Jerome's Apology for Himself Against the Books of Rufinus 2

san Girolamo (345–420 d.C.) · Apologia adversus libros Rufini · PL 23, 396–492

2.summary-of-the-chapters Summary of the Chapters

1–3. A criticism on Rufinus’ Apology to Anastasius. His excuses for not coming to Rome are absurd. His parents are dead and the journey is easy. No one ever heard before of his being imprisoned or exiled for the faith.

4–8. His confession of faith is unsatisfactory. No one asked him about the Trinity, but about Origen’s doctrines of the Resurrection, the origin of souls, and the salvability of Satan. As to the Resurrection and to Satan he is ambiguous. As to souls he professes ignorance.

9. What Latin! The poor souls must be tormented by his barbarisms.

10. It is not permitted to you to be ignorant of such a matter which all the churches know.

11. As to translating the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, it is not a question, but a charge that you unjustifiably altered the book.

12, 13. Origen asserts Christ to be a creature, and maintains universal restitution. Where has he contradicted this?

14. The question is, as Anastasius says to John of Jerusalem, with what motive you translated the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν

15. You pretend not to be Origen’s defender, but you publish and enlarge the Apology for him and allege the heretics’ falsification of his works.

16. Your defence gains no support from Eusebius or Didymus, who, each for his own reason, defend the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν as it stands.

17. If we may allege falsification at every turn we make a chaos of all past literature.

18. The object of Origen’s letter, of which he translates only a part, is not to shew the falsification of his writings but to vituperate the Bishops who condemned him.

19. It is only in reference to a particular point in his dispute with Candidus that Origen alleges this falsification. The story of Hilary’s being condemned through his writings having been falsified has no foundation.

20. That which you tell about myself in Damasus’ council is mere after-dinner gossip.

21–2. The attack on Epiphanius as a plagiarist of Origen is an outrage on the Bishops generally. Origen never wrote 6000 books.

23. I ascertained at the library at Cæsarea that the Apology you quote as Pamphilus’ is the work of Eusebius.

24. The letter falsely circulated in Africa as mine, and expressing regret for my translation of the Old Test. from the Hebrew bears the mark of your hand. I have always honoured the Seventy Translators.

25–32. In proof of this, I bring forward the prefaces to my Translation of the Books from Genesis to Isaiah.

33. As to Daniel, it was necessary to point out that Bel and the Dragon, and similar stories were not found in the Hebrew.

34. A vindication of the importance of the Hebrew Text of Scripture.

35. Though the LXX has been of great value, we should be grateful for fresh translations from the original.

2.1 A criticism on Rufinus' Apology to Anastasius. His excuses for not coming to Rome are absurd. His parents are dead and the journey is easy. No one ever heard before of his being imprisoned or exiled for the faith PL 23, 396

1. Thus far I have made answer about my crimes, and indeed in defence of my crimes, which my crafty encomiast formerly urged against me, and which his disciples still constantly press. I have done so not as well as I ought but as I was able, putting a check upon my complaints, for my object has been not so much to accuse others as to defend myself. I will now come to his Apology, by which he strives to justify himself to Anastasius, Bishop of the City of Rome, and, in order to defend himself, constructs a mass of calumnies against me. His love for me is like that which a man who has been carried away by the tempest and nearly drowned in deep water feels for the strong swimmer at whose foot he clutches: he is determined that I shall sink or swim with him.

2.2 A criticism on Rufinus' Apology to Anastasius. His excuses for not coming to Rome are absurd. His parents are dead and the journey is easy. No one ever heard before of his being imprisoned or exiled for the faith PL 23, 425

2. He professes in the first place to be replying to insinuations made at Rome against his orthodoxy, he being a man most fully approved in respect both of divine faith and of charity. He says that he would have wished to come himself, were it not that he had lately returned, after thirty years’ absence, to his parents, and that it would have seemed harsh and inhuman to leave them after having been so long in coming to them; and also if he had not become somewhat less robust through his long and toilsome journey, and too infirm to begin his labours again. As he had not been able to come himself, he had sent his apology as a kind of literary cudgel which the bishop might hold in his hand and drive away the dogs who were raging against him. If he is a man approved for his divine faith and charity by all, and especially by the Bishop to whom he writes; how is it that at Rome he is assailed and reviled, and that the reports of the attacks upon his reputation grow thicker. Further, what sort of humility is this, that a man speaks of himself as approved for his divine faith and charity? The Apostles prayed, “Lord increase our faith,” and received for answer: “If ye had faith as a grain of mustard seed;” and even to Peter it is said: “O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt?” Why should I speak of charity, which is greater than either faith or hope, and which Paul says he hopes for rather than assumes: without which even the blood shed in martyrdom and the body given up to the flames has no reward to crown it. Yet both of these our friend claims as his own: in such a way, however, that there still remain creatures who bark against him, and who will go on barking unless the illustrious Pontiff drives them away with his stick. But how absurd is this plea which he puts forward, of having returned to his parents after thirty years. Why, he has got neither father nor mother! He left them alive when he was a young man, and, now that he is old, he pines for them when they are dead. But perhaps, he means by “parents,” what is meant in the talk of the soldiers and the common people, his kinsfolk and relations; well, he says he does not wish to be thought so harsh and inhuman as to desert them; and therefore he leaves his home and goes to live at Aquileia. That most approved faith of his is in great peril at Rome, and yet he lies on his back, being a bit tired after thirty years, and cannot make that very easy journey in a carriage along that Flaminian Way. He puts forward his lassitude after his long journey, as if he had done nothing but move about for thirty years, or as if, after resting at Aquileia for two years, he was still worn out with the labour of his past travels.

Apologia Rufini. Parentes vulgari sermone dicebantur cognati et affines. --Dicit se primum respondere rumoribus, quibus illius Romae carpatur fides, hominis probatissimi, tam in fide, quam in charitate Dei. Et nisi post triginta annos parentibus redditus, nollet eos deserere, quos tam tarde viderat, ne inhumanus putaretur, aut durus, et tam longi itineris labore fragilior, ad iterandos labores esset infirmus, ipsum venire voluisse. Quod quia non fecerit, contra latratores suos misisse baculum litterarum, quem ille teneret in dextera, et saevientes contra se abigeret canes. Si probatus est cunctis, et maxime ipsi cui scribit episcopo, in fide et charitate Dei: quomodo Romae mordetur, et carpitur, et appetitae aestimationis ejus fama crebrescit? Deinde cujus est humilitatis, probatum se dicere in fide, et charitate Dei, cum Apostoli petant: Domine, adauge nobis fidem ; et audiant, Si habueritis fidem ut granum sinapis . Et ad ipsum dicatur Petrum: Modicae fidei, quare dubitasti ? Quid loquar de charitate, quae et fide et spe major est: et quam Paulus optat potius quam praesumit: sine qua et martyrio sanguis effusus, corpusque flammis traditum, coronam non habet praemiorum? Harum utramque iste sic sibi vindicat, ut tamen contra se habeat latratores: qui nisi inclyti pontificis baculo repellantur, 492 latrare non cessant. Illud vero ridiculum, quod post triginta annos ad parentes se reversum esse jactat, homo qui nec patrem habet, nec matrem; et quos viventes juvenis dereliquit, mortuos senex desiderat: nisi forte parentes militari vulgarique sermone, cognatos, et affines nominat, quos quia non vult deserere, ne inhumanus putetur, aut durus, idcirco patria derelicta, Aquileiae habitat. Periclitatur Romae illa probatissima fides ejus, et hic supinus et lassulus, post triginta annos, per mollissimum Flaminiae iter, essedo venire non potest; sicque praetendit longi itineris lassitudinem, quasi triginta annis semper cucurrerit, aut biennio Aquileiae sedens, praeteriti itineris labore confectus sit.

2.3 A criticism on Rufinus' Apology to Anastasius. His excuses for not coming to Rome are absurd. His parents are dead and the journey is easy. No one ever heard before of his being imprisoned or exiled for the faith PL 23, 426

3. I will touch upon the other points, and set down the actual words of his letter:

“Although my faith was proved, at the time of the persecution by the heretics, when I was living in the holy church of Alexandria, by imprisonments and exiles, to which I was subjected because of the faith.”

I only wonder that he did not add “The prisoner of Jesus Christ,” or “I was delivered from the jaw of the lion,” or “I fought with beasts at Alexandria,” or “I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness.” What exiles, what imprisonments are these which he describes? I blush for this open falsehood. As if imprisonment and exile would be inflicted without judicial sentences! I should like to have a list of these imprisonments and of the various provinces to which he tells us that he was forced into exile. Next there appear to have been numerous imprisonments and an infinite number of exiles; so that he might at least name one of them all. Let us have the acts of his confessorship produced, for hitherto we have been in ignorance of them; and so let us have the satisfaction of reciting his deeds with those of the other martyrs of Alexandria, and that he may be able to meet the people who bark against him with the words: “From henceforth let no man trouble me, for I bear in my body the marks of our Lord Jesus Christ.”

Rufini verba. -- « Carpamus reliqua, et ipsa epistolae ejus verba ponamus: Quamvis igitur fides nostra, persecutionis haereticorum tempore, cum in sancta Alexandrina Ecclesia degeremus, in carceribus et exsiliis, quae pro fide inferebantur, probata sit. » Miror quod non adjecerit: Vinctus Jesu Christi, et liberatus sum de ore leonis, et Alexandriae ad bestias pugnavi, et cursum consummavi, fidem servavi, superest mihi corona justitiae. Quae exsilia, quos iste carceres nominat? Pudet me apertissimi mendacii; quasi carceres, et exsilia absque judicum sententiis irrogentur. Volo tamen ipsos scire carceres, et quarum provinciarum se dicat exsilia sustinuisse. Et utique habet copiam de multis carceribus et infinitis exsiliis unum aliquod nominandi. Prodat nobis confessionis suae acta, quae hucusque nescivimus; ut inter alios Alexandriae Martyres hujus quoque gesta recitemus, et contra latratores suos possit dicere: De caetero nemo mihi molestus sit, ego enim stigmata Domini nostri Jesu Christi in corpore meo porto .

4. Quaestio de anima Christi. -- « Tamen et si quis nunc est, qui vel tentare fidem nostram cupit vel audire, vel discere, sciat quod de Trinitate 493 ita credimus, » et reliqua. Supra contra canes tuos baculum episcopo porrigis, quo pro te munitus incedat. Nunc quasi ambigens dicis: Si quis est qui tentare fidem nostram cupit; denuo dubitas, cum multorum latratus ad te usque pervenerint. Non discutio parumper elocutiones tuas, quas et tu contemnis et despicis; tantum sensibus respondebo. Aliud a te quaeritur, et pro alio satisfacis. Contra Arii dogmata, jam Alexandriae in carceribus, et exsiliis dimicaveras, non voce, sed sanguine. Nunc super Origenis haeresi tibi calumnia commovetur. Nolo cures, quae sana sunt, vulnera medicare. Trinitatem dicis unius esse Deitatis. Hoc toto credente jam mundo, puto quod et daemones confiteantur Filium Dei natum de Maria Virgine, et carnem naturae humanae, atque animam suscepisse. Si arctius quid rogavero, contentiosum vocabis. Si dicis Filium Dei humanae naturae carnem atque animam suscepisse, oro te, ut absque stomacho respondeas: anima ista, quam suscepit Jesus, eratne antequam nasceretur ex Maria? An in origine virginali, quae de Spiritu sancto nascebatur, cum corpore simul creata est, vel jam in utero corpore figurato, statim facta et missa est de coelo? E tribus unum quid sentias, scire desidero. Si fuit [ Al. non fuit] antequam nasceretur ex Maria, necdum ergo erat anima Jesu, et agebat aliquid, ac propter merita virtutum postea facta est anima ejus. Si cepit ex traduce, humanarum igitur animarum, quas aeternas fatemur, et brutorum animantium, quae cum corpore dissolvuntur, una conditio est. Sin autem figurato corpore statim creatur et mittitur, fatere simpliciter, et nos scrupulo libera.

2.4 His confession of faith is unsatisfactory. No one asked him about the Trinity, but about Origen's doctrines of the Resurrection, the origin of souls, and the salvability of Satan. As to the Resurrection and to Satan he is ambiguous. As to souls he professes ignorance PL 23, 396

4. He goes on:

“Still, since there may be some persons, who may wish to prove my faith, or to hear and learn what it is, I will declare that I thus think of the Trinity;”

and so on. At first you said that you entrusted your faith to the Bishop as a stick with which he might fortify himself on your behalf against those barking dogs. Now you speak a little less confidently, “There may be some persons who wish to prove my faith.” You begin to hesitate when the barkings which reach your ears are so numerous. I will not stop to discuss the forms of diction which you use, for these you look down upon and condemn: I will answer according to the meaning alone. You are asked about one thing, and you give account for yourself upon another. As to the doctrines of Arius, you contended against them at Alexandria a long time ago, by imprisonment and exile, not with words but with blood. But the question now relates to the heresy of Origen, and the feeling aroused against you on the subject. I should be sorry that you should trouble yourself to cure wounds which are already healed. You confess a Trinity in one Godhead. The whole world now confesses this, and I think that even the devils confess that the Son of God was born of the Virgin Mary, and took upon him the flesh and the soul belonging to human nature. But I must beg you not to think me a contentious man if I examine you a little more strictly. You say that the Son of God took the flesh and soul belonging to human nature. Well then, I would ask you not to be vexed with me but to answer this question. That soul which Jesus took upon him, did it exist before it was born of Mary? Was it created together with the body in that original Virgin nature which was begotten by the Holy Spirit? or, when the body was already formed within the womb, was it made all at once, and sent down from heaven? I wish to know which one of these you choose as your opinion. If it existed before it was born from Mary, then it was not yet the soul of Jesus; and it was employed in some way, and, for a reward of its virtues, it was made his soul. If it arose by traduction, then human souls, which we believe to be eternal, are subject to the same condition as those of the brutes, which perish with the body. But if it is created and sent into the body after the body has been formed, tell us so simply, and free us from anxiety.

2.5 His confession of faith is unsatisfactory. No one asked him about the Trinity, but about Origen's doctrines of the Resurrection, the origin of souls, and the salvability of Satan. As to the Resurrection and to Satan he is ambiguous. As to souls he professes ignorance PL 23, 427

5. None of these answers will you give us. You turn to other things, and by your tricks and shew of words prevent us from paying close attention to the question. What! you will say, was not the question about the resurrection of the flesh and the punishment of the devil? True; and therefore I ask for a brief and sincere answer. I raise no question as to your declaration that it is this very flesh in which we live which rises again, without the loss of a single member, and without any part of the body being cut off (for these are your own words). But I want to know whether you hold, what Origen denies, that the bodies rise with the same sex with which they died; and that Mary will still be Mary and John be John; or whether the sexes will be so mixed and confused that there will be neither man nor woman, but something which is both or neither; and also whether you hold that the bodies remain uncorrupt and immortal, and, as you acutely suggest after the Apostle, spiritual bodies forever; and not only the bodies, but the actual flesh, with blood infused into it, and passing by channels through the veins and bones,—such flesh as Thomas touched; or that little by little they are dissolved into nothing, and reduced into the four elements of which they were compounded. This you ought either to confess or deny, and not to say what Origen also says, but insincerely, as if he were playing upon the weakness of fools and children, “without the loss of a single member or the cutting off of any part of the body.” Do you suppose that what we feared was that we might rise without noses and ears, that we should find that our genital organs would be cut off or maimed and that a city of eunuchs was built up in the new Jerusalem?

Nihil horum loqueris: sed occupatus in aliis, simplicitate nostra abuteris, et praestigiis pompaque verborum haerere nos non sinis quaestioni. Quid, inquies, nonne quaestio erat de resurrectione carnis, et poenis diaboli? Fateor [ Al. Fatere]. Ergo breviter pureque responde. Non quaero quod scribis, eamdem carnem resurgere, in qua vivimus, nullo membro amputato, nec aliqua parte corporis desecta, haec enim tua verba sunt: sed quaero, quod Origenes negat, 494 utrum in eodem sexu, quo mortua sunt corpora, suscitentur: et Maria Maria, Joannes resurgat Joannes: an commixto sexu atque turbato, nec vir, nec femina sit; sed utrumque, vel neutrum? Et an ipsa corpora incorrupta, et immortalia, et ut argute praemones, juxta Apostolum spiritualia permaneant in aeternum: et non solum corpora, sed caro et sanguis infusus, venis et ossibus irrigatus, quae Thomas tetigit: an certe paulatim resolvantur in nihilum, et ad quatuor unde compacta sunt elementa, retrahantur? Haec aut dicere debueras, aut negare, et non ea loqui, quae subdole Origenes fatetur; ut quasi fatuis et pueris illudens, « nullo membro amputato, nec aliqua corporis parte desecta. » Scilicet hoc timuimus, ne sine naso et auribus surgeremus, et amputatis sectisque genitalibus, eunuchorum in coelesti Jerusalem civitas conderetur.

