitus says, book XIII of the Annals: "Nothing in his household was for sale, or open to ambition." St. Gregory of Nazianzus beautifully says in his Sentences: "A certain avaricious man said: I prefer a drop of fortune to a barrel of wisdom. To him a wise man replied: I value a drop of wisdom more than a barrel of fortune." But Paul, generous in spirit and trusting in God, and eager to suffer for him, abhorred this sordid trafficking, and preferred to remain in prison and be sent to Nero. What wonder? Socrates in Plato's Crito teaches that it is not fitting for one bound with unjust chains to free himself by paying a price; rather it is fitting to undergo punishment and death innocently and bravely. Tertullian, in his book On Flight, chapter XII, too rigidly attempts to conclude from this example of Paul that all flight and redemption in persecution is illicit. Indeed, Catholics act rightly when they redeem their priests captured by heretics or infidels with money, just as those who allow themselves to be redeemed. Yet those act more holily and generously who, imitating Paul, refuse to be redeemed, both in order to suffer more for Christ, and lest they burden Catholics with expense, and lest they give infidels occasion to plunder Catholics and capture priests, cutting off all hope of profit from them—which I know some of our Society, familiar to me, who were captured in Holland, did with great fame and glory of priestly constancy.
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27. And when two years were completed. — Namely from the captivity and imprisonment of Paul, which Luke has narrated up to this point, says Oecumenius, Bede, Lyra, the Gloss, Sanchez, Cajetan and Dionysius here, and Onuphrius in his Chronicle: for they think that Paul was held in chains by Felix at Caesarea for two years. But this is difficult to believe. For thus Paul would have spent a full four years in prison, namely two years at Caesarea, and two years at Rome. Wherefore others generally think that Paul was sent bound from Judaea to Rome to Nero in the second year of Nero, in which year he was also captured. For this reason Baronius, Lorinus and Scaliger begin this two-year period from the reign of Nero. For long ago from the time of Cumanus, Felix had been sent by the Emperor Claudius as governor to that province. But this seems more general and not sufficiently to the point. Wherefore we shall say more pertinently and appropriately that this two-year period should be reckoned from the prefecture of Felix in Judaea: for before that he had been prefect of Trachonitis, Batanaea and Gaulonitis: for Claudius, toward the end of his reign and life, appointed Felix prefect of Judaea, as I said verse 10. Moreover, Onuphrius in his Chronicle thinks that Felix was sent by Claudius as governor to Judaea in the year of Christ 52, and that Paul was captured at Jerusalem in the year of Christ 55, which was the 14th and last year of Claudius, and remained captive with Felix for two years, so that in the year of Christ 58 he was sent to Rome by Festus, who succeeded Felix. This opinion is not incongruous, nor improbable. From which you may gather that Paul was in prison for a full four years: for after this two-year period he was sent to Rome, where he spent another two years in prison, chapter XXVIII, verse 30. It seems truly wonderful that God permitted Paul to be shut up for so long a time and hindered from his apostolate. But God is honored more through sufferings than through actions, especially because Paul in prison preached Christ more ardently and fervently than when free, both by letters and by words and exhortations, as will appear at the end of chapter XXVIII. But this calculation disagrees with the chronology and coordination of Paul's years, which Baronius and others set forth, and which I followed in my Chronotaxis. Wherefore what I said before is more true. But Wishing to Show Favor. — χάριτας καταθέσθαι, that is, to do a pleasing thing, or to gain favor. Thus Vatable, lest namely he be accused by the Jews, whom he had harassed, before Nero. But the impious man did not acquire the favor of men which he sought; for he was accused by the Jews, and sent bound to Nero by Festus his successor, as I said verse 25. Moreover, in Paul this golden saying of Nazianzen in his Sentences is true: "Day transmits you to day and rolls on most lightly: but the opinion of a steadfast man has an eternal day." And that saying there: "As the greatest anvil does not fear blows, so the wise mind casts out every loss."
Machine translation from the Latin, not reviewed.
