Jerome's Apology for Himself Against the Books of Rufinus 3

san Girolamo (345–420 d.C.) · Apologia adversus libros Rufini · PL 23, 396–492

3.pref Preface PL 23, 457

The two first books formed a complete whole, but it was intimated that there might be more to come when Jerome should have received Rufinus’ work in full. The two first books were brought to Rufinus by the captain of a merchant-ship trading with Aquileia, together with a copy of Jerome’s friendly letter which had been suppressed by Pammachius. The bearer had (as stated by Rufinus, though Jerome mocks at this as impossible) only two days to wait. Chromatius the Bishop of Aquileia urged that the strife should now cease, and prevailed so far as that Rufinus made no public reply. He wrote a private letter, however, to Jerome, which has not come down to us, and which does not seem, from the extracts given in c. 4, 6, etc., to have been of a pacific tenor. Its details may be gathered from Jerome’s reply. Jerome intimates that it sought to involve him in heresy, that it renewed and aggravated the former accusations, speaking of him in language fit only for the lowest characters on the stage; and that it declared that, if its writer had been so minded, he could have produced facts which would have been the destruction of his adversary. Jerome, though receiving some expressions of the desire of Chromatius that he should not reply (perhaps also the regretful expostulation of Augustin,—Jer. Letter cx, 6, Aug. Letter 73) declared that it was impossible for him to yield. He could not refrain from defending himself from a capital charge, nor could he spare the heretics. Peace could only come by unity in the faith.

1. Your letter is full of falsehood and violence. I will try not to take the same tone.

2. Why cannot we differ as friends? Why do you, by threats of death, compel me to answer?

3, 4. Your shameful taunt that I wished to get copies of your Apology by bribing your Secretary is an imputation to me of practices which are your own.

5. Eusebius should not have accused you; but your charges against him will not stand.

6. You taunt me with boasting of my eloquence. Will you boast of your illiteracy?

7, 8. You wish first to praise, then to amend me, but both with fisticuffs; and make it impossible for me to keep silence.

9. Why cannot you join with me in condemning Origen, and so put an end to our quarrel?

10. The assertion that you had only two days for your answer is a fiction.

11. Your translation, contrariwise to my Commentaries, vouches for the soundness of Origen.

12. You try to shield Origen by falsely attributing the Apology for him to Pamphilus.

13. In my Commentaries my quotation of opposite opinions shows that neither is mine.

14. Had you translated honestly, you would not have had Origen’s heresies imputed to you.

15. You say the Bishops of Italy accept your views on the Resurrection. I doubt it.

16. You rashly say that you will agree to whatever Theophilus lays down. You have to consider your friendship for Isidore now his enemy.

17, 18. You speak of the Egyptian Bishop Paul. We received him, though an Origenist, as a stranger; and he has united himself to the orthodox faith. Not only Theophilus but the Emperors condemn Origen.

19. Against Vigilantius I wrote only what was right. I knew who had stirred him up against me.

20. As to the letter of Pope Anastasius condemning you, you will find that it is genuine.

21. Siricius who is dead may have written in your favour; Anastasius who is living writes to the East against you.

22. My departure from Rome for the East had nothing blameable in it as you insinuate.

23. Epiphanius, it is true, gave you the kiss of peace; but he showed afterwards that he had come to distrust you.

24. When we parted as friends I believed you a true believer; no one was sent to Rome to injure you.

25. You swear that you did not write my pretended retractation. Your style betrays you, and I have given a full answer about my translations already.

26. You bid me beware of falsification and treachery. You warn me against yourself.

27. There is nothing inconsistent in praising a man for some things and blaming him in others. You have done it in my case.

28–31. My ignorance of many natural phenomena is no excuse for your ignorance as to the origin of souls. You ought, according to your boasting dream to know everything. The thing of most importance was forgotten in your cargo of Eastern wares.

32. Your dream was a boast: mine of which you accuse me humbled me.

33. It was not I who first disclosed your heresies, but Epiphanius long ago and Aterbius before him.

34–36. As to our translations of the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, yours was doing harm, and mine was necessary in self-defence. You should be glad that heresy is exposed.

37. Your Apology for Origen did not save him but involved you in heresy.

38. My friendly letter was to prevent discord: the other to crush false opinions.

39, 40. Pythagoras was rightly quoted by me. I produce some of his sayings.

41, 42. You threaten me with destruction. I will not reply in the same way. Personalities should be excluded from controversies of faith.

43, 44. The way of peace is through the wisdom taught in the Book of Proverbs, and through unity in the faith.

3.1 Your letter is full of falsehood and violence. I will try not to take the same tone PL 23, 457

I have read the letter which you in your wisdom have written me. You inveigh against me, and, though you once praised me and called me true partner and brother, you now write books to summon me to reply to the charges with which you terrify me. I see that in you are fulfilled the words of Solomon: “In the mouth of the foolish is the rod of contumely,” and “A fool receives not the words of prudence, unless you say what is passing in his heart;” and the words of Isaiah: “The fool will speak folly, and his heart will understand vain things, to practise iniquity and speak falsehood against the Lord.” For what need was there for you to send me whole volumes full of accusation and malediction, and to bring them before the public, when in the end of your letter you threaten me with death if I dare to reply to your slanders—I beg pardon—to your praises? For your praises and your accusations amount to the same thing; from the same fountain proceed both sweet and bitter. I beg you to set me the example of the modesty and shamefacedness which you recommend to me; you accuse another of lying: cease to be a liar yourself. I wish to give no one an occasion of stumbling, and I will not become your accuser; for I have not to consider merely what you deserve but what is becoming in me. I tremble at our Savior’s words. “Whosoever shall cause one of these little ones that believe in me to stumble, it were better for him that a great mill stone were hanged about his neck and he were drowned in the depths of the sea;” and “Woe unto the world because of occasions of stumbling: for it must needs be that occasions arise; but woe to the man through whom the occasion cometh.” It would have been possible for me too to pile up falsehoods against you and to say that I had heard or seen what no one had observed, so that among the ignorant my effrontery might be taken for veracity, and my violence for resolution. But far be it from me to be an imitator of you, and to do myself what I denounce in you. He who is capable of doing filthy things may use filthy words. “The evil man out of the evil treasure of his heart bringeth forth that which is evil; for out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh.” You may count it as good fortune that one whom you once called friend but now accuse has no mind to make vile imputations against you. I say this not from any dread of the sword of your accusation, but because I prefer to be accused than to be the accuser, to suffer an injury than to do one. I know the precept of the Apostle: “Dearly beloved avenge not yourselves but rather give place unto wrath: for it is written Vengeance is mine, I will repay saith the Lord. Therefore, if thine enemy hunger feed him, if he thirst give him drink; for in so doing thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head.” For he that avenges himself cannot claim the vindication of the Lord.

3.2 Why cannot we differ as friends? Why do you, by threats of death, compel me to answer? PL 23, 458

2. But, before I make my answer to your letter, I must expostulate with you; you who are first in age among the monks, good presbyter, follower of Christ; is it possible for you to wish to kill your brother, when even to hate him is to be a homicide? Have you learned from your Saviour the lesson that if one strike you on the one cheek you should turn to him the other also? Did not he make answer to the man who struck him, “If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil, but if well, why smitest thou me?” You threaten me with death, which can be inflicted on us even by serpents. To die is the lot of all, to commit homicide only of the weak man. What then? If you do not kill me shall I never die? Perhaps I ought to be grateful to you that you turn this necessity into a virtue. We read of Apostles quarrelling, namely Paul and Barnabas who were angry with each other on account of John whose surname was Mark; those who were united by the bonds of Christ’s gospel were separated for a voyage; but they still remained friends. Did not the same Paul resist Peter to the face because he did not walk uprightly in the Gospel? Yet he speaks of him as his predecessor in the Gospel, and as a pillar of the church; and he lays before him his mode of preaching, ‘lest he should be running, or had run in vain.’ Do not children differ from parents and wives from husbands in religious matters, while yet domestic affections remain unimpaired. If you are as I am, why should you hate me? Even if you believe differently, why should you wish to kill me? Is it so, that whoever differs from you is to be slain? I call upon Jesus who will judge what I am now writing and your letter also, as a witness upon my conscience, that when the reverend bishop Chromatius begged me to keep silence, my wish was to do so, and thus to make an end of our dissensions, and to overcome evil with good. But, now that you threaten me with destruction, I am compelled to reply; otherwise, my silence will be taken as an acknowledgment of the crime, and you will interpret my moderation as the sign of an evil conscience.