2.6 His confession of faith is unsatisfactory. No one asked him about the Trinity, but about Origen's doctrines of the Resurrection, the origin of souls, and the salvability of Satan. As to the Resurrection and to Satan he is ambiguous. As to souls he professes ignorance PL 23, 428

6. Of the devil he thus frames his opinion:

“We affirm also a judgment to come, in which judgment every man is to receive the due meed of his bodily life, according to that which he has done, whether good or evil. And, if in the case of men the reward is according to their works how much more will it be so in the case of the devil who is the universal cause of sin. Of the devil himself our belief is that which is written in the Gospel, namely that both he and all his angels will receive as their portion the eternal fire, and with him those who do his works, that is, who become the accusers of their brethren. If then any one denies that the devil is to be subjected to eternal fires, may he have his part with him in the eternal fire, so that he may know by experience the fact which he now denies.”

I will repeat the words one by one. “We affirm also a judgment to come, in which judgment &c.” I had determined to say nothing about verbal faults. But, since his disciples admire the eloquence of their master, I will make one or two strictures upon it. He had already said “a future judgment;” but, being a cautious man, he was afraid of saying simply “in which,” and therefore wrote “in which judgment;” for fear that, if he had not said “judgment” a second time, we, forgetting what had gone before, might have supplied the word “ass.” That which he brings in afterwards “those who become the accusers of their brethren will with him have their portion in the eternal fire,” is in a style of equal beauty. Who ever heard of ‘possessing the flames’? It would be like ‘enjoying tortures.’ I suppose that, being now a Greek, he had tried to translate himself, and that for the word κληρονομήσουσιν, which can be rendered in Latin by the single word Hæreditabunt, he said Hæreditate potientur supposing it to be something more elaborate and ornate. With such trifles and such improprieties of speech his whole discourse is teeming. But to return to the meaning of his words.

Porro de diabolo sic sententiam temperat: « Dicimus quoque et judicium futurum, in quo judicio unusquisque recipiet propria corporis, prout gessit, sive bona, sive mala. Quod si homines recepturi sunt pro operibus suis, quanto magis et diabolus, qui omnibus existit causa peccati! De quo illud sentimus quod scriptum est in Evangelio (Matth. XXV): quia et ipse diabolus, et omnes angeli ejus, cum his qui opera ejus faciunt, id est, qui criminantur fratres, cum ipso pariter aeterni ignis haereditate potientur. Si quis ergo negat diabolum aeternis ignibus mancipari, partem cum ipso aeterni ignis accipiat, ut sentiat quod negavit. Repetamus singula. « Dicimus, inquit, futurum judicium; in quo judicio, » et caetera. Super verborum vitiis tacere decreveram; sed quia discipuli ejus mirantur eloquentiam praeceptoris, pauca perstringam. Dixerat judicium futurum; sed homo cautus timuit solum dicere, in quo, et posuit, in quo judicio; ne si non secundo repetisset judicium, nos, obliti superiorum, pro judicio asinum putaremus. Illud quoque quod postea infert, « qui criminantur fratres, cum ipso pariter aeterni ignis haereditate potientur, » ejusdem est venustatis. Quis enim umquam audivit potiri ignibus, et frui suppliciis? Sed homo Graecus videtur mihi 495 seipsum interpretari voluisse, et pro eo quod apud eos dicitur κληρονομήσ ουσιν et apud nos uno verbo dici potest, haereditabunt, compositius et ornatius dixisse, haereditate potientur. Istiusmodi nugis et acyrologiis omnis ejus scatet oratio. Sed revertamur ad sensum.

2.7 His confession of faith is unsatisfactory. No one asked him about the Trinity, but about Origen's doctrines of the Resurrection, the origin of souls, and the salvability of Satan. As to the Resurrection and to Satan he is ambiguous. As to souls he professes ignorance PL 23, 428

7. To proceed:

“This is a great spear with which the devil is pierced, he, ‘who is the universal cause of sin,’ if he is to render account of his works, like a man, and ‘with his angels possess the inheritance of eternal fires.’ This, no doubt, was what was lacking to him, that, having brought mankind into torment, he should himself ‘possess the eternal fires’ which he had all the while been longing for.”

You seem to me here to speak a little too hardly of the devil, and to assail the accuser of all with false accusations. You say ‘he is the universal cause of sin;’ and, while you make him the author of all crimes, you free men from fault, and take away the freedom of the will. Our Lord says that ‘from our heart come forth evil thoughts, murders, adulteries, fornications, thefts, false witnesses, railings,’ and of Judas we read in the Gospel; “After the sop Satan entered into him,” that is, because he had before the sop sinned voluntarily, and had not been brought to repentance either by humbling himself or by the forbearance of the Saviour. So also the Apostle says; “Such men I delivered to Satan, that they might be taught not to blaspheme.” He delivered to Satan as to a torturer, with a view to their punishment, those who, before they had been delivered to him learned to blaspheme by their own will. David also draws the distinction in a few words between the faults due to his own will and the incentives of vice when he says “Cleanse thou me from my secret faults, and keep back thy servant from alien sins.” We read also in Ecclesiastes “If the spirit of a ruler rise up against thee, leave not thy place;” from which we may clearly see that we commit sin if we give opportunity to the power which rises up, and if we fail to hurl down headlong the enemy who is scaling our walls. As to your threatening your brothers, that is, those who accuse you, with eternal fire in company with the devil, it seems to me that you do not so much drag your brethren down as raise the devil up, since he, according to you, is to be punished only with the same fires as Christian men. But you well know, I think, what eternal fires mean according to the ideas of Origen, namely, the sinners’ conscience, and the remorse which galls their hearts within. These ideas he thinks are intended in the words of Isaiah: “Their worm shall not die neither shall their fire be quenched.” And in the words addressed to Babylon: “Thou hast coals of fire, thou shalt sit upon them, these shall be thy help.” So also in the Psalm it is said to the penitent; “What shall be given to thee, or what shall be done more for thee against the false tongue? Sharp arrows of the mighty, with desolating coals;” which means (according to him) that the arrows of God’s precepts (concerning which the Prophet says in another place, “I lived in misery while a thorn pierces me”) should wound and strike through the crafty tongue, and make an end of sins in it. He also interprets the place where the Lord testifies saying: “I came to send fire on the earth, and how I wish that it may burn” as meaning “I wish that all may repent, and burn out through the Holy spirit their vices and their sins; for I am he of whom it is written, “Our God is a consuming fire;” it is no great thing then to say this of the devil, since it is prepared also for men.” You ought rather to have said, if you wished to avoid the suspicion of believing in the salvation of the devil; “Thou hast become perdition and shalt not be for ever;” and as the Lord speaks to Job concerning the devil, “Behold his hope shall fail him and in the sight of all shall he be cast down. I will not arouse him as one that is cruel, for who can resist my countenance? Who has first given to me that I may return it to him? for all things beneath the heaven are mine. I will not spare him and his words that are powerful and fashioned to turn away wrath.” Hence, these things may pass as the work of a plain man. Their bearing is evident enough to those who understand these matters; but to the unlearned they may wear the appearance of innocence.

Ridet Rufini verba. Ignis aeternus juxta Origenem. --Grandi diabolus lancea percutitur, qui omnibus existit causa peccati, si pro operibus suis, quasi homo, redditurus est rationem, et cum angelis suis aeterni ignis haereditate potietur. Hoc enim deerat, ut hominibus tormento subditis, ille potiretur ignibus aeternis, quos tanto tempore desideraverat. Et videris mihi calumniam in hoc loco facere diabolo, et criminatorem omnium falsis criminibus accusare. Dicis enim, « qui omnibus existit causa peccati; » et dum in illum refers crimina, homines culpa liberas, tollisque arbitrii libertatem, Salvatore dicente, quod de corde nostro exeunt cogitationes malae, homicidia, adulteria, fornicationes, furta, falsa testimonia, blasphemiae . Et rursum de Juda in Evangelio legimus: Post buccellam intravit in eum Satanas : qui ante buccellam sponte peccaverat, et nec humilitate, nec clementia Salvatoris flexus est ad poenitentiam. Unde Apostolus: Quos tradidi, inquit, Satanae, ut discant non blasphemare . Et in alio loco: Tradidi hujusmodi Satanae in interitum carnis, ut spiritus salvus fiat . Tradidit eos Satanae, quasi tortori ad puniendum, qui antequam traderentur, voluntate propria blasphemaverant. Et David, Ab occultis, inquit, meis munda me, Domine, et ab alienis parce servo tuo : breviter et suae voluntatis errorem, et vitiorum incentiva significans. In Ecclesiaste quoque legimus: Si spiritus potestatem habentis ascenderit super cor tuum, locum tuum ne dimiseris (Eccles. X, 4). Ex quo liquido apparet, si dederimus ascendenti locum, nos peccasse qui dederimus, et ascendentem muros hostem non praecipitem deturbaverimus. Quod autem imprecaris fratribus, 496 hoc est, criminatoribus tuis, aeternos ignes cum diabolo, non tam fratres mihi videris premere, quam diabolum sublevare, cum iisdem quibus homines Christiani ignibus puniendus sit. Ignes autem aeternos, quos intelligere solet Origenes, puto quod te non fugiat, conscientiam videlicet peccatorum, et poenitudinem interna cordis urentem. De qua et Isaias loquitur: Vermis eorum non morietur, et ignis eorum non exstinguetur . Et ad Babylonem scriptum est: Habes carbones ignis, sedebis super eos: hi erunt tibi in adjutorio . Et in Psalmo poenitens audit: Quid detur tibi, aut quid apponatur tibi ad linguam dolosam? Sagittae potentis acutae, cum carbonibus desolatoriis ; ut linguam dolosam, sagittae praeceptorum Dei (de quibus in alio loco Propheta dicit , Versatus sum in miseria, dum configitur mihi spina ) vulnerent atque confodiant, et peccatorum in ea solitudinem faciant. Illud quoque testimonium in quo Dominus loquitur: Ignem veni mittere super terram, et quam volo ut ardeat , sic interpretatur: « Omnes cupio agere poenitentiam, et excoquere Spiritu sancto vitia atque peccata. Ipse enim sum de quo scribitur: Deus ignis consumens est . Non ergo grande est hoc de diabolo dicere, quod et hominibus praeparatum est. » Magis debueras (ut suspicionem salutis diabolicae declinares) dicere: Perditio factus es: et non eris in aeternum ; et ex persona Domini loquentis ad Job de diabolo: Ecce spes ejus frustrabitur eum, et videntibus cunctis praecipitabitur . Non quasi crudelis suscitabo eum. Quis enim resistere potest vultui meo? Quis ante dedit mihi ut reddam ei? Omnia quae sub coelo sunt, mea sunt. Non parcam ei, et verbis potentibus, et ad deprecandum compositis . Verum haec possunt quasi simplicis hominis excusari: et cum eruditos non subterfugiant, apud indoctos praeferre innocentiae similitudinem.

2.8 His confession of faith is unsatisfactory. No one asked him about the Trinity, but about Origen's doctrines of the Resurrection, the origin of souls, and the salvability of Satan. As to the Resurrection and to Satan he is ambiguous. As to souls he professes ignorance PL 23, 430

8. But what follows about the condition of souls can by no means be excused. He says:

“I am next informed that some stir has been made on the question of the nature of the soul. Whether complaints on a matter of this kind ought to be entertained instead of being put aside, you must yourself decide. If, however, you desire to know my opinion upon this subject, I will state it frankly. I have read a great many writers on this question, and I find that they express divers opinions. Some of these whom I have read hold that the soul is infused together with the material body through the channel of the human seed, and of this they give such proofs as they can. I think that this was the opinion of Tertullian or Lactantius among the Latins, perhaps also of a few others. Others assert that God is every day making new souls and infusing them into the bodies which have been framed in the womb; while others again believe that the souls were all made long ago, when God made all things of nothing, and that all that he now does is to send out each soul to be born in its body as it seems good to him. This is the opinion of Origen, and of some others among the Greeks. For myself, I declare in the presence of God that, after reading each of these opinions, I am unable to hold any of them as certain and absolute: the determination of the truth in this question I leave to God and to any to whom it shall please him to reveal it. My profession on this point is, therefore, first, that these several opinions are those which I have found in books, but, secondly, that I as yet remain in ignorance on the subject, except so far as this, that the Church delivers it as an article of faith that God is the creator of souls as well as of bodies.”

Quod sequitur de animarum statu, excusari omnino non potest. Dicit enim: « Audio et de anima quaestiones 497 esse commotas: de qua re utrum recipi debeat querimonia an abjici, vos probate. Si autem et de me quid sentiam quaeritur, fateor me de hac quaestione apud quamplurimos tractatorum diversa legisse. Legi quosdam dicentes, quod pariter cum corpore per humani seminis traducem etiam animae diffundantur: et haec quibus poterant assertionibus confirmabant. Quod puto inter Latinos Tertullianum sensisse, vel Lactantium, fortassis et nonnullos alios. Alii asserunt, quod, formatis in utero corporibus, Deus quotidie faciat animas et infundat. Alii quod factas jam olim, id est, tunc cum omnia creavit Deus ex nihilo, nunc eas judicio suo nasci dispenset in corpore. Hoc sentit et Origenes, et nonnulli alii Graecorum. Ego vero cum haec singula legerim (Deo teste dico) quia usque ad praesens certi et definiti aliquid de hac quaestione non teneo; sed Deo relinquo scire quid sit in vero, et si cui ipse revelare dignabitur. Ego tamen haec singula et legisse me non nego, et adhuc ignorare confiteor: praeter hoc quod manifeste tradit Ecclesia, Deum esse et animarum et corporum conditorem. »

2.9 What Latin! The poor souls must be tormented by his barbarisms PL 23, 430

9. Before I enter upon the subject matter of this passage, I must stand in admiration of words worthy of Theophrastus:

“I am informed, he says, that some stir has been made on the question of the nature of the soul. Whether complaints on a matter of this kind ought to be entertained instead of being put aside, you must yourself decide.”

If these questions as to the origin of the soul have been stirred at Rome, what is the meaning of this complaint and murmuring on the question whether they ought to be entertained or not, a question which belongs entirely to the discretion of bishops? But perhaps he thinks that question and complaint mean the same thing, because he finds this form of speech in the Commentaries of Caper. Then he writes: “Some of those whom I have read hold that the soul is infused together with the material body through the channel of the human seed; and of these they give such proofs as they can.” What license have we here in the forms of speech! What mixing of the moods and tenses! “I have read some sayings—they confirmed them with what assertions they could.” And in what follows: “Others assert that God is every day making new souls and infusing them into the bodies which have been framed in the womb; while others again believe that the souls were all made long ago when God made all things of nothing, and that all that he now does is to send out each soul to be born in its body as seems good to him.” Here also we have a most beautiful arrangement. Some, he says, assert this and that; some declare that the souls were made long ago, that is, when God made all things of nothing, and that He now sends them forth to be born in their own body as it pleases him. He speaks so distastefully and so confusedly that I have more trouble in correcting his mistakes than he in writing them. At the end he says: “I, however, though I have read these things;” and, while the sentence still hangs unfinished, he adds, as if he had brought forward something fresh: “I, however, do not deny that I have both read each of these things, and as yet confess that I am ignorant.”