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Narrationem esse a fide rei gestae alienam inde concludere volunt quod tribunus non quaerit a synedristis, de qua re Paulum accusent, sed quod statim Paulum loquentem audimus (cf. Hilg.). Verum Lucas iam retulit 22,30 cur tribunus synedrium convocasset. Inde satis indicat etiam tribunum significasse synedristis, cur tandem ad eos descenderet cum Paulo; nam tribunum adstitisse mutum nec dicere quid vellet a synedristis, nemo sibi finget; neque post 22,30 necesse erat explicite efferre, quid tribunus vellet audire ab illis. Postquam autem tribunus rem significavit, omnino e re erat, ut Paulusqui iam optime noverat quorumnam accusaretur sui inciperet defensionem. Unde narratio nihil continet quod improbabile sit; v. 1 ?ntendens autem in concilium Paulus ἀτενίσας cf. 1,10; 8,12, ait. - viri fratres, merito synedristas coram tribuno non agnoscit tamquam iudices suos aut sibi superiores, sed eos ut aequales alloquitur; nam si eorum auctoritatem et in se potestatem professus esset, eorum accusationibus magnum addidisset pondus coram tribuno. Et iure eos fratres solum sibi esse fatetur. Nam iis profecto nulla inerat auctoritas iudicandi de munere et officio apostoli; ego omni conscientia bona conversatus sum ante Deum usque in hodiernum diem; cf. 24,1&, Phil. 3,6 secundum iustitiam quae in lege est conversatus sine querela; immo etiam id suo modo valet de sua in Ecclesiam persecutione ; nam ignorans feci (1 Tim. 1,13); praeprimis autem id asserit ratione habita synedristarum de sua vita postquam synagogae et Iudaismo valedixit; hanc enim partem vitae eius culpabant adversarii (Beel.). Summus sacerdos, iam antea in Paulum infensus, facillime offendi poterat, quod Paulusin exordio sermonis non satis dignitatem ipsius observasset vel quod compellatione fratrum nimis familiariter reus ad iudices locutus esset vel quod dixisset se in omnibus recte coram Deo . vitam instituisse, qua affirmatione agendi modum Iudaeorum condemnavit (cf. Calm. Felt.). Herodes, Agrippae defuncti frater, cui commissus erat Chalcidis principatus, impetraverat a Claudio praeter alia ius creandi summos sacerdotes; summovit a sacerdotio Cantheran et in eius locum substituit Iosephum Cami filium (Josephus, Antiq. 20,1,3); ei sacerdotium iterum abstulit idque contulit Ananiae Nebedaei filio (1. c. 20,5,2; cf. 20,6,29. Bell. iud. 2,12,6). Vir is erat avarus et ferox; missis suis servis decimas sacerdotibus vi auferendas curabat, qui dare recusabant, vapulabant (Antiq. 20,9,9). Gessit pontificatum circa 87-59 (Schürer 11 p. 170); v. 2 princeps autem sacerdo- (um Ananias praecepit astantibus sibi percutere os eius; praecepit ministris; percusserintne non liquet; aderat tribunus qui id arceret (Bl.)J. Neque Paulus tale mandatum dari ferre poterat silentio; alias enim contemptibilis evasisset tribuno, si se quasi servum alapa percuti tacite permisisset, uti bene notat CAr. : alioquin nolebat tribuno εὐχαταφρένητος φανῆναι (sim. Oec.). Nam persona quam gerebat, causa quam defendebat, non patiebantur ut honorem suum negligeret et inique secum agi permitteret, quin saltem adversariis suis iniquitatem ipsorum ostenderet (Caim.). | Iam veteres aliqui, uti Sanchez (cf. Lap.), Menochius, Tirinus et recentiores, uti Fe/t. Bels. Bl., recte concludunt ex v. 3 et 5, Paulum audisse quidem tale praeceptum dari neque tamen in illo consessu potuisse distinguere a quo datum esset ex synedristis; v. 3 tunc Paulus dixit ad eum, utique ad Ananiam qui scil. iusserat; at iubentem esse Ananiam