Apostoli salvis amicitiis dissenserunt. --Et tamen antequam respondeam epistolae tuae, expostulare tecum libet, vetutissime monachorum, bone presbyter, imitator Christi, fratrem tuum potes occidere, quem si tantum oderis, homicida es? Hoc a Salvatore didicisti, ut verberanti maxillam, praeberes et alteram? Sic ipse respondit percussori suo: Si male locutus sum, testimonium perhibe de malo: si bene, quid me caedis ? Mortem minaris, quam et serpentes inferre possunt. Mors omnium est, homicidium pessimorum. Quid enim? nisi tu me occideris, ego immortalis ero? Quin potius habeo gratiam, quod facis de necessitate virtutem. Nonne et Apostoli salvis inter se amicitiis dissenserunt; cum Paulus et Barnabas propter Joannem, cognomento Marcum, stomachati sunt, et separavit eos navigatio, quos Christi Evangelium copulabat? Nonne idem Paulus in faciem Cephae restitit, quod non recto pede incederet in Evangelio? Et tamen praecessorem suum et columnam Ecclesiae vocat, et exponit cum eo praedicationem, ne in vacuum curreret, aut cucurrisset. Nonne in religione etiam liberi a parentibus, et conjuges a maritis salva pietate dissentiunt? Vos si ita habetis. ut habemus, cur nos odistis? Si aliter creditis, 533 quid vultis occidere? An qui a vobis dissenserit, occidendus est? Testem invoco Jesum conscientiae meae, qui et has litteras, et tuam epistolam judicaturus est, me ad commonitionem sancti papae Chromatii voluisse reticere, et finem facere simultatum, et vincere in bono malum; sed quia minaris interitum, nisi tacuero, respondere compellor, ne videar tacendo crimen agnoscere, et lenitatem meam, malae conscientiae signum interpreteris.

3.3 Your shameful taunt that I wished to get copies of your Apology by bribing your Secretary is an imputation to me of practices which are your own PL 23, 459

3. The dilemma in which I am placed is of your making: it is brought out, not from the resources of dialectics, of which you are ignorant, but from among the tools of the murderer and with an intention like his. If I keep silence, I am held guilty: if I speak, I become an evil speaker. You at once forbid me to answer and compel me. Well, then; I must shun excess on both sides. I will say nothing that is injurious; but I must dissipate the charges made against me, for it is impossible not to be afraid of a man who is prepared to kill you. And I will do this in the order of what you have now set before me, leaving the rest as they are in those most learned books of yours which I confuted before I had read them.

You say that ‘you sent your accusation against me not to the many but only to those who had been offended by what I had said; for one ought to speak to Christians not for display but for edification.’ Whence then, I beg you to consider, did the report of your having written these books reach me? Who was it that sowed them broadcast through Rome and Italy and the islands of the coast of Dalmatia? How did these charges against me ever come to my ears, if they were only lurking in your desk, and those of your friends? How can you dare to say that you are speaking as a Christian not for display but for edification when you set yourself in mature age to say things against your equal which a murderer could hardly say of a thief, or a harlot against one of her class, or a buffoon against a farce-player? You have for ever so long been labouring to bring forth these mountains of accusations against me and sharpening these swords to pierce my throat. Your cries have been as loud as Ceres’ complaints or a driver’s shouts to his horses. Was this to make all the provinces through which they resounded read the praise you wrote of me? and recite your panegyrics upon me in every street, every corner, even in the weaving-shops of the women? This is the religious restraint and Christian edification of which you speak. Your reserve, your reticence is such that men come to me from the West, crowd upon crowd, and tell me of your abuse of me; and this, though only from memory, yet with such exact agreement that I was obliged to make my answer, not to your writings which I had not then read, but to what was said to be contained in them, and to intercept with the shield of truth the missiles of mendacity which were flying about through all the world.

Epistolae Rufini verba. --Hoc est verum dilemma tuum; non ex dialectica arte quam nescis, sed ex carnificum officina et meditatione prolatum. Si tacuero, criminosus ero: si respondero, maledicus. Tu me ergo et prohibes, et cogis ad respondendum. In quo utrumque moderabor, ut et objecta diluam, et ab injuria temperem. Quis enim eum non timeat, qui est paratus occidere? Sequarque vestigia propositionis tuae, servans caetera illis eruditissimis libris, quos antequam legeram, confutavi. Dicis « te accusationem meam ad eos tantum misisse, qui meis verbis laesi fuerant, et non ad plures: quia non ad ostentationem, sed ad aedificationem Christianis loquendum est. » Et unde, oro te, librorum tuorum ad me fama pervenit? Quis eos Romae? quis in Italia? quis per Dalmatiae insulas disseminavit? Si in scriniis tuis et amicorum tuorum latebant, ad me quomodo mea crimina pervenerunt? Et audes dicere te non ad ostentationem, sed ad aedificationem quasi Christianum loqui, qui de sene senex tanta confingis, quanta non diceret de latrone homicida, de scorto meretrix, scurra de mimo? Qui parturis mihi montes criminum, et gladios quos defigas [ Al. designas] in jugulum meum, tanto ante tempore exacuis? Idcircone Cereales et anabasii tui per diversas provincias cucurrerunt, ut laudes meas legerent? Ut panegyricum tuum per angulos et plateas, ac muliercularum textrinas recitarent? Haec est tua illa sancta verecundia, haec aedificatio Christiana; sic modestus es, sic pudens, ut catervatim de occidente venientes, mihi tua maledicta narraverint: ita memoriter et consentanee, ut ego cogerer 534 non scriptis tuis, quae necdum legeram, sed scriptorum respondere opinionibus, et volantia toto orbe jacula falsitatis, clypeo veritatis excipere.

3.4 Your shameful taunt that I wished to get copies of your Apology by bribing your Secretary is an imputation to me of practices which are your own PL 23, 459

4. Your letter goes on:

“Pray do not trouble yourself to give a large sum of gold to bribe my secretary, as your friends did in the case of my papers containing the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, before they had been corrected and brought to completion, so that they might more easily falsify documents which no one possessed, or at least very few. Accept the document which I send you gratis, though you would be glad to pay a large sum to buy it.”

I should have thought you would be ashamed of such a beginning of your work. What! I bribe your Secretary! Is there any one who would attempt to vie with the wealth of Crœsus and Darius? who is there that does not tremble when he is suddenly confronted with a Demaratus or a Crassus? Have you become so brazen-faced, that you put your trust in lies and think lies will protect you and that we shall believe every fiction which you choose to frame? Who then was it who stole that letter in which you were so highly praised, from the cell of our brother Eusebius? Whose artfulness was it, and whose accomplices, through which a certain document was found in the lodgings of that Christian woman Fabiola and of that wise man Oceanus, which they themselves had never seen? Do you think that you are innocent because you can cast upon others all the imputations which properly belong to you? Is every one who offends you, however guiltless and harmless he may be, at once held to become a criminal? You think so, I suppose, because you are possessed of that through which the chastity of Danaë was broken down, that which had more power with Gihazi than his master’s sacred character, that for which Judas betrayed his Master.

Epiphanii epistolam furatus est monachus Rufini minister. --Sequitur in epistola tua: « Noli multo auro redimere notarium meum: sicut amici tui de meis περὶ Ἀρχῶν schedulis, nondum emendatis, nondum ad purum digestis, fecerunt: ut facilius falsare possent, quod aut nullus haberet, aut admodum pauci. Gratis a me missum suscipe codicem, quem censu magno cuperes comparatum. » Non te pudet prooemii? Ego auro redimerem notarium tuum? Et quis talis ac tantus est, ut audeat cum Croeso et Dario pugnare divitiis? Ut subitum Demaratum, et Crassum non pertimescat? Usque adeone obdurasti frontem ut mendacium ponas spem tuam: et existimes te protegi posse mendacio, et quidquid finxeris tibi credendum putes? Quis Bethleem de cubiculo fratris Eusebii furatus est epistolam laudatricem tuam? Cujus artificio, et a cujus ministris in sanctae Fabiolae hospitio, et viri Christiani et prudentis Oceani, inventus est codex, quem illi numquam viderant? An idcirco te existimas innocentem, si quidquid tuum est, in alios conferas? Quicumque te offenderit, quamvis simplex, quamvis innoxius sit, illico criminosus fiet? habes enim, per quod Danaes est victa pudicitia, quod Giezi magistri praetulit sanctitati, propter quod Judas tradidit Dominum suum.