Antequam de sensibus disputem, Theophrasti verba mirabor: « Audio, inquit, de anima quaestiones commotas esse: de qua re utrum recipi debeat querimonia, aut abjici, vos probate. » Si quaestiones de animae statu in Urbe commotae sunt, quae est ista querimonia vel querela, quae utrum recipi debeat, episcoporum judicio relinquitur? nisi forte quaestionem et querimoniam idipsum significare putat: quia in Capri Commentariis hujusmodi figuram reperit. Deinde ponit, « Legi quosdam dicentes, quod pariter cum corpore per humani seminis traducem etiam animae diffundantur, et haec quibus poterant assertionibus confirmabant. » Rogo quae est ista licentia figurarum? quae modorum et temporum perturbatio? « Legi dicentes, quibus poterant assertionibus confirmabant. » Et in consequentibus: « Alii asserunt, quod, formatis 498 in utero corporibus, Deus quotidie faciat novas animas, et infundat. Alii, factas jam olim, id est, tunc cum omnia Deus creavit ex nihilo, nunc eas judicio suo nasci dispenset in corpore. » Et hic ordo pulcherrimus. Alii, inquit, asserunt hoc vel illud: alii factas jam olim, id est, tunc cum omnia Deus creavit ex nihilo, nunc eas judicio suo nasci dispenset in corpore. Tam putide et confuse loquitur, ut plus ego in reprehendendo laborem, quam ille in scribendo. Ad extremum posuit: « Ego vero cum haec singula legerim, » et adhuc pendente sententia, quasi novum aliquid protulisset, adjecit: « Ego tamen haec singula et legisse me non nego, et adhuc ignorare confiteor. »

2.10 It is not permitted to you to be ignorant of such a matter which all the churches know PL 23, 431

10. Unhappy souls! stricken through with all these barbarisms as with so many lances! I doubt whether they had so much trouble when, according to the erroneous theory of Origen, they tell from heaven to earth, and were clothed in these gross bodies, as they have now in being knocked about on all sides by these strange words and sentences: not to mention that word of ill omen which says that they are infused through the channel of the human seed. I know that it is not usual in Christian writings to criticise mere faults of style; but I thought it well to shew by a few examples how rash it is to teach what you are ignorant of, to write what you do not know: so that, when we come to the subject-matter, we may be prepared to find the same amount of wisdom. He sends a letter, which he calls a very strong stick, as a weapon for the Bishop of Rome; and on the very subject about which the dogs are barking at him he professes entire ignorance of the question. If he is ignorant on the subject for which ill-reports are current against him, what need was there for him to send an Apology, which contains no defence of himself, but only a confession of his ignorance? This course is calculated to sow a crop of suspicions, not to calm them. He gives us three opinions about the origin of souls; and his conclusion at the end is: “I do not deny that I have read each of them, and I confess that I still am ignorant.” You would suppose him to be Arcesilaus or Carneades who declare that there is no certainty; though he surpasses even them in his cautiousness; for they were driven by the intolerable ill-will which they aroused among philosophers for taking all truth out of human life, to invent the doctrines of probability, so that by making their probable assertions they might temper their agnosticism; but he merely says that he is uncertain, and does not know which of these opinions is true. If this was all the answer he had to make, what could have induced him to invoke so great a Pontiff as the witness of his lack of theological culture. I presume this is the lassitude about which he tells us that he is exhausted with his thirty-years journey and cannot come to Rome. There are a great many things of which we are all ignorant; but we do not ask for witnesses of our ignorance. As to the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, as to the nativity of our Lord and Saviour, about which Isaiah cries, “Who shall declare his generation?” he speaks boldly, and a mystery of which all past ages knew nothing he claims as quite within his knowledge: this alone he does not know, the ignorance of which causes men to stumble. As to how a virgin became the mother of God, he has full knowledge; as to how he himself was born he knows nothing. He confesses that God is the maker of souls and bodies, whether souls existed before bodies or whether they came into being with the germs of bodies, or are sent into them when they are already formed in the womb. In any case we recognize God as their author. The question at issue is not whether the souls were made by God or by another, but which of the three opinions which he states is true. Of this he professes ignorance. Take care! You may find people saying that the reason for your confession of your ignorance of the three is that you do not wish to be compelled to condemn one. You spare Tertullian and Lactantius so as not to condemn Origen with them. As far as I remember (though I may be mistaken) I am not aware of having read that Lactantius spoke of the soul as planted at the same time as the body. But, as you say that you have read it, please to tell me in what book it is to be found, so that you may not be thought to have calumniated him in his death as you have me in my slumber. But even here you walk with a cautious and hesitating step. You say: “I think that, among the Latins, Tertullian or Lactantius held this opinion, perhaps also some others.” You not only are in doubt about the origin of souls, but you have only ‘thoughts’ as to the opinion which each writer holds: yet the matter is of some importance. On the question of the soul, however, you openly proclaim your ignorance, and confess your untaught condition: as to the authors, your knowledge amounts only to ‘thinking,’ hardly to ‘presuming.’ But as to Origen alone you are quite clear. “This is Origen’s opinion,” you say. But, let me ask you: Is the opinion sound or not? Your reply is, “I do not know.” Then why do you send me messengers and letter-carriers, who are constantly coming, merely to teach me that you are ignorant? To prevent the possibility of my doubting whether your incapacity is as great as you say, and thinking it possible that you are cunningly concealing all you know, you take an oath in the presence of God that up to the present moment you hold nothing for certain and definite on this subject, and that you leave it to God to know what is true, and to any one to whom it may please Him to reveal it. What! Through all these ages does it seem to you that there has been no one worthy of having this revealed to him? Neither patriarch, nor prophet, nor apostle, nor martyr? Were not these mysteries made clear even to yourself when you dwelt amidst princes and exiles? The Lord says in the Gospel: “Father, I have revealed thy name to men.” Did he who revealed the Father keep silence on the origin of souls? And are you astonished if your brethren are scandalized when you swear that you know nothing of a thing which the churches of Christ profess to know?

Trinitatis mysterium ignoratum Antiquis. --O infelices animas, quae tantis vitiorum lanceis vulnerantur! non eas puto juxta Origenis errorem tantum laborasse, cum de coelo in terras ruerent, et crassis corporibus vestirentur, ut nunc et verbis et sententiis hinc inde collisas; ut praetermittam κακέμφατον, quo de humani seminis traduce diffundi animae dicuntur. Scio inter Christianos verborum vitia non solere reprehendi; sed ex paucis ostendere volui, cujus temeritatis sit docere quod nescias, scribere quod ignores: ut similem prudentiam et in sensibus requiramus. Mittit epistolam, id est, robustissimum baculum, quo Romanae urbis armetur episcopus: et in ipsa quaestione, pro qua canes latrant, dicit se nescire quod quaeritur. Si ignorat, pro quo sibi calumnia commovetur, quid necesse est Apologiam mittere, quae non habet defensionem sui, sed ignorantiae confessionem? Hoc est suspiciones hominum non sopire, sed serere. Tres super animarum statu ponit sententias, et in fine concludens: « Singula, inquit, me legisse non nego, et adhuc ignorare cofiteor. » Arcesilam, aut Carneadem putes, qui omnia incerta pronuntiant, licet et illos superet cautione. Illi enim omnium philosophorum invidiam non ferentes, quod veritatem e vita tollerent, verisimilia repererunt, 499 ut ignorantiam rerum probabili assertione temperarent: iste se dicit incertum, et e tribus omnino nescire quid verum sit. Si hoc erat responsurus, quae eum ratio impulit, ut tantum Pontificem inscitiae suae testem faceret. Nimirum haec illa est lassitudo, quod triginta annorum itinere confectus, Romam venire non potuit. Quanta et alia nescimus, et tamen imperitiae nostrae testes non quaerimus! De Patre, Filio, et Spiritu sancto; de nativitate Domini Salvatoris, super qua Isaias clamitat: Generationem ejus quis enarrabit ? audacter loquitur, et mysterium omnibus retro saeculis ignoratum scientiae suae vindicat: et hoc solum ignorat, quod ignoratum cunctis scandalum facit. Scit quomodo Deum Virgo generarit; et nescit quomodo ipse sit natus. Animarum et corporum conditorem fatetur Dominum, sive animae ante corpora fuerint, sive cum corporum nascantur exordiis, sive jam formatis in utero figuratisque corporibus immittantur. In omnibus novimus auctorem Dominum. Nec de hoc nunc quaestio est, utrum Deus, an alius eas fecerit: sed e tribus quas posuit, quae sit illarum sententia vera, nescire se dicit. Vide ne statim tibi objiciatur, idcirco te trium ignorantiam confiteri, ne unum damnare cogaris: et Tertulliano et Lactantio ideo parcere, ne Origenem cum illis jugules. Quantum memoria suggerit, nisi tamen fallor, nescio me legisse Lactantium συσπειρομένην animam dicere. Caeterum qui legisse te scribis, dic in quo libro legeris, ne ut me dormientem, sic illum mortuum calumniatus esse videaris. Sed et in hoc cunctabundus incedis et cautus. Dicis enim: « Puto inter Latinos Tertullianum sensisse, vel Lactantium, fortassis et alios nonnullos. » Non solum de animarum statu dubitas, sed et de auctorum sententiis putas: et tamen aliquid interest. De animabus autem aperte nescis, et inscitiam confiteris: de auctoribus sic nosse te dicis, ut putes potius quam praesumas. In solo Origene non ambigis. Dicis quippe, « Hoc sentit Origenes. » Interrogabo te: bene 500 sentit, an male? Nescio, inquis. Quid me igitur missis tabellariis et creberrimis nuntiis docere conaris, ut sciam, quod nescias? Et ne forte non credam imperitiae tuae, et arbitrer te callide reticere quod nosti, juras Deo teste, quod usque ad praesens certi et definiti aliquid de hac quaestione non teneas; et Deo relinquas scire quid sit in vero, et si cui ipse revelare dignabitur. Per tanta saecula tibi nullus videtur dignus fuisse, cui de hac quaestione Dominus revelarit? Non patriarcha, non propheta, non apostolus, non martyr? Ne tibi quidem, quando in carceribus et exsiliis morabaris, hujuscemodi sacramenta patuerunt? Dominus in Evangelio, Pater, inquit, revelavi nomen tuum hominibus . Qui Patrem revelavit, de animarum statu tacuit: et miraris si contra te fratrum scandala concitentur, cum id nescire te jures, quod Christi Ecclesiae se nosse fateantur?

2.11 As to translating the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, it is not a question, but a charge that you unjustifiably altered the book PL 23, 433

11. After the exposition of his faith, or rather his lack of knowledge, he passes on to another matter; and tries to make excuses for having turned the books Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν into Latin. I will put down his words literally:

“I am told that objections have been raised against me because, forsooth, at the request of some of my brethren, I translated certain works of Origen from Greek into Latin. I suppose that every one sees that it is only through ill-will that this is made a matter of blame. For, if there is any offensive statement in the author, why is this to be twisted into a fault of the translator? I was asked to exhibit in Latin what stands written in the Greek text; and I did nothing more than fit Latin words to Greek ideas. If, therefore, there is anything to praise in these ideas, the praise does not belong to me: and similarly as to anything to which blame may attach.”

“I hear,” he says, “that thence dispute has arisen.” How clever this is, to speak of it as a dispute, when it is really an accusation against him. “That I have, at the request of my brethren, translated certain things of Origen’s into Latin.” Yes, but what are these “certain things”? Have they no name? Are you silent? Then the bills of charge brought by the accusers will speak for you. “I suppose,” he says, “that every one understands that it is only through envy that these things are made matters of blame.” What envy? Are people envious of your eloquence? Or have you done what no other man has ever been able to do? Here am I, who have translated many works of Origen’s; yet, except you, no one shews envy towards me or calumniates me for it. “If there is any offensive statement in the author, why is it to be twisted into a fault of the translator? I was asked to exhibit in Latin what stands written in the Greek text; and I did nothing more than fit Latin words to Greek ideas. If, therefore, there is anything to praise in these ideas, the praise does not belong to me, and similarly as to anything to which blame may attach.” Can you be astonished that men think ill of you when you say of open blasphemies nothing more than, “If there are any offensive statements in the author”? What is said in those books is offensive to all men; and you stand alone in your doubt and in your complaint that this is “twisted into a fault of the translator,” when you have praised it in your Preface. ‘You were asked to turn it into Latin as it stood in the Greek text.’ I wish you had done what you pretend you were asked. You would not then be the object of any ill will. If you had kept faith as a translator, it would not have been necessary for me to counteract your false translation by my true one. You know in your own conscience what you added, what you subtracted, and what you altered on one side or the other at your discretion; and after this you have the audacity to tell us that what is good or evil is not to be attributed to you but to the author. You shew your sense of the ill will aroused against you by again toning down your words: and as if you were walking with your steps in the air or on the tops of the ears of corn, you say, “Whether there is praise or blame in these opinions.” You dare not defend him, but you do not choose to condemn him. Choose which of the two you please; the option is yours; if this which you have translated is good, praise it, if bad, condemn it. But he makes excuses, and weaves another artifice, He says:

“I admit that I put something of my own into the work: as I stated in my Preface, I used my own discretion in cutting out not a few passages; but only those as to which I had come to suspect that the thing had not been so stated by Origen himself, and the statement appeared to me in these cases to have been inserted by others, because in other places I had found the author state the same matter in a catholic sense.”

What wonderful eloquence! Varied, too, with flowers of the Attic style. “Moreover also!” and “Things which came to me into suspicion!” I marvel that he should have dared to send such literary portents to Rome. One would think that the man’s tongue was in fetters, and bound with cords that cannot be disentangled, so that it could hardly break forth into human speech. However, I will return to the matter in hand.

11 (a). I wish to know who gave you permission to cut out a number of passages from the work you were translating? You were asked to turn a Greek book into Latin, not to correct it; to draw out another man’s words, not to write a book of your own. You confess, by the fact of pruning away so much, that you did not do what you were asked. And I wish that what you curtailed had all been the bad parts, and that you had not put in many things of your own which go to support what is bad. I will take an example, from which men may judge of the rest. In the first book of the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν where Origen had uttered that impious blasphemy, that the Son does not see the Father, you supply the reasons for this, as if in the name of the writer, and translate the note of Didymus, in which he makes a fruitless effort to defend another man’s error, trying to prove that Origen spoke rightly; but we, poor simple men, like the tame creatures spoken of by Ennius, can understand neither his wisdom nor that of his translator. Your Preface, which you allege in explanation, in which you flatter and praise me so highly shows you to be guilty of the most serious faults of translation. You say that you have cut out many things from the Greek, but you say nothing of what you have put in. Were the parts cut out good or bad? Bad, I suppose. Was what you kept good or bad? Good, I presume; for you could not translate the bad. Then I suppose you cut off what was bad and left what was good? Of course. But what you have translated can be shewn to be almost wholly bad. Whatever therefore in your translation I can shew to be bad, must be laid to your account, since you translated it as being good. It is a strange thing if you are to act like an unjust censor, who is himself guilty of the crime, and are allowed at your will to expel some from the Senate and keep others in it. But you say: “It was impossible to change everything. I only thought I might cut away what had been added by the heretics.” Very good. Then if you cut away all that you thought had been added by the heretics, all that you left belongs to the work which you were translating. Answer me then, are these good or bad? You could not translate what was bad, since once for all you had cut away what had been added by the heretics, that is, unless you thought it your duty to cut away the bad parts due to the heretics, while translating the errors of Origen himself unaltered into Latin. Tell me then, why you turned Origen’s heresies into Latin. Was it to expose the author of the evil, or to praise him? If your object is to expose him, why do you praise him in the Preface? If you praise him you are convicted of being a heretic. The only remaining hypothesis is that you published these things as being good. But if they are proved to be bad, then author and translator are involved in the same crime, and the Psalmist’s word is fulfilled: “When thou sawest a thief, thou consentedst unto him and hast been partaker with the adulterers.” It is needless to make a plain matter doubtful by arguing about it. As to what follows, let him answer whence this suspicion arose in his mind of these additions by heretics. “It was,” he says, “because I found the same things treated by this author in other places in a catholic sense.”

Exposita fide sua, immo inscitiae confessione, transit ad aliud; et excusare se nititur, cur libros περὶ Ἀρχῶν in Latinum verterit. Et haec scribit ad verbum: « Sane quia audio etiam inde esse disputatum quod quaedam Origenis rogatus a fratribus de Graeco in Latinum transtuli, puto quod omnes intelligant, haec pro solo livore culpari. Si enim aliquid est quod displiceat in auctore, quare id ad interpretem detorquetur? Sicut in Graecis habetur, rogatus sum ut Latinis ostenderem. Graecis sensibus verba dedi Latina tantummodo. Sive ergo in illis sensibus laus inest aliqua, non est mea: sive culpa, similiter non est mea. » « Audio, inquit, etiam inde esse disputatum. » Quam prudenter accusationem suam, disputationem vocat! « Quod quaedam Origenis rogatus a fratribus de Graeco in Latinum transtuli. » Quae sunt illa quaedam? Nomen non habent? Taces? Libelli accusatorum loquuntur. « Puto, ait, quod omnes intelligant haec pro solo livore culpari. » Pro quo livore? Num invident eloquentiae tuae? Aut fecisti quod nullus hominum umquam facere potuit? Ecce et ego Origenis 501 multa transtuli: et praeter te nemo nec invidet, nec calumniatur. « Si enim, inquit, aliquid est quod displiceat in Auctore, quare id ad interpretem detorquetur? sicut in Graecis habetur, rogatus sum ut Latinis ostenderem. Graecis sensibus verba dedi Latina tantummodo. Sive ergo in illis sensibus laus inest aliqua, non est mea: sive culpa, similiter non est mea. » Et miraris, si de te homines male sentiant, quum de apertis blasphemiis dicas: « Si est aliquid, quod displiceat in auctore. » Omnibus quae in illis libris dicta sunt, displicent: et tu solus dubitas, et quereris, cur ad interpretem detorqueatur, quod in translationis tuae Praefatione laudasti. Rogatus eras, ut quomodo habebatur in Graeco, in Latinum verteres. Utinam fecisses quod rogatum te esse simulas! nulli nunc invidiae subjaceres. Si tu translationis servasses fidem, mihi necessitas non fuisset interpretationem falsam vera interpretatione subvertere. Novit conscientia tua, quae addideris, quae subtraxeris, quae in utramque partem, ut tibi visum fuerit, immutaris: et post haec audes dicere, quod et bona et mala non tibi, sed auctori debeant imputari. Et oppressus invidia adhuc verba moderaris; et quasi super aristas pendenti incedens gradu, loqueris. « Sive in illis sensibus laus est, sive culpa. » Defendere non audes, et tamen damnare non vis. Elige e duobus quod vis, optio tibi datur: si bona est interpretatio tua, lauda: si mala, condemna. Verum excusat se, et subnectit aliam stropham. Dicit enim: « Quinimmo etiam aliud adjeci, sicut in Praefatiuncula mea designavi; ut in quantum possem, aliquanta deciderem: illa tamen quae mihi ad suspicionem veniebant, quod non ab ipso Origene ita dicta, sed ab aliis viderentur esse inserta, propter hoc quod de eisdem rebus in aliis auctoris ejusdem locis catholice dictum legeram. » Mira eloquentia, et Attico flore variata: Quinimo etiam; et Quae mihi ad suspicionem veniebant. Admiror 502 ausum illum esse haec Romam verborum portenta transmittere. Compeditam putes linguam ejus, et inextricabilibus nodis ligatam, vix in humanum sonum erumpere. Sed ad causam redeam.