ignoravit Paulus; unde ad eum ex mente scriptoris ἡ additur, non ex scientia Pauli percutiet te Deus, μέλλει, non. est imprecatio, sed comminatio divinae punitionis propter iniuriam et iniustitiam, quam a Deo non relinqui impunitam Paulus sibi conscius est ; unde ea vox etiam prophetica dicitur (cf. Cai. Salm. Calm. Felt. Bels. Wendt) et bene iam Beda adnotat : « non dixit percutiat, sed percutiet, indicativo utique modo hoc ipsum futurum significans, non optativo maledicens », id quod etiam magis valet de textu graeco μέλλει 1. e. certo te percutiet; paries dealbate cf. Matth. 93,97; ita iudicem illum vocat, quod splendida specie praeditus esset utpote legis vindex et lege iudicans, sed mens eius iniquitate esset repleta (Theoph.); > pulchra est species, intus vulgares lateres כ (B/.); aliis placet alludi ad Ez. 13,10, eiusmodi parietem scil. esse casurum. Rei indignitatem effert confirmans quae dixit : et tu sedens tudicas me secundum legem et contra legem iubes me percuti! xoi σὺ etiam tu (inter ceteros) ; errat Paulus (v. 5) putans aliquem ex assessoribus illa locutum esse (B/.). Ab aliis audit Paulus pontificem dedisse mandatum; v. ^ et qui astabant dixerunt : summum sacerdotem Dei maledicis? id est : sic (talia loquendo) maledicis; v. 5 dixit autem Paulus : nesciebam fratres quia princeps est sacerdotum ὅτι ἐστὶν ἀρχιερεύς Scil. is qui ita locutus est; potest ἀρχιερεύς carere articulo quia ex mente loquentis suppletione hac tacite facta praedicatum est. Apostolum loqui sincere et velle verbum durum excusare et adstantium indignationem emollire ostenditur compellatione fratres et eo quod statim addit : scriptum est enim : principem populi tui non maledices ; cf. Ex. 92,98; i. e. si scissem pontificem ea locutum esse, non dixissem neque verbum illud mali ominis neque iudicium illud de malo eius agendi modo protulissem ; nam Seriptura vetat xaxà; loqui de.eo qui est ἄρχων τοῦ λαοῦ, qui in auctoritate constitutus est (cf. Bels.). Hoc autem textu allegato excluditur opinio eorum qui volunt Paulum ironice locutum esse : nesciebam virum qui itacontra legem agat esse pontificem (ita τινὲς apud CAr. Salm. Lorinus, Weiss); nam tum revera scivisset eum esse pontificem et dicere voluisset solum : talem ego non agnosco modum agendi dignum pontifice; sed ad hanc sententiam inepte adiungeretur textus ille. Alii plerumque censent Paulum revera nescisse Ananiam esse pontificem (cf. Chr. Oec. Theoph. Cai. Lap. Calm.) vel existimasse. pontificatus sedem eo tempore vacare (Beel.). At utrumque plane est improbabile, cum Paulus iam ex aliquot diebus esset in urbe et cum ordinem consessus synedrii cognitum haberet. — Ceterum quod Paulus dixit : percutiet te, impletum est; nam Ananias mense septembri anno 66 « in regiae domus aquae ductu latitans captus est et a latronibus (i. e. a sicariis) cum fratre Ezechia interfectus » die septimo mensis Gorpiaei (Elul, septembris; cf. Iosephus, Bell. iud. 2,17,9). | Pontifex erat sadducaeus; sadducaeorum τὸ ἦθος dicit Josephus esse ἀγριώτερον (Bell. iud. 2,8,14). Facile fieri poterat, ut pharisaei inter synedristas inhumanitate pontificis offenderentur, praesertim quia illa Pauli reprehensione iustissima exposita esset coram tribuno, qui merito censeri poterat despicere summum magistratum Iudaeorum adeo ferociteragentem ef aestu irae abreptum contra eum qui sui defensionem | inciperet. Sciebat Paulus quid pharisaei sentirent contra sadducaeos; fortasse sciebat quoque aliquos e pharisaeis synedristis sibi aliquatenus favere. « Sicut unitas bonorum semper