3.5 Eusebius should not have accused you; but your charges against him will not stand PL 23, 460

5. Let us understand what was the wrong done by my friend who, you say ‘falsified parts of your papers when they had not yet been corrected nor carried to completion, and it was the more possible to falsify them because very few if any as yet possessed them.’ I have already said, and I now repeat, with protestations in the presence of God, that I did not approve his accusing you, nor of any Christian accusing another Christian; for what need is there that matters which can be corrected or set right in private should be published abroad to the stumbling and fall of many? But since each man lives for his own gullet, and a man does not by becoming your friend become master of your will, while I blame the accusing of a brother even when it is true, so also I cannot accept against a man of saintly character this accusation of falsifying your papers. How could a man who only knows Latin change anything in a translation from the Greek? Or how could he take out or put in anything in such books as the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, in which everything is so closely knit together that one part hangs upon another, and anything that may be taken out or put in to suit your will must at once show out like a patch on a garment? What you ask me to do, it is for you to do yourself. Put on at least a small measure of natural if not of Christian modesty in your assertions; do not despise and trample upon your conscience, and imagine yourself justified by a show of words, when the facts are against you. If Eusebius bought your uncorrected papers for money in order to falsify them, produce the genuine papers which have not been falsified: and if you can shew that there is nothing heretical in them, he will become amenable to the charge of forgery. But, however much you may alter or correct them, you will not make them out to be catholic. If the error existed only in the words or in some few statements, what is bad might be cut off and what is good be substituted for it. But, when the whole discussion proceeds on a single principle, namely, the notion that the whole universe of reasonable creatures have fallen by their own will, and will hereafter return to a condition of unity: and that again from that starting point another fall will begin: what is there that you can amend, unless you alter the whole book? But if you were to think of doing this, you would no longer be translating another man’s work but composing a work of your own.

However, I hardly see which way your argument tends. I suppose you mean that the papers being uncorrected and not having undergone a final revising were more easily falsified by Eusebius. Perhaps I am stupid; but the argument appears to me somewhat foolish and pointless. If the papers were uncorrected and had not undergone their final revision, the errors in them must be imputed not to Eusebius but to your sloth and delay in putting off their correction; and all the blame that can be laid upon him is that he circulated among the body of Christians writings which you had intended in course of time to correct. But if, as you assert, Eusebius falsified them, why do you put forward the allegation that they were uncorrected, and that they had gone out before the public without their final revision? For papers whether corrected or uncorrected are equally susceptible of falsification. But, No one, you say possessed these books, or very few. What contradictions this single sentence exhibits! If no one had these books, how could they be in the hands of a few? If a few possessed them, why do you state falsely that there were none? Then, when you say that a few had them, and by your own confession the statement that no one had them is overthrown, what becomes of your complaint that your secretary was bribed with money? Tell us the secretary’s name, the amount of the bribe, the place, the intermediary, the recipient. Of course the traitor has been cast off from you, and one convicted of so great a crime has been separated from all familiarity with you. Is it not more likely to be true that the copies of the work which Eusebius obtained were given him by those few friends whom you speak of, especially since these copies agree and coincide with one another so completely that there is not the difference of a single stroke. We might ask also whether it was quite wise to give a copy to others which you had not yet corrected? The documents had not received their last corrections, and yet other men possessed these errors of yours which needed correction. Do you not see that your falsehood will not hold together? Besides, what profit was there for you, at that particular moment—how would it have helped you in escaping from the condemnation of the bishops—that the book which was the subject of discussion should be open to everyone, and that you should thus be refuted by your own words? From all this it is clear, according to the epigram of the famous orator, that you have a good will for a lie, but not the art of framing it.

Non probat accusationem Christiani in Christianum. Defendit Eusebium Cremonensem. Errores libri Periarchon. -- « Videamus tamen quid meus necessarius de schedulis tuis, necdum emendatis, et nondum ad purum digestis, falsaverit: et ob id facilius ei falsatae fuerint, quod aut nullus eas haberet, aut admodum pauci. » Et ante scripsi, et nunc eadem, Deo audiente, protestor, me non approbasse accusationem ejus, nec cujusquam Christiani in Christianum. Quid enim necesse est, in multorum scandala ruinamque proferri, quae secreto aut corripere valeas, aut emendare? Sed quia unusquisque vivit stomacho suo: et amicus non statim dominus est alterius voluntatis: sicut accusationem etiam veram reprehendo, sic falsitatem schedularum in sancto viro non suscipio. Quid enim 535 homo Latinus de interpretatione Graeca potuit immutare? Aut quid subtraheret, vel adderet in libris περὶ Ἀρχῶν ubi sic contexta sunt omnia, et alterum pendet ex altero, ut quidquid tollere volueris, vel addere, quasi pannus in vestimento statim appareat? Quod ergo me mones, ipse facito: paululum saltem humani, si non Christiani pudoris assume, ne despecta et calcata conscientia tua, verbis te purgatum putes, qui rebus urgeris. Si Eusebius auro redemit inemendatas schedulas, quas falsaret, tu profer tuas, quae falsatae non sint: et si probaveris nihil in eis haereticum, tunc ille crimine tenebitur falsitatis. Quamvis mutes, quamvis corrigas, catholicas non probabis. Si enim error esset in verbis, aut in paucis sensibus, possent detruncari mala, et bona pro his reponi. Ubi autem tota disputatio aequalis est: ut universae rationales creaturae, quae propria voluntate corruerant, in unum postea revertantur statum: ut rursum ex eodem principio aliae sint ruinae; quid habes emendare, nisi cuncta mutaveris? Quod si facere volueris, jam non libros alienos interpretaberis, sed condes tuos. Hoc autem cujusmodi argumentum sit, non intelligo. Quia, inquit, inemendatae, et nondum ad purum digestae erant schedulae, idcirco facilius ab Eusebio falsatae sunt. Aut ego tardior sum; aut mihi satis fatuum et obtusum videtur. Si nondum emendatae, nec ad purum digestae erant schedulae, error earum non Eusebio imputabitur, sed morae et tarditati tuae, qui emendare cessasti. Et in eo solo erit ille culpabilis, quia scripta tua cito disseminavit in vulgus, quae tu paulatim emendare decreveras. Sin autem, ut tu vis, eas falsavit Eusebius: quid causaris, atque praetendis inemendatas, et necdum ad purum digestas in publicum prorupisse? Et emendatae enim, et non emendatae similem recipiunt falsitatem. Nullus, inquis, eos habebat libros, aut admodum pauci. In uno sermone quanta diversitas! Si nullus eos habebat, quomodo apud paucos erant? Si pauci habebant, cur nullum habuisse mentiris? cum autem dicas 536 apud paucos fuisse; et te ipso confitente subversum sit, quod nullus habuerit, ubi est illud, quod quereris, auro redemptum notarium tuum? Dic nomen notarii, quantum auri datum sit, ubi, per quem, aut cui datum. Utique proditorem tuum abjecisti a te [ Al. ante]; et tanti facinoris reum a tuo consortio separasti. Vide ne magis illud verum sit, a paucis illis amicis tuis, et Eusebio et caeteris data exemplaria; quae ita inter se congruunt, atque consentiunt, ut ne puncto quidem alterum ab altero differat. Deinde cujus prudentiae est, dare exemplar aliis, quod nondum emendaveras? Scriptae ad purum non erant schedulae; et emendandos errores tuos jam alii possidebant. Sentisne non haerere inter se mendacium? Et quid tibi in articulo temporis profuit, ut episcoporum sententias subterfugeres, patere discussum, et tuis te verbis redargui? Ex quo apparet juxta inclyti oratoris ( Ciceronis ) elogium, te voluntatem habere mentiendi, artem fingendi non habere.