2.12 Origen asserts Christ to be a creature, and maintains universal restitution. Where has he contradicted this? PL 23, 435

12. We must consider the fact, which comes first, and so in order reach the inference, which comes after. Now I find among many bad things written by Origen the following most distinctly heretical: that the Son of God is a creature, that the Holy Spirit is a servant: that there are innumerable worlds, succeeding one another in eternal ages: that angels have been turned into human souls; that the soul of the Saviour existed before it was born of Mary, and that it is this soul which “being in the form of God thought it not robbery to be equal with God, but emptied itself and took the form of a servant;” that the resurrection of our bodies will be such that we shall not have the same members, since, when the functions of the members cease they will become superfluous: and that our bodies themselves will grow aërial and spirit-like, and gradually vanish and disperse into thin air and into nothing: that in the restitution of all things, when the fulness of forgiveness will have been reached, Cherubim and Seraphim, Thrones, Principalities, Dominions, Virtues, Powers, Archangels and Angels, the devil, the demons and the souls of men whether Christians Jews or Heathen, will be of one condition and degree; and when they have come to their true form and weight, and the new army of the whole race returning from the exile of the world presents a mass of rational creatures with all their dregs left behind, then will begin a new world from a new origin, and other bodies in which the souls who fall from heaven will be clothed; so that we may have to fear that we who are now men may afterwards be born women, and one who is now a virgin may chance then to be a prostitute. These things I point out as heresies in the books of Origen. It is for you to point out in which of his books you have found them contradicted.

Origenis haeretica. --Videamus, quod primum est, ut ordine venerit ad secundum. Probo ego inter multa Origenis mala, haec maxime haeretica: Dei Filium creaturam; Spiritum sanctum ministrum; mundos innumerabiles, aeternis sibi saeculis succedentes. Angelos versos in animas hominum: animam Salvatoris fuisse antequam nasceretur ex Maria: et hanc esse, quae cum in forma Dei esset, non est rapinam arbitrata aequalem se esse Deo ; sed se exinanivit, formam servi accipiens: resurrectionem nostrorum corporum sic futuram, ut eadem membra non habeant; quia cessantibus membrorum officiis, superflua membra reddantur: ipsaque corpora tenuia et spiritalia paulatim evanescere, et in auram tenuem, atque in nihilum dissipari: in restitutione omnium, quando indulgentia principalis venerit, Cherubim et Seraphim, Thronos, Principatus, Dominationes, Virtutes, Potestates, Archangelos, Angelos, Diabolum, daemones, animas omnium hominum, tam christianorum, quam Judaeorum, et Gentilium, unius conditionis, et mensurae fore. Cumque ad formam, et libram aequitatis pervenerint, et rationabiles creaturas 504 omni corporum faece deposita, novus de mundi exsilio populi revertentis monstraverit exercitus, tunc rursus ex alio principio fieri mundum alium, et alia corpora, quibus labentes de coelo animae vestiantur, ut verendum nobis sit, ne qui nunc viri sumus, postea nascamur in feminas; et quae hodie virgo, tunc [ Al. postea] forte prostibulum sit. Haec in Origenis libris ego haeretica doceo: tu ostende, in quo ejus opere his contraria legeris.

2.13 Origen asserts Christ to be a creature, and maintains universal restitution. Where has he contradicted this? PL 23, 436

13. Do not tell me that “you have found the same things treated by the same author in other places in a catholic sense,” and thus send me to search through the six thousand books of Origen which you charge the most reverend Bishop Epiphanius with having read; but mention the passages with exactness: nor will this suffice; you must produce the sentences word for word. Origen is no fool, as I well know; he cannot contradict himself. The net result arising from all this calculation is, then, that what you cut out was not due to the heretics, but to Origen himself, and that you translated the bad things he had written because you considered them good; and that both the good and the bad things in the book are to be set to your account, since you approved his writings in the Prologue.

Sex millia librorum Origenis. --Nolo dicas, Quae de eisdem rebus in aliis locis ejusdem auctoris catholice dicta legeram; ne me mittas ad sex millia librorum ejus, quos legisse beatum papam Epiphanium criminaris; sed ipsa loca nomina: nec hoc mihi sufficiet, nisi eadem dicta ad verbum protuleris. Non est fatuus Origenes, et ego novi: contraria sibi loqui non potest. Igitur ex hac supputatione illa summa [ Al. sententia] nascitur, non haereticorum esse, quae amputasti, sed Origenis, cujus ideo mala interpretatus es, quia putasti bona; et tibi tam bona, quam mala illius imputanda, cujus scripta in Prologo comprobasti.

2.14 The question is, as Anastasius says to John of Jerusalem, with what motive you translated the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν PL 23, 436

14. The next passage in this apology is as follows:

“I am neither a champion nor a defender of Origen, nor am I the first who has translated his works. Others before me have done the same thing: and I did it, the last of many, at the request of my brethren. If an order is to be given that such translations are not to be made, such an order holds good for the future, not the past: but if those are to be blamed who have made these translations before any such order was given, the blame must begin with those who took the first step.”

Here at last he has vomited forth what he wanted to say, and all his inflamed mind has broken out into this malicious accusation against me. When he translates the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν he declares that he is following me. When he is accused for having done it, he gives me as his example: whether he is in danger or out of danger, he cannot live without me. Let me tell him, therefore, what he professes not to know. No one reproaches you because you translated Origen, otherwise Hilary and Ambrose would be condemned: but because you translated a heretical work, and tried to gain support for it by praising me in the Preface. I myself, whom you criminate, translated seventy homilies of Origen, and parts of his Tomes, in order that by translating his best works I might withdraw the worst from notice: and I also have openly translated the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν to prove the falsity of your translation, so as to show the reader what to avoid. If you wish to translate Origen into Latin, you have at hand many homilies and Tomes of his, in which some topic of morality is handled or some obscure passage of Scripture is opened. Translate these; give these to those who ask them of you. Why should your first labour begin with what is infamous? And why, when you were about to translate a heretical work, did you preface and support it by the supposed book of a martyr, and force upon the ears of Romans a book the translation of which threw the world into panic? At all events, if you translate such a work with the view of exhibiting the author as a heretic, change nothing from the Greek text, and make this clear in the Preface. It is this which the Pope Anastasius most wisely embodies in the letter which he has addressed to the Bishop John against you; he frees me who have done this from all blame, but condemns you who would not do it. You will perhaps deny the existence of this letter; I have therefore subjoined a copy of it; so that, if you will not listen to your brother when he advises, you may listen to the Bishop when he condemns.

Hilarius et Ambrosius Origenis interpretes. Anastasii epistola ad Joannem Hierosolymitanum. --Sequitur in eadem Apologia: « Origenis ego neque defensor sum, nec assertor, nec primus interpres. Alii ante me hoc idem opus fecerunt [ Al. fecerant]: feci et ego postremus rogatus a fratribus. Si jubetur, ne fiat, jussio observari solet in posterum. Si culpantur, qui ante jussionem fecerunt, culpa a primis incipiat. » Tandem evomuit, quod volebat, et omnis animi tumor in nostrae accusationis erupit invidiam. Ubi interpretatur libros περὶ Ἀρχῶν, me sequi se dicit: ubi accusatur cur hoc fecerit, meum ponit exemplum; et securus, et periclitans sine me vivere non potest. Audiat igitur quod nescire se simulat. Nemo tibi objicit, quare Origenem interpretatus es, alioqui Hilarius et Ambrosius hoc crimine tenebuntur; sed quia interpretatus haeretica, Praefationis tuae laude firmasti. Ego ipse, quem in crimen vocas, sic [ Al. ideo] septuaginta Homilias ejus transtuli, et nonnulla de Tomis, ut et mala in bonorum interpretatione 505 subtraherem, et aperte in libris περὶ Ἀρχῶν ad coarguendam translationem tuam, quid lector vitaret, ostenderem. Vis Origenem in Latinum vertere? Habes multas homilias ejus et tomos, in quibus moralis tractatur locus, et Scripturarum panduntur obscura. Haec interpretare: haec rogantibus tribue. Quid primus labor tuus incipit ab infamia? Cur translaturus haeretica, in defensionem eorum praemittis quasi martyris librum, et id Romanis auribus ingeris, quod translatum totus orbis expavit? Aut certe si ideo interpretaris, ut eum haereticum arguas, nihil de Graeco mutes, et hoc ipsum praefatione testare, quod prudentissime Papa Anastasius in epistola, quam contra te scribit ad episcopum Joannem, suo sermone complexus est, me liberans, qui id feci, et te arguens, qui facere noluisti. Ac ne forsitan hoc quoque neges, subjeci exemplum ejus: ut si non vis audire fratrem monentem, audias episcopum condemnantem [ Al. calumniantem].

2.15 You pretend not to be Origen's defender, but you publish and enlarge the Apology for him and allege the heretics' falsification of his works PL 23, 437

15. You say that you are not the defender or the champion of Origen; but I will at once confront you with your own book of which you spoke in that notorious preface to your renowned work in these terms:

“The cause of this diversity I have set forth more fully for you in the Apology which Pamphilus wrote among his treatises, adding a very short document of my own, in which I have shewn by what appear to me evident proofs, that his works have been depraved in many places by heretics and ill-disposed persons, and especially those which I am now translating, the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν.”

The defence made by Eusebius, or if you will have it so, by Pamphilus, was not sufficient for you, but you must add something from your superior wisdom and learning to supply what you thought insufficient in what they had said. It would be a long business if I were to insert the whole of your book into the present treatise, and, after setting out each paragraph, to reply to each in turn, and shew what vices there are in the style, what falsehoods in the assertions, what inconsistency in the actual tissue of the language. And therefore, to avoid a redundant discussion which is distasteful to me, I will compress the verbal matter into a narrow compass, and reply to the meaning alone. As soon as he leaves the harbour he runs his ship upon a rock. He recalls the words of the Apology of the Martyr Pamphilus (which however, I have proved to be the work of Eusebius the Chief of the Arians) of which he had said, “I translated it into the Latin tongue as best I was able and as the matter demanded;” he then adds: “It is this as to which I wish to give you a charge, Macarius, man of desires, that you may feel sure that this rule of faith which I have above set forth out of his books, is such as ought to be embraced and held fast: it is clearly shewn that there is a catholic meaning in them all.” Although he took away many things from the book of Eusebius, and tried to alter in a good sense the expressions about the Son and the Holy Spirit, still there are found in it many causes of offence, and even open blasphemies, which our friend cannot refuse to accept since he pronounces them to be catholic. Eusebius (or, if you please, Pamphilus) says in that book that the Son is the Servant of the Father, the Holy Spirit is not of the same substance with the Father and the Son; that the souls of men have fallen from heaven; and, inasmuch as we have been changed from the state of Angels, that in the restitution of all things angels and devils and men will all be equal; and many other things so impious and atrocious that it would be a crime even to repeat them. The champion of Origen and translator of Pamphilus is in a strange position. If there is so much blasphemy in these parts which he has corrected, what sacrilegious things must there be in the parts which, as he pretends, have been falsified by heretics! What makes him hold this opinion, as he says, is that a man who is neither a fool nor a madman could not have said things mutually repugnant; and, that we may not suppose that he had written different things at different times, and that he put forth contrary views according to the time of writing, he has added:

“What are we to say when sometimes in the same place, and, so to speak, almost in the following paragraph, a sentence with an opposite meaning is found inserted? Can we believe that, in the same work and in the same book, and sometimes, as I have said in the sentence immediately following, he can have forgotten his own words? For example, could he who had before said, we can find no passage throughout the Scriptures in which the Holy Spirit is said to be created or made, immediately add that the Holy Spirit was made among the rest of the creatures? or again, could he who defined the Father and the Son to be of one substance, that namely which is called in Greek Homoousion, say in the following portions that he was of another substance, and that he was created, when but a little before he had declared him to be born from the nature of God the Father?”

Rufinus Origenis defensor probatur. Eusebius Arianorum princeps. Rufini praefatio in Apologiam Pamphili pro Origene. --Dicis te non esse defensorem, neque assertorem Origenis: jam nunc tibi proferam librum tuum de quo in famosa illa praefatiuncula praeclari operis tui his verbis loqueris: « Cujus diversitatis causam plenius tibi in Apologetico, quem Pamphilus in libris suis scripsit, edidimus brevissimo libello superaddito, in quo evidentibus, ut arbitror, probamentis, corruptos esse in quamplurimis ab haereticis et malevolis libros ejus ostendimus, et praecipue istos, quos nunc exigis ut interpreter, id est, περὶ Ἀρχῶν. » Non tibi suffecerat Eusebii, vel certe ut tu vis, Pamphili pro Origene defensio, nisi quod ab illis minus dictum putabas, tu quasi sapientior et doctior adderes? Longum est, si velim totum librum tuum huic operi inserere, et propositis capitulis ad singula respondere, quid in his vitiorum sermo habeat, quid mendaciorum assertio, quid inconsequens textus ipse verborum. Unde laciniosae disputationis fastidia fugiens, et in arctum verba compingens, tantum sensibus respondebo. Statim de portu egrediens, navem impegit. Referens enim de Apologia Pamphili martyris (quam nos Eusebii, Arianorum principis, probavimus) de qua dixerat, Prout potuimus, 506 vel res poposcit, Latino sermone digessimus, intulit: « Illud est, quod, desideriorum vir, Macari, te admonitum volo, ut scias hanc quidem fidei regulam, quam de libris ejus supra exposuimus, esse talem, quae et amplectenda et tenenda sit. In omnibus enim his catholicum inesse sensum evidenter probatur. » Quamvis de Eusebii libro multa subtraxerit, et in bonam partem de Filio, et Spiritu sancto nisus sit commutare; tamen multa in illo scandala reperiuntur, et apertissimae blasphemiae, quae iste sua negare non poterit, catholica esse pronuntians. Dicit Eusebius, immo (ut tu vis) Pamphilus, in isto volumine, Filium Patris ministrum: Spiritum sanctum non de eadem Patris Filiique substantia: animas hominum lapsas esse de coelo: et in hoc quod sumus de Angelis commutati, in restitutione omnium aequales et Angelos, et daemones, et homines fore; et multa alia tam impia, et nefaria, quae etiam replicare sit criminis. Quid faciet assertor Origenis, et interpres Pamphili? Si in his, quae emendavit, tanta blasphemia est; in illis, quae ab haereticis falsata confingit, quanta sacrilegia continentur? Cujus opinionis causam hanc suspicatur, quod vir neque stultus, neque insanus dicere sibi repugnantia non potuerit. Et ne forsitan putaremus diversis eum varia scripsisse temporibus, et pro aetatibus edidisse contraria, addidit: « Quid facimus, quod interdum in eisdem locis, atque, ut ita dixerim, in consequenti pene capite sententia contrarii sensus invenitur inserta? Numquid in eodem opere ejusdem libri, et interdum, ut diximus, statim in consequenti capitulo, oblitus sui esse potuit? Verbi gratia, ut qui superius dixerat, nusquam inveniri in omni Scriptura, ubi Spiritus sanctus factus, vel creatus esse diceretur, continuo subjiceret, inter caeteras creaturas factum esse Spiritum sanctum? Aut iterum, qui Patrem et Filium unius substantiae, quod Graece ὁμοούσιον dicitur, designavit: in consequentibus statim capitulis alterius esse substantiae, et creatum poterat dicere eum, quem paulo ante de ipsa natura Dei Patris pronuntiaverat natum? »

2.16 Your defence gains no support from Eusebius or Didymus, who, each for his own reason, defend the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν as it stands PL 23, 438

16. These are his own words, he cannot deny them. Now I do not want to be put off with such expressions as “since he said above” but I want to have the name of the book in which he first spoke rightly and then wrongly: in which he first says that the Holy Spirit and the Son are of the substance of God, and in what immediately follows declares that they are creatures. Do you not know that I possess the whole of Origen’s works and have read a vast number of them?

“Your trappings to the mob! I know you well;

What lies within and on the skin I see.”