est utilis, sic malorum unitas semper est bonis noxia; unde nunc apostolus persecutores suos dissociare satagit, ut quem uniti cinxerant divisi laxarent » (Beda); v. 6 sciens autem Paulus, quia una pars esset sadducaeorum (cf. 5,1) et altera pharisaeorum exclamavit in concilio : viri fratres, ego pharisaeus sum, filius pharisaeorum, non solum pater meus, sed alii quoque maiores pharisaei erant, de spe et resurrectione mortuorum ego tudicor ; proin causam suam esse intime iunctam et sociatam cum dogmatis pharisaeorum ; Phil. 3,5 secundum legem pharisaeus; quare merito notat B/. : nugas agunt qui hoc εἰμί (pharisaeus sum) offenduntur. Quod dicitur de spe et... explicari potest χαὶ quod dicunt epexegeticum seu explicativum : de spe et quidem de resurrectione, ita ut quae sit spes accuratius determinetur (cf. 294,15) vel ita ut notioni generali de spe quam pharisaei habent scil. instaurationis messianae addatur particulare alterum de resurrectione (cf. 26,6); de spe resurrectionis praebent versiones syr. et philox. Cum apostolus per apparitionem Iesu qui ex mortuis resurrexit se dixisset vocatum ad praedicandum gentibus evangelium, vere dicere potuit quod dixit. Cardo enim quaestionis quam Iudaei discutere debebant, erat : resurrexitne Iesus. Hac quaestione affirmata causa Pauli erat iustissima. Ea itaque in rerum conditione Paulus válde prudenter, ut ipsos synedristas inter se committeret, quaestionem eo modo definivit v. 7 et cum haec dixisset, facta est dissensio inter pharisaeos et sadducaeos οἱ soluta est multitudo ἐσχίσθη, divisa est. multitudo synedrii cf. 15,4; schisma factum est inter assessores v. 8 sadducaet enim dicunt non esse resurrectionem neque angelum neque spiritum ; pharisaei autem utraque confitentur; « a&qui tria sunt; cur ergo dicit 2005-5047 vel quod spiritus οἵ angelus unum sunt, vel quia dictio illa non solum de duobus, sed etiam de tribus accipitur » (Chr. Oec.); utraque i. e. resurrectionem et substantias spirituales confitentur. Sadducaei negant animas permanere, docent eas simul cum corpore συναφανίζειν interire (Bell. iud. 9,8,1%. Antiq. 18,186; cf. 13,5,9; 13,6,10); ceterum vide ad Matth. 92,93. Iam describitur illa στάσις et illud xai ἐσχίσθη v. 9 factus est autem clamor magnus et surgentes quidam pharisaeorum, quidam de scribis partis pharisaeorum (gig) pugnabant dicentes : nihil mali invenimus in homine isto; quid si spiritus locutus est ei aut angelus? sine apodosi, quae reticentia reddit orationem multo vivaciorem (Patr.); interrogant scil. sadducaeos : num id impossibile est, contendentes contra eos id plane fieri posse et esse omnino probabile factum esse. Minime mirum est fuisse in synedrio qui sive aequitate ducti sive partium societate studioque Pauli causam tuerentur (B/.); aderant qui Paulum de visionibus sibi factis referentem audierant (22,6 seq. 18). . Incalescebat contentio et dissensio eo magis quia inter se odio habebant v. 10 et cum magna dissensio facta esset, timens tribunus ne discerperetur Paulus ab 1psis, ne, si pugna ingravescente sadducaei manus Paulo iniicerent.et pharisaei de illorum manibus eum vi abstrahere niterentur, ipse discerperetur, ?ussit milites. descendere per militem aliquem ex vicinis castris maiorem numerum arcessivit (BJ.) τὸ στράτευμα satellitium (Beel.), manus militum cf. Luc. 23,11 et infra v. 91 et rapere eum de medio eorum ac deducere eum 1n castra. Id tribunus certo cognovit nihil proferri contra Paulum criminis, verum agi solum de quaestionibus ad Iudaeorum superstitionem pertinentibus (cf. 23,99).