3.6 You taunt me with boasting of my eloquence. Will you boast of your illiteracy? PL 23, 461

6. I will follow the order of your letter, and subjoin your very words as you spoke them. “I admit, that, as you say, I praised your eloquence in my Preface; and I would praise it again now were it not that contrary to the advice of your Tully, you make it hateful by excessive boastfulness.” Where have I boasted of my eloquence? I did not even accept willingly the praise which you bestowed on it. Perhaps your reason for saying this is that you do not wish, yourself, to be flattered by public praise given in guile. Rest assured you shall be accused openly; you reject one who would praise you; you shall have experience of one who openly arraigns you. I was not so foolish as to criticize your illiterate style; no one can expose it to condemnation so strongly as you do whenever you write. I only wished to show your fellow-disciples who shared your lack of literary training what progress you had made during your thirty years in the East, an illiterate writer, who takes impudence for eloquence, and universal evil speaking a sign of a good conscience. I am not going to administer the ferule; I do not assume, as you put it, to apply the strokes of the leather thong to teach an aged pupil his letters. But the fact is your eloquence and teaching is so sparkling that we mere tract-writers cannot bear it, and you dazzle our eyes with the acuteness of your talents to such an extent that we must all seem to be envious of you; and we must really join in the attempt to suppress you, for, if once you obtain the primacy among us as a writer, and stand on the summit of the rhetorical arch, all of us who profess to know anything will not be allowed to mutter a word. I am, according to you, a philosopher and an orator, grammarian, dialectician, one who knows Hebrew, Greek and Latin, a ‘trilingual’ man. On this estimate, you also will be ‘bilingual,’ who know enough Latin and Greek to make the Greek think you a Latin scholar and the Latin a Greek: and the bishop Epiphanius will be a ‘pentaglossic man’ since he speaks in five languages against you and your favorite. But I wonder at the rashness which made you dare to say to one so accomplished as you profess to think me: “You, whose accomplishments give you so many watchful eyes, how can you be pardoned if you go wrong? How can you fail to be buried in the silence of a never ending shame?” When I read this, and reflected that I must somewhere or other have made a slip in my words (for “if any man does not go wrong in word, the same is a perfect man”) and was expecting that he was about to expose some of my faults; all of a sudden I came upon the words: “Two days before the carrier of this letter set out your declamation against me was put into my hands.” What became then of those threats of yours, and of your words: “How can you be pardoned if you go wrong? How can you fail to be covered with the silence of a never ending shame?” Yet perhaps, notwithstanding the shortness of the time, you were able to put this in order; or else you were intending to hire in one of the learned sort, who would expect to find in my works the ornaments and gems of an eloquence like yours. You wrote before this: “Accept the document which I send which you wished to buy at a great price;” but now you speak with the pretence of humility. “I intended to follow your example; but, since the messenger who was returning to you was hurrying back again I thought it better to write shortly to you than at greater length to others.” In the meantime you boldly take pleasure in your illiteracy. Indeed you once confessed it, declaring that ‘it was superfluous to notice a few faults of style, when it was acknowledged that there were faults in every part.’ I will not therefore find fault with you for putting down that a document was acquired when you meant that it was bought; though acquiring is said of things like in kind, whereas buying implies the counting out of money: nor for such a sentence as “as he who was returning to you was hurrying back again” which is a redundancy worthy of the poorest style of diction. I will only reply to the arguments, and will convict you, not of solæcisms and barbarisms, but of falsehood, cunning and impudence.

Comparare et emere quid differant? --Sequar ordinem epistolae, et ipsa, ut locutus es, verba subnectam. « Eloquentiam, ut dicis, tuam, et in Praefatione mea laudasse me fateor; et etiam nunc laudarem, nisi tu eam contra Tullii tui sententiam, multa jactantia faceres odiosam. » Ubi jactavi eloquentiam meam, qui etiam a te laudatam non libenter accepi? An hoc dicis, quia non vis subdola praedicatione palpari? Aperte accusaberis, ut qui laudantem respuis, sentias criminantem. Imperitiam autem tuam, non tam stultus eram, ut reprehenderem; quam nemo potest fortius accusare, quam tu ipse dum scribis. Sed volui ostendere condiscipulis tuis, qui tecum non didicerunt litteras, quid per triginta annos in Oriente profeceris: qui, συγγραφεὺ ἀγράμματος ( scriptor illitteratus ), procacitatem, disertitudinem, et maledicere omnibus, bonae conscientiae signum arbitraris. Nec tibi, ut dicis, ferulas adhibeo, neque athenogeronta ( Senem discipulum ) meum scutica, et plagis litteras docere contendo; sed quia fulmen [ Al. flumen] eloquentiae tuae, atque doctrinae omnes tractatores ferre non possumus, et ingenii acumine perstringis oculos nostros, intantum ut omnes 537 tuos invidos putes, certatim opprimere te cupimus: ne si semel in scribendo obtinueris principatum, et in eloquentiae arce steteris, cunctis nobis qui aliquid scire volumus, mutire non liceat. Ego philosophus, rhetor, grammaticus, dialecticus, Hebraeus, Graecus, Latinus, trilinguis. Hoc modo et tu bilinguis eris, qui tantam habes Graeci Latinique sermonis scientiam, ut et Graeci te Latinum, et Latini te Graecum putent: et papa Epiphanius πεντάγλωττος [Mss. πεντάγλωσσος] quia quinque linguis contra te et Amasium tuum ( Origenem ) loquitur. Simulque admiror, qua temeritate contra tantarum artium virum audeas dicere: « Tu qui tot disciplinarum oculis vigilas, quomodo venia donandus es, si erraveris, et non perpetuo pudoris silentio contegendus? » Quod cum legissem, et me putarem alicubi in sermone lapsum ( qui enim (Jacob III, 2) in verbo non peccat, iste perfectus est ), et suspicarer eum aliquid meorum prolaturum esse vitiorum, subito intulit: « Ante biduum mihi, quam proficisceretur harum bajulus, in manus venerunt, quae in me declamasti. » Ubi est ergo, quod minaris, et dicis, « Quomodo donandus es venia, si erraveris, et non perpetuo pudoris silentio contegendus? » Nisi forte prae angustia temporis potuisti ea in ordinem digerere: aut aliquem de cruditis conducturus eras, qui in opusculis meis gemmarum eloquentiae tuae ornamenta perquireret. Supra scripsisti: « Gratis a me missum codicem suscipe, quem sensu magno cuperes comparatum, et nunc humilitatis praestigiis loqueris. Imitari te volui [ Al. volui]; sed refestinante eo, qui ad te remeabat, malui paucis ad te, quam ad alios pro tuis maledictis latius scribere. Et interim audac ter frueris imperitia tua. Semel enim confessus es, dicens: « Superflua tibi reprehensio fuit in paucis, quae professa nobis habetur in omnibus. » Nec reprehendam, quod comparatum codicem, pro empto posueris: cum comparatio aequalium sit; emptio pretii annumeratio: et refestinante eo, qui ad te remeabat, sordidissimae elocutionis περισσολογίᾳ. Tantum sensibus respondebo; et te nequaquam soloecistam, ac barbarum, sed 538 mendacem, subdolum, impudentem esse convincam.

3.7 You wish first to praise, then to amend me, but both with fisticuffs; and make it impossible for me to keep silence PL 23, 462

7. If it is true that you write a letter to me so as to admonish me, and, because you wish that I should be reformed, and that you do not wish that men should have a stumbling block put in their way, and that some may be driven mad and others be put to silence; why do you write books addressed to others against me, and scatter them by your myrmidons for the whole world to read? And what becomes of your dilemma in which you try to entangle me, “Whom, best of masters, did you think to correct? If those to whom you wrote, there was no fault to find with them; if me whom you accuse, it was not to me that you wrote”? And I will reply to you in your own words: “Whom did you wish to correct, unlearned master? Those who had done no wrong? or me to whom you did not write? You think your leaders are brutish and are all incapable of understanding your subtilty, or rather your ill will, (for it was in this that the serpent was more subtile than all the beasts in paradise,) in asking that my admonition to you should be of a private character, when you were pressing an indictment against me in public. You are not ashamed to call this indictment of yours an Apology: And you complain that I oppose a shield to your poniard, and with much religiosity and sanctimoniousness you assume the mask of humility, and say: “If I had erred, why did you write to others, and not try to confute me?” I will retort on you this very point. What you complain that I did not do, why did you not do yourself? It is as if a man who is attacking another with kicks and fisticuffs, and finds him intending to shew fight, should say to him: “Do you not know the command, ‘If a man smites you on the cheek, turn to him the other’?” It comes to this, my good sir, you are determined to beat me, to strike out my eye; and then, when I bestir myself ever so little, you harp upon the precept of the Gospel. Would you like to have all the windings of your cunning exposed?—those tricks of the foxes who dwell among the ruins, of whom Ezekiel writes, “Like foxes in the desert, so are thy prophets, O Israel.” Let me make you understand what you have done. You praised me in your Preface in such a way that your praises are made a ground of accusation against me, and if I had not declared myself to be without any connexion with my admirer, I should have been judged as a heretic. After I repelled your charges, that is your praises, and without shewing ill will to you personally, answered the accusations, not the accuser, and inveighed against the heretics, to shew that, though defamed by you, I was a catholic; you grew angry, and raved and composed the most magnificent works against me; and when you had given them to all men to read and repeat, letters came to me from Italy, and Rome and Dalmatia, shewing each more clearly than the last, what all the encomiums were worth with which in your former laudation you had decorated me.