Eusebius who was a very learned man, (observe I say learned not catholic: you must not, according to your wont make this a ground for calumniating me) takes up six volumes with nothing else but the attempt to shew that Origen is of his way of believing, that is of the Arian perfidy. He brings out many test-passages, and effectually proves his point. In what dream in an Alexandrian prison was the revelation given to you on the strength of which you make out these passages to be falsified which he accepts as true? But possibly he being an Arian, took in these additions of the heretics to support his own error, so that he should not be thought to be the only one who had held false opinions contrary to the Church. What answer will you make, then, as to Didymus, who certainly is catholic as regards the Trinity? You know that I translated his book on the Holy Spirit into Latin. He surely could not have assented to the passages in Origen’s works which were added by heretics; yet he wrote some short commentaries on the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν which you have translated; in these he never denies that what is there written was written by Origen, but only tries to persuade us simple people that we do not understand his meaning and how these passages ought to be taken in a good sense. So much on the Son and the Holy Spirit alone. But in reference to the rest of Origen’s doctrines, both Eusebius and Didymus adhere to his views, and defend, as said in a catholic and Christian sense, what all the churches reprobate.

Eusebius et Didymus in Origenis scita concedunt, --Haec ipsius verba sunt, negare 507 non potest. Nolo dicas: Verbi causa, ut qui superius dixerat; sed ipsum librum nomina, ubi prius bene dixerit, et postea male: ubi Spiritum sanctum, et Filium de Dei Patris scribens esse substantia, statim in consequentibus asseruerit creaturas. Nescisne me Origenis habere omnia? legisse quamplurima?

Ad populum phaleras, ego te intus, et in cute novi.

Vir doctissimus Eusebius (doctissimum dixi, non catholicum, ne more solito, mihi et in hoc calumniam struas) per sex volumina nihil aliud agit, nisi ut Origenem suae ostendat fidei, id est, Arianae perfidiae. Et multa ponit exempla, et hoc constanter probat. Tibi ergo in quo somnio Alexandrini carceris revelatum est, ut quae ille vera profitetur, falsata confingas? Sed forsitan hic, ut Arianus, ab haereticis addita, in occasionem sui traxit erroris, ne solus male sensisse contra Ecclesiam putaretur. Quid respondebis pro Didymo, qui certe in Trinitate catholicus est? Cujus etiam nos de Spiritu sancto librum in Latinam linguam vertimus . Certe hic in his, quae ab haereticis in Origenis operibus addita sunt, consentire non potuit; et in ipsis περὶ Ἀρχῶν, quos tu interpretatus es libris, breves dictavit Commentariolos, quibus non negaret ab Origene scripta, quae scripta sunt: sed nos simplices homines non posse intelligere, quae dicuntur: et quo sensu in bonam partem accipi debeant, persuadere conatur. Hoc dumtaxat de Filio, et Spiritu sancto. Caeterum in aliis dogmatibus et Eusebius, et Didymus apertissime in Origenis scita concedunt, et quod omnes Ecclesiae reprobant, catholice et pie dictum esse defendunt.

2.17 If we may allege falsification at every turn we make a chaos of all past literature PL 23, 439

17. But let us consider what are the arguments by which he tries to prove that Origen’s writings have been corrupted by the heretics.

“Clement,” he says, “who was the disciple of the Apostles, and who succeeded the apostles both in the episcopate and in martyrdom, wrote the books which go by the name of Anagnorismus, that is, Recognitions. In these, though, speaking generally, the doctrine which is set forth in the name of the Apostle Peter is genuinely apostolical, yet in certain passages the doctrine of Eunomius is brought in such a way as that you would suppose Eunomius himself to be conducting the argument and asserting his view that the Son was created out of nothing.”

And, after a passage too long to reproduce, he adds:

“What then are we to think of these facts? Must we believe that an Apostolic man wrote heresy? or is it not more likely that men of perverse mind, wishing to gain support for their own doctrines, and win easier credit for them, introduced under the names of holy men views which they cannot be believed either to have held or to have written down?”

He tells us that Clement the presbyter of Alexandria also, who was a catholic man, writes at times in his works that the Son of God is created; and that Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, a most learned man, in the four books in which he controverted the doctrines of Sabellius, lapses into the dogma of Arius. What he aims at by quoting these instances is not to shew that Churchmen and catholics have erred, but that their writings have been corrupted by heretics, and he closes the discussion with these words:

“And when we find in Origen a certain diversity of doctrine, just as we have found it in those of whom we have spoken above, will it not be sufficient for us to believe the same in his case which we believe or understand in the case of the catholic men whom we have passed in review? Will not the same defence hold good when the case is the same?”

If, I reply, we admit that everything in a book which is offensive is corruptly inserted by others, nothing will remain belonging to the author under whose name the book passes, but everything can be assigned to those by whom it is supposed to have been corrupted. But then it will not belong to them either, since we do not know who they were: and the result will be that every book belongs to everybody and nothing to any one in particular. In this confusion which this method of defence introduces, it will be impossible to convict Marcion of error, or Manichæus or Arius or Eunomius; because, as soon as we point out a statement of their unbelief, their disciples will answer that was not what the master wrote, but was corruptly inserted by his opponents. According to this principle, this very book of yours will not be yours nor mine. And as to this very book in which I am making reply to your accusations, whatever you find fault with in it will be held not be written by me but by you who now find fault with it. And further, while you assign everything to the heretics, there will be nothing left which you can assign to churchmen as their own.

But you may ask, How is it then that in their books some false views occur? Well, if I answer that I do not know the parties whence these false views came, I must not be thought to have said that they are heretics. It is possible that they may have fallen into error unawares, or that the words bore a different meaning, or that they may have been gradually corrupted by unskilful copyists. It must be admitted that, before Arius arose in Alexandria as a demon of the south, things were said incautiously which cannot be defended against a malevolent criticism. But when glaring faults are exposed in Origen, you do not defend him but accuse others; you do not deny the faults, but summon up a host of criminals. If you were asked to name those who have been the companions of Origen in his heresies, it would be right enough to call in these others. But what you are now asked to tell us is whether those statements in the books of Origen are good or evil; and you say nothing, but bring in irrelevant matters, such as: This is what Clement says; this is an error of which Dionysius is found guilty; these are the words in which the bishop Athanasius defends the error of Dionysius; in a similar way the writings of the Apostle have been tampered with: and then, while the charge of heresy is fastened upon you, you say nothing in your own defence, but make confessions about me. I make no accusations, and am content with answering for myself. I am not what you try to prove me: whether you are what you are accused of being, is for you to consider. The fact that I am acquitted of blame does not prove me innocent nor the fact that you are accused prove you a criminal.

Rufinus de adulteratione librorum Origenis. --Videamus tamen, quibus argumentis probare nitatur Origenis ab haereticis scripta vitiata. « Clemens, inquit, Apostolorum discipulus, qui Romanae Ecclesiae post Apostolos episcopus et martyr fuit, libros edidit, qui appellantur ἀναγνωρισμὸς, id est, recognitio, in quibus quum ex persona Petri Apostoli doctrina, quasi vere apostolica in quamplurimis exponatur: in aliquibus ita Eunomii dogma inseritur, ut nihil aliud quam ipse Eunomius disputare credatur, Filium Dei creatum 508 de nullis exstantibus asseverans. » Et post alia, quae prolixum est, scribere: « Quid, quaeso, ait, de his sentiendum est, quod Apostolicus vir haeretica scripserit? An id potius credendum, quod perversi homines ad assertionem dogmatum suorum sub virorum sanctorum nomine, tamquam facilius credenda, interseruerint ea, quae illi nec sensisse, nec scripsisse credendi sunt? » Clementem quoque Alexandrinae Ecclesiae presbyterum, virum catholicum, scribit in libris suis interdum Dei Filium dicere creatum: et Dionysium Alexandrinae urbis episcopum, virum eruditissimum, contra Sabellium quatuor voluminibus disputantem, in Arianum dogma delabi. Et sub his exemplis illud agit, ut non ecclesiasticos, et catholicos viros male sensisse, sed ab haereticis eorum scripta corrupta esse testetur, et concludat ad extremum, dicens: « De Origene quoque, in quo similiter, ut in his quos supra diximus, quaedam diversitas invenitur, istud non sufficiat sentire, quod de praejudicatis jam catholicis sentitur, vel intelligitur viris, ne similis causae, similis sufficiat excusatio. » Si conceditur, ut quidquid in libris noxium reperitur, ab aliis corruptum sit [ Al. id si ita est nihil, etc. ], nihil eorum erit, quorum fertur nominibus; sed his deputabitur, a quibus dicitur esse vitiatum. Quamquam et illorum non erit, quorum incerta sunt nomina: atque ita fiet, ut dum omnium omnia sunt, nihil alicujus sit. Hac defensionis perturbatione nec Marcion, nec Manichaeus, nec Arius, nec Eunomius accusari poterunt: quia quidquid nos ab his impie dictum objecerimus, discipuli respondebunt, non a magistris suis ita editum [ Al. dictum], sed ab inimicis esse violatum. Hoc genere et iste ipse tuus liber, tuus non erit, sed forsitan meus. Et meus liber, quo tibi accusatus respondeo, si in illo aliquid reprehenderis, non erit meus, sed tuus, a quo reprehenditur. Et dum omnia ad haereticos refers, quid Ecclesiasticis tribues, quibus proprium nihil relinquis? Et quomodo, inquies, in libris eorum vitiosa nonnulla sunt? Si me causas vitiorum nescire respondero, non statim illos haereticos judicabo. Fieri enim potest, ut vel simpliciter erraverint, 509 vel alio sensu scripserint, vel a librariis imperitis eorum paulatim scripta corrupta sint. Vel certe antequam in Alexandria quasi daemonium meridianum Arius nasceretur, innocenter quaedam, et minus caute locuti sunt, et quae non possint perversorum hominum calumniam declinare. Objiciuntur Origeni crimina, et tu non illum defendis, sed alios accusas; nec crimen renuis, sed criminosorum turbam requiris. Si tibi diceretur, quos habet Origenes in haeresi socios, recte ista proferes. Nunc a te quaeritur, haec quae in Origenis libris scripta reperiuntur, bona sint an mala? Taces, et pro his alia loqueris. Clemens hoc ait: Dionysius in isto errore deprehenditur: Athanasius [ Al. Anastasius] episcopus sic Dionysii defendit errorem: Apostolorum scripta similiter depravata sunt; quomodo et nunc ab aliis tibi haereseos crimen impingitur, et tu pro te taces, et pro me confiteris. Ego neminem accuso, pro me tantum respondisse contentus. Non sum quod arguis: si tu es quod accusaris, ipse videris. Nec absolutio mea me, nec reatus te, aut innocentem, aut obnoxium crimini probabunt.

2.18 The object of Origen's letter, of which he translates only a part, is not to shew the falsification of his writings but to vituperate the Bishops who condemned him PL 23, 440

18. After this preface as to the falsification by heretics of the apostles, of both the Clements, and of Dionysius, he at last comes to Origen; and these are his words:

“I have shewn from his own words and writings how he himself complains of this and deplores it: He explains clearly in the letter which he wrote to some of his intimate friends at Alexandria what he suffered while living here in the flesh and in the full enjoyment of his senses, by the corruption of his books and treatises, or by spurious editions of them.”

He subjoins a copy of this letter; and he who implores to the heretics the falsification of Origen’s writings himself begins by falsifying them, for he does not translate the letter as he finds it in the Greek, and does not convey to the Latins what Origen states in his letter. The object of the whole letter is to assail Demetrius the Pontiff of Alexandria, and to inveigh against the bishops throughout the world, and to tell them that their excommunication of him is invalid; he says further that he has no intention of retorting their evil speaking; indeed he is so much afraid of evil speaking that he does not dare to speak evil even of the devil; insomuch that he gave occasion to Candidus an adherent of the errors of Valentinian to represent him falsely as saying that the devil is of such a nature as could be saved. But our friend takes no notice of the real purport of the letter, and makes up for Origen an argument which he does not use. I have therefore translated a part of the letter, beginning a little way below what has been already spoken of, and have appended it to the part which has been translated by him in a curtailed and disingenuous manner, so that the reader may perceive the object with which he suppressed the earlier part. He is contending, then, against the Bishops of the church generally, because they had judged him unworthy of its communion; and he continues as follows:

“Why need I speak of the language in which the prophets constantly threaten and reprove the pastors, elders, the priests and the princes? These things you can of yourselves without my aid draw out from the Holy Scriptures, and you may clearly see that it may well be the present time of which it is said ‘Trust not in your friends, and do not hope in princes,’ and that the prophecy is now gaining its fulfilment, ‘The leaders of my people have not known me; my sons are fools and not wise: they are wise to do evil, but know not to do good.’ We ought to pity them, not to hate them, to pray for them, not to curse them. For we have been created for blessing, not for cursing. Therefore even Michael, when he disputed against the devil concerning the body of Moses, did not dare to bring a railing accusation even for so great an evil, but said; ‘The Lord rebuke thee.’ And we read something similar in Zachariah, ‘The Lord rebuke thee, O Satan; the Lord which hath chosen Jerusalem rebuke thee.’ So also we desire that those who will not humbly accept the rebuke of their neighbours may be rebuked of the Lord. But, since Michael says, ‘The Lord rebuke thee, O Satan,’ and Zechariah says the same, the devil knows well whether the Lord rebukes him or not; and must acknowledge the manner of the rebuke.”

Then, after a passage too long to insert here, he adds:

“We believe that not only those who have committed great sins will be cast out from the kingdom of heaven, such as fornicators and adulterers, and those who defile themselves with mankind, and thieves, but those also who have done evil of a less flagrant kind, since it is written; ‘Neither drunkards nor evil speakers shall inherit the kingdom of God;’ and that the standard by which men will be judged is as much the goodness as the severity of God. Therefore we strive to act thoughtfully in all things, in drinking wine, and in moderation of language, so that we dare not speak evil of any man. Now, because, through the fear of God, we are careful not to utter maledictions against any one, remembering that the words ‘He dared not bring against him a railing accusation,’ are spoken of Michael in his dealing with the devil; as it is said also in another place, ‘They set at naught dominions and rail at dignities;’ certain of these men who seek for matters of contention, ascribe to us and our teaching the blasphemy (as to which they have to lay to heart the words which apply to them, ‘Neither drunkards nor evil speakers shall inherit the kingdom of God’), namely, that the father of wickedness and perdition of those who shall be cast out of the kingdom of God can be saved; a thing which not even a madman can say.”

The rest which comes in the same letter he has set down instead of the later words of Origen which I have translated: “Now, because through the fear of God we are careful not to utter maledictions against any one,” and so on; he fraudulently cuts off the earlier part, on which the later depends, and begins to translate the letter, as though the former part began with this statement, and says:

“Some of those who delight in bringing complaints against their neighbours, ascribe to us and our teaching the crime of a blasphemy, which we have never spoken, (as to which they must consider whether they are willing to stand by the decree which says ‘The evil speakers shall not inherit the kingdom of God,’) for they say that I assert that the father of the wickedness and perdition of those who shall be cast out of the kingdom of God, that is, the devil, will be saved; a thing which no man even though he had taken leave of his senses and was manifestly insane could say.”