24:11
luxta est Dominus iis qui tribulato sunt corde et humiles spiritu salvabit (Ps. 33,19; Salm.) v. 11 sequentt autem nocte assistens ei Dominus ait < constans esto θάρσει bono esto animo; stcut enim testificatus es de ime in. Ierusalem, sic te oportet et Romae testificari τὰ περὶ ἐμοῦ res meas, causam meam tuo confirmasti testimonio ; εἰς potest explicari quia testimonium quasi infertur in urbem, dirigitur ad incolas; ἐπιστὰς, uti 12,7, designat apparitionem subito factam. Quod 19,21 sibi proposuerat Paulus, partim factum est; alterum quoque divinitus nunc approbatur, Paulum visurum esse Romam; at quando et qua in conditione, ipsum adhuc latet; « vide quanta consolatio et exhortatio z222x7.52:;; primo laudat eum; dein non sinit eum occultam sibi adhuc romanam profectionem formidare, ac si diceret : non modo illuc ibis, sed etiam tanta uteris loquendi fiducia א (Chr.)!. Ad quantum odii et iniquitatis culmen progressi sint adversarii Iesu et Pauli manifestatur v. 129 facta autem die collegerunt se quidam ez ludaeis ποιέσαντες συστροφήν facta. coitione, conspiratione δέ devoverunt se dicentes neque manducaturos neque bibituros, donec occiderent Paulum; diras sibi imprecati sunt poenas et exitium, interposita iurisiurandi religione, si quid gustarent, antequam Paulum interficerent; ἀναθεματίζειν ἑαυτόν se interitui devovere. Proin firmis- . sime id statuerunt facta suimet ipsorum exsecratione; v. 13 erant autem plus quam quadraginta viri qui hanc coniurationem fecerant; inter eos etiam fuisse numero haud exiguo Iudaeos asianos, ephesios, satis ex 21,97 colligi poterit. Simul statuunt modum quo rem confici posse sperant v. 1% qui accesserunt ad principes sacerdotum (principem, gig. ph) e£ seniores et dixerunt : devotione devovimus nos, strictissime, diris imprecationibus nos obligavimus, 90511 5 donec occidamus Paulum; v. 15 nunc ergo vos notum facite tribuno cum concilio, ut producat illum ad vos, tamquam aliquid certius cognituri de eo; vos simul cum ceteris synedrii assessoribus indicate tribuno; volunt itaque, ut nomine totius synedrii postuletur a tribuno, ut iterum Paulum deducat, nos vero priusquam appropiet parati sumus interficere illum ; apte in altera lectione : etiamsi oporteat nos quoque mori. Nam militibus qui Paulum deducerent erat resistendum ; sed facile posse viros quadraginta paucis illis militibus . superatis rem ad exitum perducere sperabant. ut quacumque demum ratione sibi aliquam pandant viam ad propositum assequendum. Proin, etsi postulatio eorum tribuno facienda esset stulta, nondum sequeretur propterea priorem narrationem esse falsam. E contra, à priore narratione optime explicatur, quomodo tale capiant consilium et talem excogitent modum interimendi Paulum. Ecce, oculi Domini super metuentes eum (Ps. 32,18. Eccli. 15,20; 35,19); v. 16 quod cum audisset filius sororis Pauli insidias, venit et intravit. in. castra nuntiavttque Paulo; quomodo is coniurationem senserit ignoratur; sed mirari iuvat providentiae ordinem quae ex imminenti discrimine Paulum eripuit. Cum eousque nihil criminis contra Paulum esset prolatum, non erat, cur liber accessus suis negaretur (cf. 24,23); v. 17 vocans autem Pàulus ad se unum ez centurionibus ait : adolescentem hunc perduc ad tribunum; habet enim aliquid indicare 1002; probe enim scivit tribunum nullatenus posse permittere, ut civis romanus in custodia romana positus a Iudaeis interimatur; v. 18 et ille quidem assumens eum duxit ad. tribunum el ait : vinctus Paulus, ξέσμιος 1. e. in custodia militari positus, ad militem custodientem catena vinctus (Fe/t. δὲ.) rogavit me hunc adolescentem perducere ad te, habentem aliquid loqui tibi; notat Calm. : humana auxilia quae Dei bonitas sibi in manus praebebat Paulus non negligit; eius in Deum fiducia expers erat arrogantiae, ac sapientiae et prudentiae habebat plurimum; negligere enim naturales et humanas opes, cum praesto occurrunt, perinde est ac Deum tentare. Tribunus