In Praefatione libri περὶ Ἀρχῶν.--Si ad me tantum epistolam scribis, ut me commoneas, et emendatum velis, ne caeteris scandalum facias, et aliis furentibus, jugulentur alii: cur libros contra me scribis ad alios, et legendos per satellites tuos toto orbe dispergis? Ubi est syllogismus tuus, quo me irretire conaris, et loqueris? « Quem in hoc, magister optime, emendare cupiebas? si illos, ad quos scribis, nihil deliquerant; si me quem arguis, non ad me scripseras. » Et ego tuis respondebo tibi sermonibus: Quem emendare cupiebas, magister indocte? eosne, qui non peccaverant? an me, ad quem non scripseras? Brutos putas esse lectores, et omnes non intelligere prudentiam tuam, immo malitiam, qua et serpens prudentior fuit cunctis bestiis in paradiso: ut a me secretam admonitionem flagites, quem publica accusatione persequeris; et non te pudet accusationem tuam Apologiam vocare? Quererisque cur opponam clypeum pugioni tuo, et tibi quasi religiosulus et sanctulus personam humilitatis imponis et dicis: « Si erraveram, quare scribis aliis, et non meipsum redarguis? » Hoc ipsum in te retorquebo: Quidquid enim me non fecisse causaris, quare non ipse fecisti? Velut si quis pugnis aliquem calcibusque collidens, si resistere voluerit, dicat ei: Nonne tibi praeceptum est: Qui te percusserit in maxillam, praebe illi et alteram ? Quid enim, bone vir, tibi praeceptum est, ut me verberes; oculum mihi effodias; et si paululum me commovero, Evangelii mihi praecepta cantabis. Vis scire totas [ Al. tortas] argutiarum tuarum strophas, et vulpecularum insidias, quae habitant in parietinis, de quibus Ezechiel loquitur: Quasi vulpes in deserto Prophetae tui, Israel ? Ausculta quid feceris. Ita me in tua Praefatione laudasti, ut objicerentur mihi laudes tuae, et nisi me alienum a tanto laudatore dixissem, haereticus judicarer. Postquam repuli crimina, id est laudes tuas, et absque invidia tui nominis, respondi criminibus, non criminatori: atque ut me catholicum a te infamatus probarem, invectus sum in haereticos; irasceris, furis, 539 et luculentissimos libros contra me cudis: quos quum legendos et cantandos omnibus tradidisses, certatim ad me de Italia, et urbe Roma, atque Dalmatia Scripta venerunt, quibus me laudator pristinus ornasses praeconiis.

3.8 You wish first to praise, then to amend me, but both with fisticuffs; and make it impossible for me to keep silence PL 23, 463

8. I confess, I immediately set to work to reply to the insinuations directed against me, and tried with all my might to prove that I was no heretic, and I sent these books of my Apology to those whom your book had pained, so that your poison might be followed by my antidote. In reply to this, you sent me your former books, and now send me this last letter, full of injurious language and accusations. My good friend, what do you expect me to do? To keep silence? That would be to acknowledge myself guilty. To speak? But you hold your sword over my head, and threaten me with an indictment, no longer before the church but before the law-courts. What have I done that deserves punishment? Wherein have I injured you? Is it that I have shewn myself not to be a heretic? or that I could not esteem myself worthy of your praises? or that I laid bare in plain words the tricks and perjuries of the heretics? What is all this to you who boast yourself a true man and a catholic, and who shew more zeal in attacking me than in defending yourself? Must I be thought to be attacking you because I defend myself? or is it impossible that you should be orthodox unless you prove me to be a heretic? What help can it give you to be connected with me? and what is the meaning of your action? You are accused by one set of people and you answer only by attacking another. You find an attack made on you by one man, and you turn your back upon him and attack another who was for leaving you alone.

Purgavit haereseos suspicionem. --Fateor, illico ad objecta respondi; et me non esse haereticum, totis viribus probare conatus sum. Misique hos ipsos Apologiae meae libros, ad eos quos tu vulneraveras; ut venena tua, nostra sequeretur antidotus. Ob hanc culpam mittis mihi et priores libros, et recentem epistolam, plenam injuriarum et criminum. Quid me vis facere, bone amice? Taceam? Videbor crimen agnoscere. Loquar? Terres me gladiis tuis, et accusationem non jam Ecclesiasticam, sed tribunalium comminaris. Quid feci? quid commerui? in quo te laesi? Quia me negavi haereticum? quia me tuis laudibus duxi indignum? quia haereticorum fraudulentias et perjuria aperto sermone descripsi? Quid ad te, qui et catholicum et veracem te esse jactas, qui libentius me accusas quam te defendis? Num mea defensio, accusatio tua est? Aut aliter orthodoxus esse non poteris, nisi me haereticum comprobaveris? Quid tibi prodest societas mea? Aut quae est ista prudentia? Accusatus ab aliis, accusas alium. Ab alio appeteris; et illi tergum obvertens, quiescentem contra te provocas.

3.9 Why cannot you join with me in condemning Origen, and so put an end to our quarrel? PL 23, 464

9. I call Jesus the Mediator to witness that it is against my will, and fighting against necessity, that I come down into the arena of this war of words, and that, had you not challenged me, I would have never broken silence. Even now, let your charges against me cease, and my defence will cease. For it is no edifying spectacle that is presented to our readers, that of two old men engaging in a gladiatorial conflict on account of a heretic; especially when both of them wish to be thought catholics. Let us leave off all favouring of heretics, and there will be no dispute between us. We once were zealous in our praise of Origen; let us be equally zealous in condemning him now that he is condemned by the whole world. Let us join hands and hearts, and march with a ready step behind the two trophy-bearers of the East and West. We went wrong in our youth, let us mend our ways in our age. If you are my brother, be glad that I have seen my errors; if I am your friend, I must give you joy on your conversion. So long as we maintain our strife, we shall be thought to hold the right faith not willingly but of necessity. Our enmity prevents our affording the spectacle of a true repentance. If our faith is one, if we both of us accept and reject the same things, (and it is from this, as even Catiline testifies, that firm friendships arise), if we are alike in our hatred of heretics, and equally condemn our former mistakes, why should we set out to battle against each other, when we have the same objects both of attack and defence? Pardon me for having praised Origen’s zeal for Scriptural learning in my youthful days before I fully knew his heresies; and I will grant you forgiveness for having written an Apology for his works when your head was grey.

Senes Rufinus et Hieronymus. Origenis laudavit eruditionem in adolescentia. --Testor mediatorem Jesum, invitum me et repugnantem ad haec verba descendere [ Al. respondere]; et nisi tu provocares, semper taciturum fuisse. Denique noli accusare, et ego cessabo defendere. Quae enim est audientium aedificatio, duos senes inter se propter haereticos digladiari: praesertim cum ambo Catholicos se videri velint? Omittamus haereticorum patrocinium, et nulla erit inter nos contentio. Eodem fervore quo Origenem ante laudavimus, nunc damnatum toto orbe damnemus. Jungamus dextras, animos copulemus: et duos ( Theophilum et Anastasium ) Orientis atque Occidentis τροπαιοφόρους, alacri sequamur incessu. Erravimus juvenes, emendemur senes. Si frater es, me gaude correctum. Si amicus sum, de conversione tua debeo gratulari. 540 Quamdiu inter nos jurgium fuerit, videbimur rectam fidem necessitate ducere, non voluntate. Inimicitiae nostrae, invicem nobis tollunt testimonium verae poenitentiae. Si unum credimus, si idem et volumus et nolumus (ex quo firmas nasci amicitias, etiam Catilina testatur), si haereticos pariter odimus, et veterem aeque damnamus errorem, quid contra nos tendimus, cum eadem oppugnemus, eadem defendamus? Ignosce mihi, quod Origenis eruditionem et studium Scripturarum, antequam ejus haeresim plenius nossem, in juvenili aetate laudavi; et ego tibi dabo veniam, quod Apologiam librorum ejus cano scripseris capite.

3.10 The assertion that you had only two days for your answer is a fiction PL 23, 464

10. You state that my book came into your hands two days before you wrote your letter to me, and that therefore you had no sufficient leisure to make a reply. Otherwise, if you had spoken against me after full thought and preparation, we might think that you were casting forth lightnings rather than accusations. But even so veracious a person as you will hardly gain credence when you tell us that a merchant of Eastern wares whose business is to sell what he has brought from these parts and to buy Italian goods to bring over here for sale, only stayed two days at Aquileia, so that you were obliged to write your letter to me in a hurried and extempore fashion. For your books which it took you three years to put into complete shape are hardly more carefully written. Perhaps, however, you had no one at hand then to amend your sorry productions, and this is the reason why your literary journey is destitute of the aid of Pallas, and is intersected by faults of style, as by rough places and chasms at every turn. It is clear that this statement about the two days is false; you would not have been able in that time even to read what I wrote, much less to reply to it; so that it is evident that either you took a good many days in writing your letter, which its elaborate style makes probable; or, if this is your hasty style of composition, and you can write so well off-hand, you would be very negligent in your composition to write so much worse when you have had time for thought.