Epistola Origenis ad amicos Alexandriae. Origenianae epistolae prior pars. --Praemissa falsatione ab haereticis, apostolorum, et utriusque Clementis, atque Dionysii, venit ad Origenem, et his verbis loquitur: « Ipsius hoc conquerentis et deplorantis scriptis ac vocibus prabavimus. Quid enim ipse cum adhuc in carne vivens, sentiens, vidensque perpessus sit de librorum suorum, vel sermonum corruptionibus, vel adulterinis editionibus, ex ipsius epistola quam scribit ad quosdam charos suos Alexandriam, evidenter docetur. » Statimque exemplum subjungit epistolae; et qui falsitatem scriptorum Origenis haereticis imputat, ipse incipit a falsitate: non ita interpretans ut habetur in Graeco, nec id Latinis insinuans, quod ipse in suis litteris profitetur. Cumque illa epistola tota Demetrium Alexandrinae urbis pontificem laceret, et in totius orbis episcopos et clericos invehatur, et frustra ab Ecclesiis excommunicatum esse se dicat, nec velle in maledictis referre vicem, ne scilicet maledicus videatur esse homo, qui in tantum cautus sit ad maledicendum, ut ne diabolo quidem audeat maledicere; unde et Candido Valentiniani dogmatis sectatori, calumniandi se occasionem 510 dederit, quod diabolum salvandae dixerit esse naturae: hic dissimulato argumento epistolae, fingit pro Origene, quod ille non loquitur. Unde epistolae ipsius partem paululum ex superioribus transtuli, et his junxi, quae ab ipso commatice doloseque translata sunt, ut quo consilio superiora tacuerit, ipse lector agnoscat. Contra sacerdotes ergo Ecclesiae generaliter disputans, a quibus indignus communione ejus fuerat judicatus, haec intulit: « Quid necesse est de prophetarum sermonibus dicere, quibus saepissime pastoribus, et majoribus natu, et sacerdotibus, ac principibus populi comminantur et arguunt eos? Quae absque nobis de sanctis Scripturis elicere potestis, et liquido pervidere, quod forsitan hoc tempus sit, de quo dicitur: Nolite credere amicis, nec speretis in principibus . Et nunc impleatur vaticinium: Duces populi mei me nescierunt, filii stulti sunt, et non sunt sapientes. Sapientes sunt, ut faciant mala, bene autem facere nesciunt ; quorum magis misereri quam eos odisse debemus, et orare pro illis, quam eis maledicere. Ad benedicendum enim, et non ad maledicendum creati sumus. Unde et Michael cum adversus diabolum disputaret de Moysi corpore, ne tanto quidem malo ausus est judicium inferre blasphemiae, sed dixit: Increpet tibi Dominus . Cui quid simile etiam in Zacharia legimus: Increpet tibi Dominus, diabole: et increpet Dominus in te, qui elegit Jerusalem . Itaque et nos cupimus increpari a Domino eos qui nolunt cum humilitate a proximis increpari. Dicente autem Michaele: Increpet tibi Dominus, diabole; et Zacharia similiter: utrum increpet, an non increpet Deus diabolum, ipse viderit. Et si increpat, quomodo increpet, ipse agnoscat. » Et post multa quae prolixum est scribere, addit: « Nos hoc sentimus quod ejicientur de regno coelorum, non solum qui grandia peccaverunt, verbi gratia, fornicatores et adulteri, et masculorum concubitores, et fures, sed et qui minora deliquerunt, ex eo quod scriptum est: Neque ebriosi, neque maledici regnum Dei possidebunt ; et tam in bonitate quam in severitate Dei esse mensuram. Unde cuncta nitimur agere consilio: in vini quoque potu, et in moderatione sermonis, ut nulli audeamus maledicere. Ergo cum propter 511 Dei timorem caveamus in quempiam maledicta conferre, recordantes illius dicti, Non fuit ausus judicium inferre blasphemiae, quod dicitur de Michaele contra diabolum; et in alio loco: Dominationes quidem reprobant, glorias autem blasphemant: quidam eorum qui libenter contentiones reperiunt, ascribunt nobis et nostrae doctrinae blasphemiam, super qua ipsi viderint, quomodo illud audiant: Neque ebriosi, neque maledici regnum Dei possidebunt: licet patrem malitiae et perditionis eorum, qui de regno Dei ejicientur, dicant posse salvari, quod ne mente quidem quis captus dicere potest. » Caetera quidem ex eadem epistola transtulit pro hoc, quod in fine verborum Origenis interpretati sumus. « Ergo cum propter timorem Dei caveamus in quempiam maledicta conferre, » et reliqua: iste fraudulenter amputatis superioribus, ex quibus inferiora dependent, sic coepit transferre epistolam, quasi hoc sensu superius esset exordium, et ait: « Quidam eorum qui libenter habent criminari proximos suos, ascribunt nobis et doctrinae nostrae crimen blasphemiae, quod a nobis nusquam audierunt: de quo ipsi viderint, nolentes observare mandatum illud quod dicit: Quia maledici regnum Dei non possidebunt; dicentes asserere me patrem malitiae et perditionis eorum qui de regno Dei ejiciuntur, id est diabolum, esse salvandum: quod ne aliquis quidem mente motus et manifeste insaniens dicere potest. »

2.19 It is only in reference to a particular point in his dispute with Candidus that Origen alleges this falsification. The story of Hilary's being condemned through his writings having been falsified has no foundation PL 23, 442

19. Now compare the words of Origen, which I have translated word for word above, with these which by him have been turned into Latin, or rather overturned; and you will see clearly how great a discrepancy between them there is, not only of word but of meaning. I beg you not to consider my translation wearisome because it is longer; for the object I had in translating the whole passage was to exhibit the purpose which he had in suppressing the earlier part. There exists in Greek a dialogue between Origen and Candidus the defender of the heresy of Valentinian, in which I confess it seems to me when I read it that I am looking on at a fight between two Andabatian gladiators. Candidus maintains that the Son is of the substance of the Father, falling into the error of asserting a Probolé or Production. On the other side, Origen, like Arius and Eunomius, refuses to admit that He is produced or born, lest God the Father should thus be divided into parts; but he says that He was a sublime and most excellent creation who came into being by the will of the Father like other creatures. They then come to a second question. Candidus asserts that the devil is of a nature wholly evil which can never be saved. Against this Origen rightly asserts that he is not of perishable substance, but that it is by his own will that he fell and can be saved. This Candidus falsely turns into a reproach against Origen, as if he had said that the diabolical nature could be saved. What therefore Candidus had falsely accused him of, Origen refutes. But we see that in this Dialogue alone Origen accuses the heretics of having falsified his writings, not in the other books about which no question was ever raised. Otherwise, if we are to believe that all which is heretical is not due to Origen but to the heretics, while almost all his books are full of these errors, nothing of Origen’s will remain, but everything must be the work of those of whose names we are ignorant.

It is not enough for him to calumniate the Greeks and the men of old time, about whom the distance either of time or space gives him the power to tell any falsehood he pleases. He comes to the Latins, and first takes the case of Hilary the Confessor, whose book, he states, was falsified by the heretics after the Council of Ariminum. A question arose about him on this account in a council of bishops, and he then ordered the book to be brought from his own house. The book in its heretical shape was in his desk, though he did not know it; and when it was produced, the author of the book was condemned as a heretic and excommunicated, and left the council room. This is the story, a mere dream of his own, which he tells to his intimates; and he imagines his authority to be so great that no one will dare to contradict him when he says such things. I will ask him a few questions. In what city was the synod held by which Hilary was excommunicated? What were the names of the Bishops present? Who subscribed the sentence? Who were content, and who non-content? Who were the consuls of the year? and who was the emperor who ordered the assembly of the council? Were the Bishops present those of Gaul alone, or of Italy and Spain as well? and for what purpose was the council called together? You tell us none of these things; yet, in order to defend Origen, you treat as a criminal and as excommunicated a man of the highest eloquence, the very clarion of the Latin tongue against the Arians. But we are in the presence of a confessor, and even his calumnies must be borne with patience. He next passes to Cyprian the illustrious martyr, and he tells us that a book by Tertullian entitled “On the Trinity” is read as one of his works by the partisans of the Macedonian heresy at Constantinople. In this charge of his he tells two falsehoods. The book in question is not Tertullian’s, nor does it pass under the name of Cyprian. It is by Novatian and is called by his name; the peculiarity of the style proves the authorship of the work.

Dialogus Candidi Origenis. Liber Novatiani de Trinitate. --Conferte Origenis verba, quae supra ad verbum transtuli, his quae ab isto non versa sunt, sed eversa, et quantam inter se non solum verborum, sed et sensuum habeant dissonantiam, perspicietis. 512 Obsecro ne molesta sit vobis prolixior interpretatio. Idcirco enim omnia vertimus, ut quo consilio superiora tacuerit, probaremus. Habetur dialogus apud Graecos Origenis, et Candidi Valentinianae haereseos defensoris, in quo duos Audabatas digladiantes inter se spectasse me fateor. Dicit Candidus Filium de Patris esse substantia, errans in eo quod προβολὴν, id est, prolationem asserit. E regione. Origenes juxta Arium et Eunomium repugnat, eum vel prolatum esse, vel natum, ne Deus Pater dividatur in partes; sed dicit sublimem et excellentissimam creaturam voluntate exstitisse Patris, sicut et caeteras creaturas. Rursus ad secundam veniunt quaestionem. Asserit Candidus diabolum pessimae esse naturae, et quae salvari nunquam possit. Contra hoc recte Origenes respondit, non eum periturae esse substantiae, sed voluntate propria corruisse, et posse salvari. Hoc Candidus vertit in calumniam, quasi Origenes dixerit, diaboli naturam esse salvandam: quod ille falso objecerat, hic refutat. Et intelligimus in hoc tantum dialogo ab Origene argui haereticam falsitatem, et non in caeteris libris, de quibus nunquam quaestio fuit. Alioqui si omnia quae haeretica sunt, non erunt Origenis, sed haereticorum: omnes autem propemodum illius tomi his erroribus pleni sunt; nihil Origenis erit, sed eorum, quorum ignoramus vocabula. Non ei sufficit Graecos et antiquos calumniari, de quibus pro vetustate temporum et longinquitate regionum habet licentiam quidquid voluerit mentiendi; venit ad Latinos, et primum ponit Hilarium confessorem, quod post Ariminensem synodum liber 513 illius falsatus ab haereticis sit. Et ob hanc causam cum in concilio episcoporum ei quaestio moveretur, proferri librum de domo sua jusserit: qui, nesciente se, in scriniis suis haereticus tenebatur. Cumque prolatus fuisset, et ab omnibus haereticus judicatus, auctor libri excommunicatus, de concilii conventione discesserit. Et tantae auctoritatis se putat, ut cum hoc familiaribus suis narrat somnium, nemo ei contra confessorem ista simulanti audeat contradicere. Responde, quaeso; synodus, a qua excommunicatus est, in qua urbe fuit? Dic episcoporum vocabula: profer sententias subscriptionum, vel diversitatem, vel consonantiam. Doce qui eo anno consules fuerint, quis imperator hanc synodum jusserit congregari: Galliaene tantum episcopi fuerint, an et Italiae, et Hispaniae: certe quam ob causam synodus congregata sit. Nihil horum nominas, sed virum eloquentissimum, et contra Arianos Latini sermonis tubam, ut Origenem defendas, excommunicatum a synodo criminaris. Sed confessoris calumnia utcumque toleranda est. Transit ad inclytum martyrem Cyprianum, et dicit Tertulliani librum, cui titulus est, de Trinitate, sub nomine ejus Constantinopoli a Macedonianae partis haereticis lectitari. In quo crimine mentitur duo. Nam nec Tertulliani liber est, nec Cypriani dicitur; sed Novatiani, cujus et inscribitur titulo: et auctoris eloquium, styli proprietas demonstrat.

2.20 That which you tell about myself in Damasus' council is mere after-dinner gossip PL 23, 444

20. What nonsense is this out of which they fabricate a charge against me! It seems hardly worth while to notice it. It is a story of my own about the council held by Damasus Bishop of Rome, and I, under the name of a certain friend of his, am attacked for it. He had given me some papers about church affairs to get copied; and the story describes a trick practised by the Apollinarians who borrowed one of these, a book of Athanasius’ to read in which occur the words ‘Dominicus homo,’ and falsified it by first scratching out the words, and then writing them in again on the erasure, so that it might appear, not that the book had been falsified by them, but that the words had been added by me. I beg you, my dearest friend, that in these matters of serious interest to the church, where doctrinal truth is in question, and we are seeking for the authority of our predecessors for the well-being of our souls to put away silly stuff of this kind, and not take mere after-dinner stories as if they were arguments. For it is quite possible that, even after you have heard the true story from me, another who does not know it may declare that it is made up, and composed in elegant language by you like a mine of Philistion or a song of Lentulus or Marcellus.

Fabella de Hieronymo. --Et superfluum puto apertas ineptias confutare, cum mihi mea ingeratur fabella, a synodo videlicet, et sub nomine cujusdam amici Damasi Romanae urbis episcopi ego petar, cui ille ecclesiasticas epistolas dictandas tradidit, et Apollinariorum versutiae describantur, quod Athanasii librum ubi Dominicus homo scriptus est, ad 514 legendum acceptum, ita corruperint, ut in litura id quod raserint, rursus scriberent, ut scilicet non ab illis falsatum, sed a me additum putaretur. Quaeso te, amice charissime, ut in Ecclesiasticis tractatibus, ubi de veritate dogmatum quaeritur, et de salute animarum nostrarum, majorum flagitatur auctoritas, hujuscemodi deliramenta dimittas, et prandiorum coenarumque fabulas pro argumento non teneas veritatis. Fieri enim potest, ut etiam si a me verum audisti, alius qui hujus rei ignarus est, dicat a te esse compositum: et quasi mimum Philistionis, vel Lentuli, ac Marulli stropham eleganti sermone confictam.

2.21 The attack on Epiphanius as a plagiarist of Origen is an outrage on the Bishops generally. Origen never wrote 6000 books PL 23, 444

21. To what point will not rashness reach when once the reins which check it are relaxed? After telling us of the excommunication of Hilary, the heretical book falsely bearing the name of Cyprian, the successive erasure and insertion in the work of Athanasius made while I was asleep, he as a last effort breaks forth into an attack upon the pope Epiphanius: the chagrin engendered in his heart because Epiphanius in the letter which he wrote to the bishop John had called him a heretic, he pours out in his apology for Origen, and comforts himself with these words:

“The whole truth, which has been hidden, must here be laid bare. It is impossible that any man should exercise so unrighteous a judgment as to judge unequally where the cases are equal. But the fact is, the prompters of those who defame Origen are men who either make it a habit to discourse in the churches at great length or write books, the whole of which, both books and discourse are taken from Origen. To prevent men therefore from discovering their plagiarism, the crime of which can be concealed so long as they act ungratefully towards their master, they deter all simple persons from reading him. One of them, who considers himself to have a necessity laid upon him to speak evil of Origen through every nation and tongue, as if that were to preach the Gospel, once declared in the audience of a vast multitude of the brethren that he had read six thousand of his books. If he read them, as he is wont to declare, in order to know what harm there was in him, ten or twenty books, or at most thirty, would have been sufficient for that knowledge. To read six thousand books is not like one who wants to know the harm and the errors that are in him, but like one who consecrates almost his whole life to studies conducted under his tuition. How then can he claim to be listened to when he blames those who, for the sake of instruction, have read a small portion of his works, taking care to maintain whole their own system of belief and their piety?”

De S. Epiphanio querela. --Quo non perveniat semel effrenata temeritas? Post excommunicationem Hilarii, post Cypriani ψευδεπίγραφον haereseos librum, post Athanasii, me dormitante, lituram, simul et inscriptionem, erupit aliquando contra Papam Epiphanium, et dolorem pectoris sui, quod eum in epistola quam ad Joannem episcopum scripserat, haereticum arguit, in Apologia pro Origine digerit, et his se sermonibus consolatur: « Quin potius aperienda est hoc in loco veritas latens. Non enim possibile est, tam iniquo judicio uti quemquam hominum, ut de causa aequali non aequaliter sentiat. Sed quod auctores obtrectatorum ejus hi sunt, qui vel in Ecclesia disputare latius solent, vel etiam libros scribere, qui totum de Origene vel loquuntur, vel scribunt. Ne ergo plures ipsorum furta cognoscant, quae utique si ingrati in magistrum non essent, nequaquam criminosa viderentur, simpliciores quosque ab ejus lectione deterrent. Denique quidam ex ipsis, qui se velut evangelizandi necessitatem per omnes gentes et per omnes linguas habere putat, de Origene male loquendi, sex millia librorum ejus se legisse, quam plurima 515 fratrum multitudine audiente, confessus est. Qui si utique (ut ipse dicere solet) pro cognoscendis ejus malis legebat, sufficere poterant decem libri ad cognoscendum, aut viginti certe, aut ut plurimum triginta. Sex millia autem librorum legere, non jam est errores ac mala velle cognoscere, sed totam pene vitam disciplinis ejus ac studiis dedere. Quomodo ergo iste merito audiendus est, quum eos culpat, qui instructionis suae causa perpauca ejus (salva fidei regula atque integra pietate) legerunt? »

2.22 The attack on Epiphanius as a plagiarist of Origen is an outrage on the Bishops generally. Origen never wrote 6000 books PL 23, 445

22. Who are these men who are wont to dispute at such great length in the churches, and to write books, and whose discourses and writings are taken wholly from Origen; these men who are afraid of their literary thefts becoming known, and shew ingratitude towards their master, and who therefore deter men of simple mind from reading him? You ought to mention them by name, and designate the men themselves. Are the reverend bishops Anastasius and Theophilus, Venerius and Chromatius, and the whole council of the Catholics both in the East and in the West, who publicly denounce him as a heretic, to be esteemed to be plagiarists of his books? Are we to believe that, when they preach in the churches, they do not preach the mysteries of the Scriptures, but merely repeat what they have stolen from Origen? Is it not enough for you to disparage them all in general, but you must specially aim the spear of your pen against a reverend and eminent Bishop of the church? Who is this who considers that he has a necessity laid on him of reviling Origen, as the Gospel which he must preach among all nations and tongues? this man who proclaimed in the audience of a vast multitude of the brethren that he had read six thousand of his books? You yourself were in the very centre of that multitude and company of the brethren, when, as he complains in his letter, the monstrous doctrines of Origen were enlarged upon by you. Is it to be imputed to him as a crime that he knows the Greek, the Syrian, the Hebrew, the Egyptian, and in part also the Latin language? Then, I suppose, the Apostles and Apostolic men, who spoke with tongues, are to be condemned; and you who know two languages may deride me who know three. But as for the six thousand books which you pretend that he has read, who will believe that you are speaking the truth, or that he was capable of telling such a lie? If indeed Origen had written six thousand books, it is possible that a man of great learning, who had been trained from his infancy in sacred literature might have read books alien from his own convictions, because he had an inquiring spirit and a love of learning. But how could be read what Origen never wrote? Count up the index contained in the third volume of Eusebius, in which is his life of Pamphilus: you will not find, I do not say six thousand, but not a third of that number of books. I have by me the letter of the above named Pontiff, in which he gives his answer to this calumny of yours uttered when you were still in the East; and it confutes this most manifest falsehood with the open countenance of truth.