familiariter iuvenem suscipit; iam ei reverentiam Paulus inspiraverat, unde nuntium a Paulo missum amice tractat v. 19 apprehendens autem. tribunus manum il(ius in amicitiae et clementiae significationem, ut libere et audacter loquatur, secesst4 cum eo seorsum , ut res maneret secreta. e/ interrogavit. illum : quid est quod habes indicare mihi ? v. 30 ille autem dixit : Iudaeis convenit rogare te ut crastina die producas Paulum in concilium quasi aliquid certius inquisituri sint de illo, ὡς £1», volunt scil. ut tu aliquid certius de 60 eognoscas seu scisciteris. lloc poterant protendere, immo debebant, quia in priore illo conventu nihil didicit tribunus de Pauli crimine; at magistratus romanus tamen eum non in custodia retinere poterat causa plane incognita. Quare haec lectio satis commendatur et congruit cum 22,30. Minus placet altera μέλλοντες, vel μέλλον (oovἐδριον Scil.); nam cum 100801 Paulo adeo sint infensi, certe sciunt cur sint infensi, neque opus habent, ut coram tribuno fateantur se non satis accurate nosse quid tandem de Paulo sentiendum sit; v. 21 ἐμ vero ne credideris illis; insidiantur entm ez eis viri amplius 388 quadraginta, qui se devoverunt non manducare neque bibere, donec interficiant eum; et nunc parati sunt. exspectantes promissum (uum τὴν ἀπὸ σοῦ ἐπαγγελίαν scil. quod promittes facere quod illi petent; non dubitant fore ut petitioni acquiescas; quare iam sese paraverunt ad caedem committendam; v. 22 tribunus igitur dimisit adolescentem praectptens ne cut loqueretur, quoniam haec nota sibi fecisset; graece et in gig habetur transitus in orationem rectam, uti 1,4. | |
24:23
Nuntius ille de insidiis ludaeorum non poterat non esse gratus tribuno. Nam eo offerebatur ipsi occasio sese liberandi a captivo, propter quem magna in urbe perturbatio et seditio timenda erat; insuper studium eius servandi civem romanum a caede poterat commendari (cf. v. 27; Felt.) v. 93 et vocatis duobus centurionibus τινὰς 505 quosdam duos, certos homines, quibus confidebat vocavit, dixi dis: parate milites ducentos, ut eant usque Caesaream et equites septuaginta et. lancearios ducentos a tertia. hora. noctis; hi itaque tertia hora noctis, i. e. tertia hora post occasum solis parati esse debebunt. Noctu imminente Paulum deduci vult 1808618 insciis; magnam addit custodiam, ut omnis Iudaeorum impetus qui in via forte fieret reprimi possit, vel etiam, ne conentur neve audeant Paulum aggredi. Numerus utique est permagnus. Minorem praebet codex floriacensis : milites : equites centum et pedites ducentos (cf. B/.) , qua lectione removetur difficultas quae in textu nostro esse videtur, quia milites iubentur Caesaream usque progredi, quod tamen v. 32 soli faciunt equites. « Nusquam commemorantur Σεξιολάξοι praeterquam a Iohane Lydo (saec. 6, apud Constant. Porphyrog. de thematibus 1,1) eta Theophylacto Simocatte (5,1; saec. 7) apud quos sunt genus peditum levis armaturae, distincti ἃ peltastis et a sagittariis » (B/.); explicatur vox varie : τοξοδόχοι, παρατύλακες (Suidas, Etymol. apud Wetstein), iaculantes per dexteram (syr.); plerique adstipulantur versioni vulg. ; codex flor. pedites; in aliquibus Σεξιοέσλους habetur; v. 24 et iumenta praeparate, numerum pluralem explica, ut praeter unum quo Paulus veheretur, alia in subsidiis ponantur (ceterum vide lect. var.), ut imponentes Paulum salvum perducerent ad Felicem praesidem ; graece παραστῇσαι transitus fit a recta oratione in obliquam (cf. Buttmann p. 330). Antonius Felix, frater Pallantis, per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem ius regium servili ingenio in ludaea exercuit, ut Tacitus ait (hist. 5,9); erat libertus Antoniae (de qua cf. Josephus, Antiq. 18,6,6), vel ut alii dicunt Claudii; at nequit ostendi eum unquam nomen Claudii gessisse (cf. ScÀürer 1 p. 478). Cum Pallas frater eius plurimum auctoritate valeret, ipse cuncta malefacta sibi impune ratus est tanta potentia subnixo (Tacitus, Ann. 19,54); exempla habes apud Iosephum (Bell. iud. 2,13,2. Antiq. 