Ante biduum, quam ad nos Epistolam scriberes, libellos meos in manus tuas venisse testaris, et idcirco non habuisse spatium ex otio respondendi: alioqui si meditatus in nos paratusque dixisses, fulmina jacere, non crimina videreris. Et quis tibi credet homini veracissimo, ut negotiator orientalium mercium, qui et hinc deportata vendere necesse habebat, et ibi emere, quae huc rursus adveheret, biduum tantum Aquileiae fuerit, ut raptim et ex tempore contra nos dictare epistolam cogereris? Libri enim tui quos limasti per triennium, disertiores sunt? Nisi forte non fuit impraesentiarum, qui tuas emendaret naenias: et idcirco omne iter dictionis tuae, absque Palladis arte, salebris et voraginibus vitiorum inciditur. Tam apertum temporis mendacium est, ut non dicam respondere, sed legere biduo mea scripta non potueris. Ex quo apparet te illam epistolam, aut pluribus diebus scripsisse, ut styli ipsius elegantia probat: aut si tumultuaria dictio [ Al. dictatio] est, nimirum te esse negligentem, qui cum extemporalis talis sis, meditatus deterior fueris.

3.11 Your translation, contrariwise to my Commentaries, vouches for the soundness of Origen PL 23, 465

11. You state, with some prevarication, that you have translated from the Greek what I had before translated into Latin; but I do not clearly understand to what you are alluding, unless you are still bringing up against me the Commentary on the Ephesians, and hardening yourself in your effrontery, as if you had received no answer on this head. You stop your ears and will not hear the voice of the charmer. What I have done in that and other commentaries is to develop both my own opinion and that of others, stating clearly which are catholic and which heretical. This is the common rule and custom of those who undertake to explain books in commentaries: They give at length in their exposition the various opinions, and explain what is thought by themselves and by others. This is done not only by those who expound the holy Scriptures but also by those who explain secular books whether in Greek or in Latin. You, however, cannot screen yourself in reference to the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν by this fact; for you will be convicted by your own Preface, in which you undertake that the evil parts and those which have been added by heretics have been cut off but that all that is best remains; so that all that you have written, whether good or bad, must be held to be the work, not of the author whom you are translating, but of yourself who have made the translation. Perhaps, indeed, you ought to have corrected the errors of the heretics, and to have set forth publicly what is wrong in Origen. But on this point, (since you refer me to the document itself,) I have made you my answer before reading your letter.

Commentariorum mos et regula. --Illud autem quod tergiversaris, et dicis, te ea transtulisse de Graeco, quae ego prius Latino sermone transtulerim, non satis intelligo quid velis dicere: nisi forte adhuc Commentarios ad Ephesios criminaris, et quasi nihil tibi super hoc responsum sit, obduras frontis impudentiam; nec auribus obturatis, voces recipis incantantis. Nos in Commentariis, et illis et aliis, et 541 nostram et aliorum sententiam explicavimus, aperte confitentes quae sunt haeretica, quae catholica. Hic est enim Commentariorum mos, et explanantium regula, ut opiniones in expositione varias persequantur, et quod vel sibi, vel aliis videatur, edisserant. Et hoc non solum sanctarum interpretes Scripturarum, sed saecularium quoque litterarum, explanatores faciunt, tam Latinae linguae, quam Graecae. Tu in libris περὶ Ἀρχῶν, idipsum obtendere non potes. Arguet enim te Praefatiuncula tua, in qua polliceris, detruncatis malis, et quae ab haereticis addita fuerant, optima remansisse: ut quidquid ibi vel bonum, vel malum dixeris, jam non ei imputetur, quem transfers, sed tibi qui interpretatus es; nisi forte haereticorum errores emendare debueras, et Origenis mala proferre in medium. Sed de hoc, quia nos remittis ad codicem, ante tibi respondimus, quam tua scripta legeremus.

3.12 You try to shield Origen by falsely attributing the Apology for him to Pamphilus PL 23, 465

12. About the book of Pamphilus, what happened to me was, not comical as you call it, but perhaps ridiculous; namely that after I had asserted it to be by Eusebius not by Pamphilus, I stated at the end of the discussion that I had for many years believed that it was by Pamphilus, and that I had borrowed a copy of this book from you. You may judge how little I fear your derision from the fact that even now I make the same statement. I took it from your manuscript as being a copy of a work of Pamphilus. I trusted in you as a Christian and as a monk: I did not imagine that you would be guilty of such a wicked imposture. But, after that the question of Origen’s heresy was stirred throughout the world on account of your translation of his work, I was more careful in examining copies of the book, and in the library of Cæsarea I found the six volumes of Eusebius’ Apology for Origen. As soon as I had looked through them, I at once detected the book on the Son and the Holy Spirit which you alone have published under the name of the martyr, altering most of its blasphemies into words of a better meaning. And this I saw must have been done either by Didymus or by you or some other (it is quite clear that you did it in reference to the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν) by this decisive proof, that Eusebius tells us that Pamphilus published nothing of his own. It is for you therefore to say from whence you obtained your copy; and do not, for the sake of avoiding my accusation, say that it was from some one who is dead, or, because you have no one to point to, name one who cannot answer for himself. If this rivulet has its source in your desk, the inference is plain enough, without my drawing it. But, suppose that the title of this book and the name of the author has been changed by some other lover of Origen, what motive had you for turning it into Latin? Evidently this, that, through the testimony given to him by a martyr, all should trust to the writings of Origen, since they were guaranteed beforehand by a witness of such authority. But the Apology of this most learned man was not sufficient for you; you must write a treatise of your own in his defence, and, when these two documents had been widely circulated, you felt secure in proceeding to translate the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν itself from the Greek, and commended it in a Preface, in which you said that some things in it had been corrupted by the heretics, but that you had corrected them from a study of others of Origen’s writings. Then come in your praises of me for the purpose of preventing any of my friends from speaking against you. You put me forward as the trumpeter of Origen, you praise my eloquence to the skies, so that you may drag down the faith into the mire; you call me colleague and brother, and profess yourself the imitator of my works. Then, while on the one hand you cry me up as having translated seventy homilies of Origen, and some of his short treatises on the Apostle, in which you say that I so smoothed things down that the Latin reader will find nothing in them which is discrepant from the Catholic faith; now on the other hand you brand these very books as heretical; and, obliterating your former praise, you accuse the man whom you had preached up when you thought he would figure as your ally, because you find that he is the enemy of your perfidy. Which of us two is the calumniator of the martyr? I, who say that he was no heretic, and that he did not write the book which is condemned by every one; or you, who have published a book written by a man who was an Arian and changed his name into that of the martyr? It is not enough for you that Greece has been scandalized; you must press the book upon the ears of the Latins, and dishonor an illustrious martyr as far as in you lies by your translation. Your intention no doubt was not this; it was not to accuse me but to make me serve for the defence of Origen’s writings. But let me tell you that the faith of Rome which was praised by the voice of an Apostle, does not recognize tricks of this kind. A faith which has been guaranteed by the authority of an Apostle cannot be changed though an Angel should announce another gospel than that which he preached. Therefore, my brother, whether the falsification of the book proceeds from you, as many believe, or from another, as you will perhaps try to persuade us, in which case you have only been guilty of rashness in believing the composition of a heretic to be that of a martyr, change the title, and free the innocence of the Romans from this great peril. It is of no advantage to you to be the means of a most illustrious martyr being condemned as a heretic: of one who shed his blood for Christ being proud to be an enemy of the Christian faith. Take another course: say, I found a book which I believed to be the work of a martyr. Do not fear to be a penitent. I will not press you further. I will not ask from whom you obtained it; you can name some dead man if you please, or say you bought it from an unknown man in the street: for I do not wish to see you condemned, but converted. It is better that it should appear that you were in error than that the martyr was a heretic. At all events, by some means or other, draw out your foot from its present entanglement: consider what answer you will make in the judgment to come to the complaints which the martyrs will bring against you.