Epiphanius quinque linguas noverat. --Qui sunt isti, qui in Ecclesia disputare latius solent? qui libros scribere? qui totum de Origene loquuntur et scribunt? qui dum sua nolunt furta cognosci, et ingrati sunt in magistrum, idcirco simplices ab illius lectione deterrent? Nominatim debes dicere, et ipsos homines denotare. Ergo beati episcopi Anastasius, et Theophilus, et Venerius ( Mediolani ), et Chromatius ( Aquileiae ), et omnis tam Orientis quam Occidentis Catholicorum synodus, qui pari sententia, quia pari et spiritu, illum haereticum denuntiant populis, fures librorum illius judicandi sunt: et quando in Ecclesiis praedicant, non Scripturarum mysteria, sed Origenis furta commemorant? Non tibi sufficit passim contra omnes detrectatio, nisi specialiter contra beatum et insignem Ecclesiae Sacerdotem styli tui lanceam dirigas? Quis est ille, qui velut necessitatem evangelizandi per omnes gentes, et per omnes linguas habere se putat, de Origene male loquendi? qui sex millia librorum ejus se legisse, quam plurima fratrum multitudine audiente, confessus est? In qua multitudine et caterva fratrum tu quoque medius eras, quando ille in sua Epistola queritur, pro Origenis haeresi nefaria a te dogmata esse prolata? Crimini ei dandum est quare Graecam, Syram, et Hebraeam et Aegyptiacam linguam, ex parte et Latinam noverit? Ergo et Apostoli et Apostolici viri, qui linguis loquebantur, in crimine sunt; et me trilinguem, bilinguis ipse ridebis? De sex millibus autem librorum, quos 516 ab eo lectos esse confingis, quis credet aut te verum dicere, aut illum potuisse mentiri? Si enim Origenes sex millia scripsisset librorum, potuerat fieri ut vir eruditissimus [ Al. eruditus], et ab infantia sacris Litteris institutus, pro curiositate et scientia legisset aliena. Quod vero ille non scripsit, quomodo iste legere potuit? Numera indices librorum ejus qui in tertio volumine Eusebii, in quo scripsit vitam Pamphili, continentur: et non dico sex millia, sed tertiam partem non reperies. Habemus Epistolam supradicti Pontificis, in qua huic calumniae tuae, dum adhuc esses in Oriente, respondet, et apertissimum mendacium libera veritatis fronte confutat.

2.23 I ascertained at the library at Cæsarea that the Apology you quote as Pamphilus' is the work of Eusebius PL 23, 446

23. After all this you dare to say in your Apology, that you are not the defender nor the champion of Origen, though you think that Eusebius and Pamphilus said all too little in his defence. I shall try to write a reply to those works in another treatise if God grants me a sufficient span of life. For the present let it suffice that I have met your assertions, and that I have set the careful reader on his guard by stating that I never saw in writing the book which was known as the work of Pamphilus till I read it in your own manuscript. It was no great concern of mine to know what was written in favour of a heretic, and therefore I always took it that the work of Pamphilus was different from that of Eusebius; but, after the question had been raised, I wished to reply to their works, and with this object I read what each of them had to say in Origen’s behalf; and then I discerned clearly that the first of Eusebius’ six books was the same which you had published both in Greek and Latin as the single book of Pamphilus, only altering the opinion about the Son and the Holy Spirit, which bore on their face the mark of open blasphemy. It was thus that, when my friend, Dexter, who held the office of prætorian prefect, asked me, ten years ago, to make a list for him of the writers of our faith, placed among the various treatises assigned to various authors this book as composed by Pamphilus, supposing the matter to be as it had been brought before the public by you and by your disciples. But, since Eusebius himself says that Pamphilus wrote nothing except some short letters to his friends, and the first of his six books contains the precise words which are fictitiously given by you under the name of Pamphilus, it is plain that your object in circulating this book was to introduce heresy under the authority of a martyr. I cannot allow you to make my mistake a cloak for your fraud, when you first pretend that the book is by Pamphilus and then pervert many of its passages so as to make them different in Latin from what they are in Greek. I believed the book to be by the writer whose name it bore, just as I did in reference to the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, and many other of the works of Origen and of other Greek writers, which I never read till now, and am now compelled to read, because the question of heresy has been raised, and I wish to know what ought to be avoided and what opposed. In my youth, therefore, I translated only the homilies which he delivered in public, and in which there are fewer causes of offence; and this in ignorance and at the request of others: I did not try to prejudice men by means of the parts which they approved in favour of the acceptance of those which are evidently heretical. At all events, to cut short a long discussion, I can point out whence I received the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, namely, from those who copied it from your manuscript. We want in like manner to know whence your copy of it came; for if you are unable to name any one else as the source from which it was derived, you will yourself be convicted of falsifying it. “A good man from the good treasure of his heart bringeth forth what is good.” A tree of a good stock is known by the sweetness of its fruit.

Habebat in animo scribere contra Pamphili Apologiam. Lib. de Viris illustr. ad Dextrum. Transtulit homilias Origenis in adolescentia. --Post haec et tanta audes in Apologia tua dicere, te non esse defensorem Origenis, neque assertorem illius, pro cujus defensione Pamphilus et Eusebius tibi parum dixisse sunt visi. Adversum quae volumina (si Dominus vitae hujus dederit spatium) alias respondere conabor. Nunc tantum tuis assertionibus obviasse sufficiat, et hoc breviter prudentem instruxisse lectorem, me istum librum qui sub nomine Pamphili ferebatur, vidisse primum scriptum in codice tuo; et quia non erat mihi curae quid pro haeretico diceretur, sic semper habuisse, quasi diversum esset opus Pamphili et Eusebii: postea vero quaestione mota, scriptis eorum respondere voluisse, et ob hanc causam legisse, quid pro Origene unusquisque sentiret, perspicueque deprehendisse, quod primus liber sex voluminum Eusebii ipse esset, qui unus sub nomine Pamphili a te editus est, tam Graece quam Latine, immutatis dumtaxat sensibus de Filio et Spiritu sancto, qui apertam blasphemiam praeferebant. Unde etiam ante annos ferme decem cum Dexter amicus meus, qui praefecturam administravit praetorii, me rogasset, ut auctorum nostrae religionis ei indicem texerem, inter caeteros tractatores posui et hunc librum a Pamphilio editum, ita putans esse, ut a te et tuis discipulis fuerat divulgatum. Sed cum ipse dicat Eusebius Pamphilum 517 nihil scripsisse, exceptis brevibus Epistolis ad amicos: et primus liber sex voluminum illius, eadem et eisdem verbis contineat, quae sub nomine Pamphili a te ficta sunt, perspicuum est te idcirco librum hunc disseminare voluisse, ut sub persona martyris haeresim introduceres. Cumque de hoc ipso libro quem Pamphili simulas, multa perverteris, et aliter in Graeco, aliter in Latino sit, fraudem tuam errori meo imputare non debes. Credidi enim ejus esse librum, quem titulus praeferebat, sicut περὶ Ἀρχῶν, et multa alia Origenis opera, plurimorumque Graeciae tractatorum, quae aut ante non legi, aut nunc compellor legere, quaestione haereseos suscitata, ut sciam quae vitare debeam, quae probare. Unde et in adolescentia homilias tantum ejus quas loquebatur ad populum, in quibus non tanta scandala tenebantur, simpliciter rogantibus transtuli, nullis praejudicans ex his quae probantur, illa suscipere quae manifeste haeretica sunt. Certe (ut compendium longi sermonis faciam) sicut ego ostendo, me ab his accepisse librum qui de tuo codice transcripserunt: sic tu doce a quo exemplar acceperis, ut qui auctorem libri dare alium non potuerit, ipse falsitatis reus teneatur. Bonus homo de bono cordis thesauro profert illa quae bona sunt : atque ex pomorum dulcedine, generosi seminis arbor agnoscitur.

2.24 The letter falsely circulated in Africa as mine, and expressing regret for my translation of the Old Test. from the Hebrew bears the mark of your hand. I have always honoured the Seventy Translators PL 23, 447

24. My brother Eusebius writes to me that, when he was at a meeting of African bishops which had been called for certain ecclesiastical affairs, he found there a letter purporting to be written by me, in which I professed penitence and confessed that it was through the influence of the press in my youth that I had been led to turn the Scriptures into Latin from the Hebrew; in all of which there is not a word of truth. When I heard this, I was stupefied. But one witness was not enough; even Cato was not believed on his unsupported evidence: “In the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word be established.” Letters were soon brought me from many brethren in Rome asking about this very matter, whether the facts were as was stated: and they pointed in a way to make me weep to the person by whom the letter had been circulated among the people. He who dared to do this, what will he not dare to do? It is well that ill will has not a strength equal to its intentions. Innocence would be dead long ago if wickedness were always allied to power, and calumny could prevail in all that it seeks to accomplish. It was impossible for him, accomplished as he was, to copy any style and manner of writing, whatever their value may be; amidst all his tricks and his fraudulent assumption of another man’s personality, it was evident who he was. It is this same man, then, who wrote this fictitious letter of retractation in my name, making out that my translation of the Hebrew books was bad, who, we now hear, accuses me of having translated the Holy Scriptures with a view to disparage the Septuagint. In any case, whether my translation is right or wrong, I am to be condemned: I must either confess that in my new work I was wrong, or else that by my new version I have aimed a blow at the old. I wonder that in this letter he did not make me out as guilty of homicide, or adultery or sacrilege or parricide or any of the vile things which the silent working of the mind can revolve within itself. Indeed I ought to be grateful to him for having imputed to me no more than one act of error or false dealing out of the whole forest of possible crimes. Am I likely to have said anything derogatory to the seventy translators, whose work I carefully purged from corruptions and gave to Latin readers many years ago, and daily expound it at our conventual gatherings; whose version of the Psalms has so long been the subject of my meditation and my song? Was I so foolish as to wish to forget in old age what I learned in youth? All my treatises have been woven out of statements warranted by their version. My commentaries on the twelve prophets are an explanation of their version as well as my own. How uncertain must the labours of men ever be! and how contrary at times to their own intentions are the results which men’s studies reach. I thought that I deserved well of my countrymen the Latins by this version, and had given them an incitement to learning; for it is not despised even by the Greeks now that it is retranslated into their language; yet it is now made the subject of a charge against me; and I find that the food pressed upon them turns upon the stomach. What is there in human life that can be safe if innocence is made the object of accusation? I am the householder who finds that while he slept the enemy has sown tares among his wheat. “The wild boar out of the wood has rooted up my vineyard, and the strange wild beast has devoured it.” I keep silence, but a letter that is not mine speaks against me. I am ignorant of the crime laid against me, yet I am made to confess the crime all through the world. “Woe is me, my mother, that thou hast borne me a man to be judged and condemned in the whole earth.”

Epistola supposita Hieronymo. --Scribit frater Eusebius se apud Afros episcopos, qui propter Ecclesiasticas causas ad Comitatum venerant, Epistolam quasi meo scriptam nomine reperisse, in qua agerem poenitentiam, et me ab Hebraeis in adolescentia inductum esse testarer, ut Hebraea volumina in Latinum verterem, in quibus nulla sit veritas. Quod audiens obstupui. Et quia in ore duorum vel trium stat omne verbum , unique testi, nec Catoni creditum est, idipsum multorum me ex Urbe fratrum scripta docuerunt, sciscitantium, an ita se haberet, et a quo ipsa epistola disseminata esset in vulgus lacrymabiliter indicantium. Qui hoc ausus est facere, quid aliud non audeat? Bene, quod malitia non babet tantas vires, quantos conatus. Perierat innocentia, si semper nequitiae juncta esset potentia, et totum quidquid cupit calumnia, 518 praevaleret. Stylum meum, qualiscumque est, et formam eloquii vir disertissimus exprimere non potuit: sed inter ipsas praestigias, et alterius personam, qua se fraudulenter induerat, quis esset ostendit. Ergo ille qui epistolam sub nomine meo poenitentiae finxerat, quod male Hebraea volumina transtulissem, objicere dicitur, me in Septuaginta condemnationem Scripturas sanctas interpretatum, ut sive falsa sunt, sive vera quae transtuli, in crimine maneam; dum aut in novo opere fateor me errasse, aut recens editio veteris condemnatio sit [ Al fit]. Miror quomodo in eadem epistola homicidam, et adulterum, et sacrilegum, et parricidam me esse non dixerit, et quidquid potest tacita mentis cogitatio intra se turpitudinis volvere. Gratias ei debeo agere, quod cum tanta silva sit criminum, unum mihi erroris vel falsitatis crimen objecerit. Egone contra Septuaginta interpretes aliquid sum locutus, quos ante annos plurimos diligentissime emendatos, meae linguae studiosis dedi, quos quotidie in conventu fratrum edissero, quorum Psalmos jugi meditatione decanto? Tam stultus eram, ut quod in pueritia didici, senex oblivisci vellem? Universi tractatus mei horum testimoniis texti sunt. Commentarii in duodecim Prophetas, et meam et Septuaginta editionem edisserunt. O labores hominum, semper incerti! o mortalium studia contrarios interdum fines habentia! Unde me putabam bene mereri de Latinis meis, et nostrorum ad discendum animos concitare, quod etiam Graeci versum de Latino post tantos interpretes non fastidiunt; inde in culpam vocor, et nauseanti stomacho cibos ingero. Et quid in homine tutum sit, si innocentia criminosa est? Dormiente patrefamilias inimicus homo zizania superseminavit . Exterminavit vineam aper de silva, et singularis ferus depastus est eam . Ego taceo, et litterae non meae loquuntur contra me. Ignoro crimen, et crimen in toto orbe confiteor. Heu mihi, mater mea, ut quid me genuisti, virum qui judicer et discernar omni terrae ?

2.25 In proof of this, I bring forward the prefaces to my Translation of the Books from Genesis to Isaiah PL 23, 448

25. All my prefaces to the books of the Old Testament, some specimens of which I subjoin, are witnesses for me on this point; and it is needless to state the matter otherwise than it is stated in them. I will begin therefore with Genesis. The Prologue is as follows:

I have received letters so long and eagerly desired from my dear Desiderius who, as if the future had been foreseen, shares his name with Daniel, entreating me to put our friends in possession of a translation of the Pentateuch from Hebrew into Latin. The work is certainly hazardous and it is exposed to the attacks of my calumniators, who maintain that it is through contempt of the Seventy that I have set to work to forge a new version to take the place of the old. They thus test ability as they do wine; whereas I have again and again declared that I dutifully offer, in the Tabernacle of God what I can, and have pointed out that the great gifts which one man brings are not marred by the inferior gifts of another. But I was stimulated to undertake the task by the zeal of Origen, who blended with the old edition Theodotion’s translation and used throughout the work as distinguishing marks the asterisk * and the obelus †, that is the star and the spit, the first of which makes what had previously been defective to beam with light, while the other transfixes and slaughters all that was superfluous. But I was encouraged above all by the authoritative publications of the Evangelists and Apostles, in which we read much taken from the Old Testament which is not found in our manuscripts. For example, ‘Out of Egypt have I called my Son’ (Matt. ii. 15): ‘For he shall be called a Nazarene’ (Ibid. 23): and ‘They shall look on him whom they pierced’ (John xix. 37): and ‘Rivers of living water shall flow out of his belly’ (John vii. 38): and ‘Things which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor have entered into the heart of man, which God hath prepared for them that love him’ (1 Cor. ii. 9), and many other passages which lack their proper context. Let us ask our opponents then where these things are written, and when they are unable to tell, let us produce them from the Hebrew. The first passage is in Hosea, (xi. 1), the second in Isaiah (xi. 1), the third in Zechariah (xii. 10), the fourth in Proverbs (xviii. 4), the fifth also in Isaiah (lxiv. 4). Being ignorant of all this many follow the ravings of the Apocrypha, and prefer to the inspired books the melancholy trash which comes to us from Spain. It is not for me to explain the causes of the error. The Jews say it was deliberately and wisely done to prevent Ptolemy who was a monotheist from thinking the Hebrews acknowledged two deities. And that which chiefly influenced them in thus acting was the fact that the king appeared to be falling into Platonism. In a word, wherever Scripture evidenced some sacred truth respecting Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, they either translated the passage differently, or passed it over altogether in silence, so that they might both satisfy the king, and not divulge the secrets of the faith. I do not know whose false imagination led him to invent the story of the seventy cells at Alexandria, in which, though separated from each other, the translators were said to have written the same words. Aristeas, the champion of that same Ptolemy, and Josephus, long after, relate nothing of the kind; their account is that the Seventy assembled in one basilica consulted together, and did not prophesy. For it is one thing to be a prophet, another to be a translator. The former through the Spirit, foretells things to come; the latter must use his learning and facility in speech to translate what he understands. It can hardly be that we must suppose Tully was inspired with oratorical spirit when he translated Xenophon’s Œconomics, Plato’s Protagoras, and the oration of Demosthenes in defence of Ctesiphon. Otherwise the Holy Spirit must have quoted the same books in one sense through the Seventy Translators, in another through the Apostles, so that, whereas they said nothing of a given matter, these falsely affirm that it was so written. What then? Are we condemning our predecessors? By no means; but following the zealous labours of those who have preceded us we contribute such work as lies in our power in the name of the Lord. They translated before the Advent of Christ, and expressed in ambiguous terms that which they knew not. We after His Passion and Resurrection write not prophecy so much as history. For one style is suitable to what we hear, another to what we see. The better we understand a subject, the better we describe it. Hearken then, my rival: listen, my calumniator; I do not condemn, I do not censure the Seventy, but I am bold enough to prefer the Apostles to them all. It is the Apostle through whose mouth I hear the voice of Christ, and I read that in the classification of spiritual gifts they are placed before prophets (1 Cor. xii. 28; Eph. iv. 11), while interpreters occupy almost the lowest place. Why are you tormented with jealousy? Why do you inflame the minds of the ignorant against me? Wherever in translation I seem to you to go wrong, ask the Hebrews, consult their teachers in different towns. The words which exist in their Scriptures concerning Christ your copies do not contain. The case is different if they have rejected passages which were afterward used against them by the Apostles, and the Latin texts are more correct than the Greek, the Greek than the Hebrew.