20,8,5). Cur autem tribunus tantam adderet custodiam, ut Paulus salvus duceretur Caesaream , ratio redditur v. 25 timuit enim ne forte raperent eum Tudaei et occiderent et ipse poslea calumniam sustineret tamquam accepturus pecuniam, 61 scil. iis occasionem daret Paulum interimendi ; vide lect. var. Qua de causa mitteret captivum, praesidi erat nuntiandum v. 90 scribens γρᾶνας refertur quia in graeco deest v. 25 ad εἶπεν v. 293; multo planius gig : scripsit autem ep?stolam continentem haec : Claudius Lysias optimo praesidi, Felici, salutem τῷ γρατίστῳ (cf. Luc. 1,3) est titulus usitatus eorum qui dignitate ct auctoritate eminent; v. 97 virum hunc comprehensum a ludaeis et incipientem interfici ab eis superveniens cum exercitu eripui cognito μαθών postquam didici quia Romanus est ; sibi id meriti adscribit quod civem romanum ἃ morte servaverit ; alia prudenter tacet, quando et quomodo didicerit eum esse civem; v. 98 volensque 50096 causam quam obiiciebant illi deduzi eum in conciltum eorum ἐπιγνῶναι accurate scire; v. 99 quem inven? accusari de quaestionibus legis ipsorum in altera lectione : de lege Moysi et de Iesu quodam; sed vix est probabile haec singula eum indicasse; sane melior est textus communis; cf. 99,30 et 23,9; declaratur hic quid ibi praesente tribuno disceptatum sit; niAi/ vero dignum morte aut vinculis habentem criminis; v. 30 et cum mihi perlatum esset de insidiis quas paraverant illi, misi eum ad te denuntians et accusatoribus ut dicant apud te. Vale; ἑξαυτῆς confestim misi; παραγ- 50.55 cf. 95,8; per se intelligitur eum id sequenti die, cum ludaei cum adirent, voluisse iis denuntiare et tum revera denuntiasse. Noctu iter instituitur v. 31 milites ergo secundum praeceptum | sibi assumentes Paulum duzerunt per noctem in Antipatridem; cf. 17,10, uti illic de itineris principio, non de fine quoque dicitur per noctem ;. distabat enim Antipatris, quam Herodes magnus in honorem patris | ACT. 23,32-35. 391 sui loco vici Kapharsaba (quod hodie quoque manet, Kefr Saba) condiderat, ab Hierosolymis milia p. XLII, a Caesarea XXVI (milia metrorum nostrorum LXIII et XXXIX); ita B/. Ceterum vide Iosephum, Antiq. 13,15,1; 16,5,2; Bell. iud. 1,91,9; v. 32 οἰ postera dte dimissis equitibus ut cum eo irent, reversi sunt ad castra; cum iam satis longe abessent a lerusalem, impetus Iudaeorum ad Paulum occidendum minus erat timendus; unde pedites revertuntur in urbem ad sua ca- Stra, ad stationem in arce Antonia; soli equites Paulum ultra dedu- * eunt; v. 33 qui cum venissent Caesaream et tradidtssent. epistolam praesidi, statuerunt ante illum et. Paulum; unum quod in epistola non erat expressum interrogat praeses; v. 3& cum legisset autem et interrogasset de qua provincia esset et. cognoscens quia de Cilicia, v. 35 audiam te, inquit, cum accusatores tut venerint; in altera lectione haec vivide efferuntur per modum colloquii ; Σιαχούσομαι accurate audiam, proprie ài τέλους ἀχούειν (Bl.); dicitur de iudicibus Deut. 1,16 LXX; ?tussitque in praetorio Herodis custodiri eum, in palatio quod Herodes Caesareae sibi exstruxerat; de aedificiis Caesareae ab Herode erectis cf. Iosephus, Antiq. 15,8,5; 15,9,6; 16,5,1; Bell. iud. 1,21,5-8. Istud palatium iam incolebatur a praeside. Praetorium proprie dicebatur locus in quo praetor vel quivis alius regionis praeses habitabat et ius dicebat; dein regum quoque aedes sic appellari coeperunt (Patr.); comparant etiam Cic. Verr. 2,5,30 : illa domus praetoria (Syracusis), quae regis Hieronis fuit )2/.( ; cf. Matth. 27,97; Marc. 15,16. Ioan. 18,98. 33 etc. Non itaque Paulus in communi carcere custodiebatur, sed in ipso praetorio; erat haec custodia satis lenis, qualis conveniebat in tali crimine (//l.).
24:1
Ananias (Greek 'Ανανίας, from Hebrew Hānanyāh «Jahweh Has Shown Mercy»)
… Shortly afterward he went with the priests and other Jews to accuse Paul before the procurator Felix (Acts 23:2-6; 24:1-9).