Ridiculosa res et ridicula. Fides Romana praestigias non recepit. --De Pamphili libro, non ridiculosa, ut tu scribis, sed ridicula mihi forte res accidit, ut postquam Eusebii asseruerim esse, non Pamphili, ad extremum dixerim, etiam me annos plurimos hoc putasse, quod Pamphili fuerit, et a te exemplar hujus voluminis mutuatum. Vide quantum timeam cachinnos tuos, ut etiam nunc eadem ingeram. De tuo codice quasi Pamphili exemplar accepimus. Credidi Christiano, et credidi monacho: non putavi tantum sceleris a te posse confingi. Postea vero per interpretationem tuam, quaestione contra Origenem toto orbe commota, in quaerendis exemplaribus diligentior fui, et in Caesariensi Bibliotheca Eusebii sex volumina reperi Ἀπολογίας ὑπὲρ Ὠριγένους. Quae cum legissem, primum eum librum deprehendi, quem tu solus sub nomine martyris edidisti, de Filio et Spiritu Sancto, in bonam partem plerisque blasphemiis commutatis. Et hoc vel Didymum, vel te, vel alium fecisse nescio quem, quod tu apertissime in libris περὶ Ἀρχῶν, fecisse convinceris: maxime cum idem Eusebius (ut jam duobus ( superioribus ) libris docui) scribat Pamphilum, nihil proprii operis edidisse. Dic ergo et tu, a quo exemplar acceperis, nec mihi ad subterfugiendum 542 crimen, mortuos aliquos nomines: ut cum auctorem ostendere non potueris, illum [ Al. alium] proferas, qui non possit respondere. Sin autem rivulus ille in tuis scriniis fontem habet, quid sequatur, etiam me tacente, non dubitas. Verum fac ab alio quolibet amatore Origenis, libri hujus titulum, et auctoris vocabulum commutatum, cur hoc in Latinam linguam vertis? Videlicet ut testimonio Martyris, omnes Origenis scriptis crederent: praemissa munitione tanti auctoris et testis. Nec tibi sufficit doctissimi viri Apologia, nisi scribas et proprium volumen pro defensione ejus: quibus per multos disseminatis, tuto jam libros περὶ Ἀρχῶν vertis e Graeco, et hos ipsos Praefatione commendas, dicens nonnulla in his ab haereticis depravata, quae tu de aliorum librorum Origenis lectione correxeris. Me quoque laudas, ne tibi amicorum meorum quispiam contradicat. Origenis κήρυκα ( praeconem ) praedicas, eloquentiam meam fers in coelum, ut fidem in coenum deprimas: fratrem et collegam vocas, et imitatorem te mei operis confiteris. Cumque a me translatas Origenis septuaginta homilias, et nonnullos tomos in Apostolum jactes, in quibus sic cuncta limaverim, « ut nihil in illis, quod a fide catholica discrepet, Latinus lector inveniat; nunc eosdem libros, haereticos criminaris: et verso stylo, quem praedicaveras, quia consortem putabas, accusas, quoniam [ Al. additur modo] perfidiae tuae cernis inimicum. Quis e duobus calumniator est martyris? Ego qui illum dico haereticum non fuisse, nec scripsisse librum, qui ab omnibus reprehenditur: an tu, qui volumen hominis Ariani, titulo commutato, sub nomine Martyris edidisti? Non tibi sufficit scandalum Graeciae, nisi illud et Latinorum auribus ingeras, et inclytum Martyrem tua quantum in te est translatione deformes. Tu quidem alia mente fecisti, non ut me accusares, sed ut Origenis per nos scripta defenderes. Attamen scito Romanam fidem, Apostolica voce laudatam, istiusmodi praestigias non recipere: etiam si Angelus aliter annuntiet, quam semel praedicatum est, Pauli auctoritate munitam non posse mutari. Ergo, frater, sive a te falsatus est 543 liber, ut multi putant: sive ab altero, ut forsitan persuadere conaberis, et temere credidisti, haeretici hominis σύνταγμα ( opus ) esse martyris, muta titulum, et Romanam simplicitatem tanto periculo libera. Non tibi expedit, ut per te clarissimus martyr haereticus judicetur; ut qui effudit pro Christo sanguinem, contrarius fidei Christi approbetur. Dic potius, Inveni librum, putavi illum martyris: ne timeas poenitentiam. Jam te non urgebo, non quaeram a quo acceperis: vel mortuorum aliquem nominato, vel in platea ab ignoto homine te emisse dicito. Non enim damnationem tuam quaerimus, sed conversionem. Melius est, ut tu erraveris, quam ut Martyr haereticus fuerit. Interim de praesenti compede, utcumque erue pedem. In futuro judicio tu videris, quid ad martyris contra te respondeas querimonias.

3.13 In my Commentaries my quotation of opposite opinions shows that neither is mine PL 23, 467

13. Moreover, you make a charge against yourself which has been brought by no one against you, and make excuses where no one has accused you. You say that you have read these and in my letter: “I want to know who has given you leave when translating a book, to remove some things, change others, and again add others.” And you go on to answer yourself, and to speak against me: “I say this to you Who I pray, has given you leave, in your Commentaries, to put down some things out of Origen, some from Apollinarius, some of your own, instead of all from Origen or from yourself or from some other?” All this while, while you are aiming at something different, you have been preferring a very strong charge against yourself; and you have forgotten the old proverb, that those who speak falsehood should have good memories. You say that I in my Commentaries have set down some things out of Origen, some from Apollinarius, some of my own. If then these things which I have set down under the names of others are the words of Apollinarius and of Origen; what is the meaning of the charge which you fasten upon me, that, when I say “Another says this,” “The following is some one’s conjecture,” that “other” or “some one” means myself? Between Origen and Apollinarius there is a vast difference of interpretation, of style, and of doctrine. When I set down discrepant opinions on the same passage, am I to be supposed to accept both the contradictory views? But more of this hereafter.

De commentariis calumnia. Apollinarius et Didymus diversi. --Proponis etiam tibi, quod nemo objicit, et diluis quod nullus accusat. Ais enim quod in meis litteris legeris: « Dic quis tibi permisit, ut interpretans quaedam auferres, quaedam mutares, quaedam adderes? » Statimque tibi ipsi respondes, et contra me loqueris: « En tibi dico: Quaeso quis permiserit, ut in Commentariis tuis, quaedam de Origene, quaedam de Apollinario, quaedam de te ipso scriberes, et non de Origene totum, aut ex te, aut ex alio? » Interim in te dum aliud agis, crimen fortissimum prodidisti, et oblitus es veteris proverbii: Mendaces memores esse debere. Dicis enim me in Commentariis meis, quaedam de Origene, quaedam de Apollinario, quaedam ex me ipso posuisse. Si ergo Apollinarii sunt et Origenis, quae sub aliorum nomine posui: quomodo in libris tuis mihi crimen impingis, quod quando scribo: « Alius hoc dicit; Quidam sic suspicatur; » alius ille, et quidam, ego sim. Inter Apollinarium et Didymum explanationis, styli, et dogmatum magna diversitas est. Cum in uno capitulo diversas pono sententias, num contrarios sensus sequi credendus sum? Sed haec alias.

3.14 Had you translated honestly, you would not have had Origen's heresies imputed to you PL 23, 467

14. Now I ask you this: Who may have blamed you for having either added or changed or taken away certain things in the books of Origen, and have put you to the question like a man on the horse-rack; Are those things which you put down in your translation bad or good? It is useless for you to simulate innocence, and by some silly question to parry the force of the true inquiry. I have never accused you for translating Origen for your own satisfaction. I have done the same, and so have Victorinus, Hilary, and Ambrose; but I have accused you for fortifying your translation of a heretical work by writing a preface approving of it. You compel me to go over the same ground, and to walk in the lines I myself have traced. For you say in that Prologue that you have cut away what had been added by the heretics; and have replaced it with what is good. If you have taken out the false statement of the heretics, then what you have left or have added must be either Origen’s, or yours, and you have set them down, presumably, as good. But that many of these are bad you cannot deny. “What is that,” you will say, “to me?” You must impute it to Origen; for I have done no more than alter what had been added by the heretics. Tell us then for what reason you took out the bad things written by the heretics and left those written by Origen untouched. Is it not clear that parts of the false doctrines of Origen you condemned under the designation of the doctrines of heretics, and others you accepted because you judged them to be not false but true and consonant with your faith? It was these last about which I inquired whether those things which you praised in your Preface were good or bad: it was these which you confessed you have left as perfectly good when you cut out all that was worst; and I thus have placed you, as I said, on the horse-rack, so that, if you say that they are good, you will be proved to be a heretic, but if you say they are bad, you will at once be asked: “Why then did you praise these bad things in your Preface?” And I did not add the question which you craftily pretend that I asked; “Why did you by your translation bring evil doctrines to the ears of the Latins?” For to exhibit what is bad may be done at times not for the sake of teaching them but of warning men against them: so that the reader may be on his guard not to follow the error, but may make light of the evils which he knows, whereas if unknown they might become objects of wonder to him. Yet after this, you dare to say that I am the author of writings of this kind, whereas you, as a mere translator would be going beyond the translator’s province if you had chosen to correct anything, but, if you did not correct anything, you acted as a translator alone. You would be quite right in saying this if your translation of the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν had no Preface; just as Hilary, when he translated Origen’s homilies took care to do it so that both the good and evil of them should be imputed not to the translator but to their own author. If you had not boasted that you had cut out the worst and left the best, you would, in some way or other, have escaped from the mire. But it is this that brings to nought the trick of your invention, and keeps you bound on all sides, so that you cannot get out. And I must ask you not to have too mean an opinion of the intelligence of your readers nor to think that all who will read your writings are so dull as not to laugh at you when they see you let real wounds mortify while you put plasters on a healthy body.