[Chapters 26 to 32 are taken up with the quotation, almost in full, of the Preface to the Vulgate translation of the books of the Old Testament. It is unnecessary to give them here. They have all the same design as the Preface to Genesis already given, namely to meet the objections of those who represented the work as a reproach to the LXX which was then supposed to have almost the authority of inspiration. The same arguments, illustrations, and even words, are reiterated. Readers who may desire to go more fully into Jerome’s statements will find these Prefaces translated at length in his works, Vol. VI of this Series.]

Ex Prologo in Genesin. --Omnes Praefatiunculae veteris Instrumenti, quarum ex parte exempla subjeci, huic rei testes sunt. Et superfluum est, quod in illis dictum est, 519 aliter quam ibi dictum est, scribere. Incipiam igitur a Genesi, cujus Prologus talis est: « Desiderii mei desideratas accepi epistolas, qui quodam praesagio futurorum, cum Daniele sortitus est nomen, obsecrantis ut translatum in linguam Latinam de Hebraeo sermone Pentateuchum nostrorum auribus traderem. Periculosum opus certe, et obtrectatorum latratibus patens; qui me asserunt in Septuaginta interpretum suggillationem, nova pro veteribus cudere: ita ingenium, quasi vinum probantes, cum ego saepissime testatus sim, me pro virili portione in tabernaculo Dei offerre quae possim; nec opes alterius, aliorum paupertate foedari. Quod ut auderem, Origenis me studium provocavit, qui editioni antiquae translationem Theodotionis miscuit, asterisco +, et obelisco ÷, id est, stella et veru, opus omne distinguens: dum aut illucere facit, quae minus ante fuerant, aut superflua quaeque jugulat et confodit, maximeque quae Evangelistarum et Apostolorum auctoritas promulgavit. In quibus multa de veteri Testamento legimus, quae in nostris codicibus non habentur, ut est illud: Ex Aegypto vocavi filium meum ; Et: Quoniam Nazareus vocabitur ; et: Videbunt in quem compunxerunt ; et: Flumina de ventre ejus fluent aquae vivae ; et: Quae nec oculus vidit, nec auris audivit, nec in cor hominis ascendit, quae praeparavit Deus diligentibus se ; et multa alia, quae proprium σύνταγμα desiderant. Interrogemus ergo eos, ubi haec scripta sint; et cum dicere non potuerint, de libris Hebraeis proferamus. Primum testimonium est in Osee. Secundum in Isaia. Tertium in Zacharia. Quartum in Proverbiis. Quintum aeque in Isaia. Quod multi ignorantes, apocryphorum deliramenta sectantur, et Iberas naenias libris authenticis praeferunt. Causas erroris non est meum exponere. 520 Judaei prudenti factum dicunt esse consilio, ne Ptolemaeus unius Dei cultor, apud Hebraeos etiam duplicem divinitatem deprehenderet: quod maxime idcirco faciebant, quia in Platonis dogma cadere videbatur. Denique ubicumque sacratum aliquid Scriptura testatur de Patre et Filio et Spiritu sancto, aut aliter interpretati sunt, aut omnino tacuerunt, ut et regi satisfacerent, et arcanum fidei non divulgarent. Et nescio quis primus auctor septuaginta cellulas Alexandriae mendacio suo exstruxerit, quibus divisi eadem scriptitarint, cum Aristeas, ejusdem Ptolemaei ὑπερασπιστὴς, et multo post tempore Josephus, nihil tale retulerint; sed in una basilica congregatos contulisse scribant, non prophetasse. Aliud est enim vatem, aliud interpretem esse. Ibi spiritus ventura praedicit, hic eruditio et verborum copia ea quae intelligit transfert. Nisi forte putandus est Tullius Oeconomicum Xenophontis, et Platonis Protagoram, et Demosthenis pro Ctesiphonte orationem afflatus rhetorico spiritu transtulisse; ut aliter de eisdem libris per Septuaginta interpretes, aliter per Apostolos Spiritus sanctus testimonia texuerit; ut quod illi tacuerint, hi scriptum esse mentiti sint. Quid igitur? damnamus veteres? Minime. Sed post priorum studia, in domo Domini quod possumus, laboramus. Illi interpretati sunt ante adventum Christi; et quod nesciebant, dubiis protulere sententiis. Nos post passionem et resurrectionem ejus, non tam prophetiam, quam historiam scribimus. Aliter enim audita, aliter visa narrantur. Quod melius intelligimus, melius et proferimus. Audi igitur aemule, et obtrectator ausculta: Non damno, non reprehendo Septuaginta; sed confidenter cunctis illis Apostolos praefero. Per istorum os mihi Christus sonat, 521 quos ante Prophetas inter spiritualia charismata positos lego: in quibus ultimum pene gradum interpretes tenent. Quid livore torqueris? quid imperitorum animos contra me concitas? Sicubi tibi in translatione errare videor, interroga Hebraeos, diversarum urbium magistros consule: quod illi habent de Christo, tui codices non habent. Aliud est, si contra se postea ab Apostolis usurpata testimonia probaverunt, et emendatiora sunt exemplaria Latina, quam Graeca: Graeca, quam Hebraea. »

2.33 As to Daniel, it was necessary to point out that Bel and the Dragon, and similar stories were not found in the Hebrew PL 23, 454

33. In reference to Daniel my answer will be that I did not say that he was not a prophet; on the contrary, I confessed in the very beginning of the Preface that he was a prophet. But I wished to show what was the opinion upheld by the Jews; and what were the arguments on which they relied for its proof. I also told the reader that the version read in the Christian churches was not that of the Septuagint translators but that of Theodotion. It is true, I said that the Septuagint version was in this book very different from the original, and that it was condemned by the right judgment of the churches of Christ; but the fault was not mine who only stated the fact, but that of those who read the version. We have four versions to choose from: those of Aquila, Symmachus, the Seventy, and Theodotion. The churches choose to read Daniel in the version of Theodotion. What sin have I committed in following the judgment of the churches? But when I repeat what the Jews say against the Story of Susanna and the Hymn of the Three Children, and the fables of Bel and the Dragon, which are not contained in the Hebrew Bible, the man who makes this a charge against me proves himself to be a fool and a slanderer; for I explained not what I thought but what they commonly say against us. I did not reply to their opinion in the Preface, because I was studying brevity, and feared that I should seem to be writing not a Preface but a book. I said therefore, “As to which this is not the time to enter into discussion.” Otherwise from the fact that I stated that Porphyry had said many things against this prophet, and called, as witnesses of this, Methodius, Eusebius, and Apollinarius, who have replied to his folly in many thousand lines, it will be in his power to accuse me for not having written in my Preface against the books of Porphyry. If there is any one who pays attention to silly things like this, I must tell him loudly and freely that no one is compelled to read what he does not want; that I wrote for those who asked me, not for those who would scorn me, for the grateful not the carping, for the earnest not the indifferent. Still, I wonder that a man should read the version of Theodotion the heretic and judaizer, and should scorn that of a Christian, simple and sinful though he may be.

De Daniele. --De Daniele autem breviter respondebo, me non negasse eum prophetam, quem statim in fronte Prologi prophetam esse confessus sum, sed quid Hebraei dicerent, et quibus argumentis suam niterentur probare sententiam, voluisse monstrare, et docuisse lectorem, ecclesias Christi hunc prophetam juxta Theodotionem legere, et non juxta Septuaginta translatores. Quorum si in isto libro editionem dixi multum a veritate distare, et recto ecclesiarum Christi judicio reprobatam, non est meae culpae qui dixi, sed eorum qui legunt. In promptu sunt quatuor editiones, Aquilae, Symmachi, Septuaginta, et Theodotionis: ecclesiae juxta Theodotionem legunt Danielem. Ego quid peccavi, si ecclesiarum judicium secutus sum? Quod autem refero, quid adversum Susannae historiam, et hymnum trium puerorum, et Belis, Draconisque fabulas, quae in volumine Hebraico non habentur, Hebraei soleant dicere, qui me criminatur, stultum se sycophantam probat. Non enim quid ipse sentirem, sed quid illi contra nos dicere soleant, explicavi. Quorum opinioni, si non respondi in Prologo, brevitati studens, ne non praefationem, sed librum viderer scribere, puto quod statim subjecerim; dixi enim, « De quo non est hujus temporis disserere. » Alioquin et ex eo, quod asserui Porphyrium contra hunc prophetam multa dixisse, vocavique hujus rei testes Methodium, Eusebium, et Apollinarium, qui multis versuum millibus illius vesaniae responderunt, me accusare poterit, quare non in praefatiuncula contra libros Porphyrii scripserim. Qui istiusmodi naenia consectatur, et Scripturae Hebraicae veritatem non vult recipere, audiat libere proclamantem: 528 Nemo enim cogitur legere, quod non vult. Ego petentibus scripsi, non fastidiosis; gratis, non invidis; studiosis, non oscitantibus. Et tamen miror quomodo Theodotionem haereticum et judaizantem legit, et qualiscumque peccatoris christiani translationem fastidit.

2.34 A vindication of the importance of the Hebrew Text of Scripture PL 23, 455

34. I beg you, my most sweet friend, who are so curious that you even know my dreams, and that you scrutinize for purposes of accusations all that I have written during these many years without fear of future calumny; answer me, how is it you do not know the prefaces of the very books on which you ground your charges against me? These prefaces, as if by some prophetic foresight, gave the answer to the calumnies that were coming, thus fulfilling the proverb, “The antidote before the poison.” What harm has been done to the churches by my translation? You bought up, as I knew, at great cost the versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, and the Jewish authors of the fifth and sixth translations. Your Origen, or, that I may not seem to be wounding you with fictitious praises, our Origen, (for I may call him ours for his genius and learning, though not for the truth of his doctrines) in all his books explains and expounds not only the Septuagint but the Jewish versions. Eusebius and Didymus do the same. I do not mention Apollinarius, who, with a laudable zeal though not according to knowledge, attempted to patch up into one garment the rags of all the translations, and to weave a consistent text of Scripture at his own discretion, not according to any sound rule of criticism. The Hebrew Scriptures are used by apostolic men; they are used, as is evident, by the apostles and evangelists. Our Lord and Saviour himself whenever he refers to the Scriptures, takes his quotations from the Hebrew; as in the instance of the words “He that believeth on me, as the Scripture hath said, out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water,” and in the words used on the cross itself, “Eli, Eli, lama sabachthani,” which is by interpretation “My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?” not, as it is given by the Septuagint, “My God, my God, look upon me, why hast thou forsaken me?” and many similar cases. I do not say this in order to aim a blow at the seventy translators; but I assert that the Apostles of Christ have an authority superior to theirs. Wherever the Seventy agree with the Hebrew, the apostles took their quotations from that translation; but, where they disagree, they set down in Greek what they had found in the Hebrew. And further, I give a challenge to my accuser. I have shown that many things are set down in the New Testament as coming from the older books, which are not to be found in the Septuagint; and I have pointed out that these exist in the Hebrew. Now let him show that there is anything in the New Testament which comes from the Septuagint but which is not found in the Hebrew, and our controversy is at an end.

Quaeso te, amice dulcissime, qui tam curiosus es, ut etiam somnia mea noveris, omniaque quae per tot annos absque metu futurae scripsi calumniae, in accusationem vocas; ut respondeas, quomodo eorum praefationes librorum nescias, quos accusas: quae quodam vaticinio, futurae calumniae responderunt; implentes proverbium: « Prius antidotum, quam venenum. » Quid nocet ecclesiis nostra translatio? Magnis, ut scio, sumptibus redemisti Aquilae, et Symmachi, et Theodotionis, quintaeque et sextae editionis Judaicos translatores. Origenes tuus, et (ne forte queraris figurata te laude percussum) Origenes noster (nostrum voco ob eruditionem ingenii, non ob dogmatum veritatem) in omnibus libris suis post Septuaginta interpretes, Judaeorum translationes explanat et edisserit. Eusebius quoque et Didymus idem faciunt. Praetermitto Apollinarium, qui bono quidem studio, sed non secundum scientiam, de omnium translationibus in unum vestimentum pannos assuere conatus est, et consequentiam Scripturae, non ex regula veritatis, sed ex suo judicio texere: apostolici viri Scripturis utuntur Hebraicis: ipsos apostolos et evangelistas hoc fecisse perspicuum est. Dominus atque Salvator ubicumque veteris Scripturae meminit, de Hebraicis voluminibus ponit exempla, ut est illud: Qui credit in me, sicut Scriptura dicit: Flumina de ventre ejus fluent aquae vivae. Et in ipsa cruce, ELI, ELI, LEMA AZABATHANI, quod interpretatur: Deus meus, Deus meus, quare me dereliquisti ? non ut a Septuaginta positum est: Deus, Deus meus, respice in me, quare me dereliquisti ? et multa his similia. Nec hoc dicimus quod Septuaginta interpretes suggillemus, sed quod apostolorum et Christi major sit auctoritas, 529 et ubicumque Septuaginta ab Hebraeo non discordant, ibi apostolos de interpretatione eorum exempla sumpsisse; ubi vero discrepant, id posuisse in Graeco, quod apud Hebraeos didicerant. Sicut ergo ego ostendo multa in novo Testamento posita de veteribus libris, quae in Septuaginta non habentur, et haec scripta in Hebraico doceo, sic accusator ostendat, aliquid scriptum esse in novo Testamento de Septuaginta interpretibus, quod in Hebraico non habeatur, et finita contentio est.

2.35 Though the LXX has been of great value, we should be grateful for fresh translations from the original PL 23, 456

35. By all this it is made clear, first that the version of the Seventy translators which has gained an established position by having been so long in use, was profitable to the churches, because that by its means the Gentiles heard of the coming of Christ before he came; secondly, that the other translators are not to be reproved, since it was not their own works that they published but the divine books which they translated; and, thirdly, that my own familiar friend should frankly accept from a Christian and a friend what he has taken great pains to obtain from the Jews and has written down for him at great cost. I have exceeded the bounds of a letter; and, though I had taken pen in hand to contend against a wicked heresy, I have been compelled to make answer on my own behalf, while waiting for my friend’s three books, and in a state of constant mental suspense about the charges he had heaped up against me. It is easier to guard against one who professes hostility than to make head against an enemy who lurks under the guise of a friend.

Operis Conclusio. --Ex quibus omnibus approbatur, et Septuaginta interpretum editionem quae legentium vetustate firmata est, utilem 530 esse Ecclesiis, dum ante gentes audiunt Christum venturum esse quam veniat; et caeteros interpretes non reprobandos, quia non sua, sed divina volumina transtulerunt, et familiarem meum id a Christiano et amico debere suscipere, quod magno sumptu sibi a Judaeis describere festinavit. Excessi Epistolae modum, et qui contra nefariam haeresim jam stylum fixeram, pro me respondere compulsus sum, exspectans tria amici volumina, et ad congeriem criminum ejus tota mente suspensus: nisi quod levius est, professum inimicum cavere, quam hostem latentem sub amici nomine sustinere.

Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (eds.), New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1890-1900. Public domain: English translation first published 1885-1900 (Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series). Latin: Migne, Patrologia Latina (1844-1855), public domain; transcription from Corpus Corporum (University of Zurich).

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