TERTULLUS (ΤΈΡΤΥΛΛΟΣ). - Orator, chosen, because of his experience in Roman forensic practice and in the Greek language, as advocate of the Sanhedrin against St. Paul before the procurator of Judea Antonius Felix, at Caesarea in Palestine in 58 (Acts 24:1-9).
24:3
Theophilus (Θεόφιλος, 'Friend of God')
Some have supposed that T. was a fictitious name, collectively designating the Christian, the friend of God, but the title of "most excellent" (κράτιστε, Vulgate optime), attributed to T. in the Gospel (Luke 1:3) and in the Acts to the Roman procurators Felix (Acts 23:26; 24:3) and Festus (ibid. 26:25), lead one to regard him as a distinguished, authoritative personage. …
24:5
… Nazaraeus); 26:71; Lk. 18:37; Jn. 18:5, 7; 19:19; Acts 2:22; 3:6; 4:10; 6:14; 22:8; 26:9. In Acts 24:5 ff. Paul is accused as "ringleader of the sect of the Nazoreans." The title is connected with Nazareth (v.), where Jesus dwelt for the greater part of his private life.
… (common slavery with regard to Christ, 1 Cor. 7:22; danger of a slavery of sin, Rom. 6:6, 16). In politics, a subject constantly avoided, P. does not appear at all the "revolutionary" identified by some contemporary Jews (cf. Acts 16:20, 21; 17:6, 7; 24:5, 12) and by certain modern historians. …
24:10
Felix entered office in the last years of Claudius's reign and two years before being deposed had already been judge of the Jews "multis annis" (Acts 24:10). Moreover in 64 some priests sent as prisoners to Rome were detained there (Flavius Josephus, Vita, 3), and the controversy over the right of citizenship of the Jews, raised under …
24:14
… In the New Testament, where it occurs 9 times, it is used in the sense of a sect or doctrine to be rejected: thus St. Paul rejects the title of heresy applied by the Jews to nascent Christianity (Acts 24:14).
24:16
«Ἀσκησις, from ἀσκέω (in the New Testament only in Acts 24:16), among the Greeks meant physical exer-
24:17
… Before the tribunal of Felix he will make this argument count (Acts 24:17).
24:24
… Iud., XX, 7, 2). D., who, like other aristocratic Jewish women of the time, made a show of interest in religious questions, appears at Felix's side, in an almost confidential meeting with Paul during the imprisonment at Caesarea (Act. 24, 24 ff.). …
… In fact, it is known that around the New Testament era some rabbis of the school of Hillel were very indulgent in this regard (cf. Gittin, IX, 10; ed. L. Goldschmidt, V. Berlin 1930, p. 687). At that time the right to divorce was practically recognized for women as well (Mk. 10:12; Acts 24:24; cf. Flavius Josephus, Antiq. …
24:25
… Then he will say also to those at his left: depart from me, you cursed, into the eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels..." (Mt. 25, 31-46; cf. Mk. 13, 26-27; Lk. 21, 27). The Apostles echoed the Master's teaching (Acts 10, 42; 17, 31; 24, 25; Rom. 2, 16; 14, 10; I Cor. 3, 4; 4, 5; II Cor. 5, 10; II Tim. 4, 15; II Thess. 2, 5; II Pt. 2, 9; Jude 15; Rev. 20, 12).
… tribune Lysias (Act. 23, 25-35). The Apostle defended himself against the high priest Ananias (v.) and the advocate Tertullus frightened F. and "his wife Drusilla, who was a Jewess, as he spoke of justice, of continence and of the judgment to come" (Act. 24, 25). Hoping for financial gain, F. kept him a prisoner in the praetorium of Herod until the arrival of Festus (Act. 23, 35-24, 27).
24:27
In the same year in which St. Paul began the journey toward Rome, Felix, procurator of Judea, left his post at Caesarea to his successor Porcius Festus (Acts 24:27). This happened not later than the year 60 nor much before that year. …
PORCIUS FESTUS. - Procurator of Judea from 60 to 61-62 A.D. (dates of U. Holzmeister), of whom Acts 24:27-27:1 speaks. …
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · original Douay-Rheims (Rheims 1582), transcription by EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Public domain.