Quid damnet in translatione libri περὶ Ἀρχῶν. Origenis interpretes. --Nunc quaero a te: quis tibi objecerit, quare de Origene vel abstuleris quaedam, vel addideris, vel mutaveris, et te quasi in equuleo appensum interrogaverit: bona sunt, an mala 544 quae transtulisti? Frustra simulas innocentiam, ut interrogatione stulta, veram percontationem extenues. Ego non accusavi quare Origenem pro voluntate transtuleris: hoc enim et ipse feci, et ante me Victorinus, Hilarius, Ambrosiusque fecerunt; sed quare translationem haereticam Praefationis tuae testimonio roborasti? Cogis me eadem rursus iterare, et per meas lineas incedere. Dicis enim in eodem Prologo te ea quae ab haereticis addita fuerant, amputasse, et pro his reposuisse bona. Si haereticorum mala abstulisti, ergo quae dimisisti vel addidisti, aut Origenis erunt, aut tua, quae utique quasi bona posuisti. Sed multa in his mala negare non poteris. Quid, inquies, ad me? Origeni imputa: ego enim ea tantum quae ab haereticis addita fuerant, commutavi. Expone causas, quare haereticorum mala tuleris, et Origenis integra dereliqueris? Nonne perspicuum est, quod mala Origenis ex parte sub haereticorum nuncupatione damnaveris, et ex parte susceperis, quia non mala, sed bona, et tuae esse fidei judicabas? Haec sunt de quibus quaesivi, utrum bona essent, an mala, quae in Praefatione laudasti, quae amputatis pessimis, quasi optima remansisse confessus es, et te in verae argumentationis appendi equuleo, ut si bona dixeris, haereticus comproberis [ Al. comprehendaris]; si mala, statim audias: Cur ergo quae mala sunt, in Praefatione laudasti? Et non illud adjunxi, quod tu callide simulas: Cur quae mala erant, ad Latinorum notitiam transtulisti? Mala enim ostendere interdum non docentis est, sed vetantis [ Al. vitantis]: ut caveat lector, non ut sequatur errores; ut nota contemnat, quae nonnunquam ignota miraculo sunt. Et audes post haec dicere, quod ego auctor talium scriptorum sim: tu autem ut interpres, in quibus emendare aliquid potueris, plus egeris quam interpres; in quibus non potueris, solum interpres fueris. Recte ista diceres, si libri tui περὶ Ἀρχῶν Praefatiunculam non haberent. Quod et Hilarius in transferendis ejus Homiliis fecit, ut et bona et mala non interpreti, sed suo imputarentur auctori. Si non dixisses, amputasse te pessima, et optima reliquisse, utcumque de luto evaderes. Hoc est quod destruit strophas ingenioli tui, et te hinc 545 inde constrictum evadere non sinit. Nec intantum abutare simplicitate lectoris: et sic omnes qui tuam scripturam lecturi sunt, brutos putes, ut cum vulnera putrescere sinas, sano corpori te imponere emplastra non rideant.

3.15 You say the Bishops of Italy accept your views on the Resurrection. I doubt it PL 23, 468

15. What your opinions are on the resurrection of the flesh, we have already learned from your Apology. “No member will be cut off, nor any part of the body destroyed.” This is the clear and open profession which you make in your innocence, and which you say is accepted by all the bishops of Italy. I should believe your statement, but that the matter of that book which is not Pamphilus’ makes me doubt about you. And I wonder that Italy should have approved what Rome rejected; that the bishops should have accepted what the Apostolic see condemned.

De resurrectione. De carnis resurrectione quid sentias, jam in Apologia tua didicimus, « Nullo membro amputato, nec aliqua parte corporis desecta. » Haec est tuae simplicitatis pura et aperta confessio, quam ab omnibus Italiae episcopis asseris esse susceptam. Crederem dicenti, nisi me dubitare de te iste liber, non Pamphili, faceret. Et tamen miror quomodo probaverit Italia, quod Roma contempsit? Episcopi susceperint, quod sedes Apostolica condemnavit.

3.16 You rashly say that you will agree to whatever Theophilus lays down. You have to consider your friendship for Isidore now his enemy PL 23, 468

16. You further write that it was by my letters that you had been informed that the pope Theophilus lately put forth an exposition of the faith which has not yet reached you and you promise to accept whatever he may have written. I am not aware that I ever said this, or that I sent any letters of the sort. But you consent to things of which you are still in uncertainty, and things as to which you do not know what and of what kind they will turn out to be, so that you may avoid speaking of things which you know quite well, and may not be bound by the consent you have given to them. There are two letters of Theophilus, a Synodal and a Paschal letter, against Origen and his disciples, and others against Apollinarius and against Origen also, which, within the last two years or thereabouts, I have translated and given to the men who speak our language for the edification of the church. I am not aware that I have translated anything else of his. But, when you say that you assent to the opinion of the pope Theophilus in everything, you must take care not to let your masters and disciples hear you, and not to offend these numerous persons who call me a robber and you a martyr, and also not to provoke the wrath of the man who wrote letters to you against the bishop Epiphanius, and exhorted you to stand fast in the truth of the faith, and not to change your opinion for any terror. This epistle in its complete form is held by those to whom it was brought. After this you say, after your manner: “I will satisfy you even when you rage against me, as I have in the matter you spoke of before.” But again you say, “What do you want? have you anything more at which you may shoot with the bow of your oratory?” And yet you are indignant if I find fault with your distasteful way of speaking, though you take up the lowest expressions of the Comedians, and in writing on church affairs adopt language fit only for the characters of harlots and their lovers on the stage.

Duae epistolae Theophili Latine redditae ab Hieronymo. Scribis quoque, me litteris indicasse, quod papa Theophilus expositionem fidei nuper ediderit, quae ad vos necdum pervenit: et polliceris quod quidquid ille scripserit, tu sequaris. Ego me hoc scripsisse non novi, nec istiusmodi umquam litteras direxisse. Sed tu idcirco ad incerta consentis, et his quae qualia futura sint nescis, ut certa declines, et ad eorum non tenearis assensum. Duas, synodicam et paschalem, ejus epistolas contra Origenem illiusque discipulos, et alias adversum Apollinarium et eumdem Origenem, per hoc ferme biennium interpretatus sum; et in aedificationem Ecclesiae, legendas nostrae linguae hominibus dedi. Aliud operum ejus nescio me transtulisse. Et tamen tu qui papae Theophili dicis te in omnibus sententiam sequi, cave ne hoc magistri et condiscipuli tui audiant, et offendas quamplurimos, qui me latronem, te martyrem vocant, ne irascatur is tibi, qui contra papam Epiphanium ad te epistolas dirigens, hortabatur ut permaneres in fidei veritate, et non mutares ullo terrore sententiam. Quae epistola holographa tenetur ab his, ad quos perlata est. Et post haec more tuo loqueris, « Ut de quo supra dixeras, ego tibi etiam furenti satisfaciam: nunc dicis, Quid tibi videtur: habesne ultra aliquid, quo nervos tuae loquacitatis intendas? » Et indignaris si putide te loqui 546 arguam, cum Comoediarum turpitudines et scortorum amatorumque ludicra ecclesiasticus scriptor assumas?

3.17 You speak of the Egyptian Bishop Paul. We received him, though an Origenist, as a stranger; and he has united himself to the orthodox faith. Not only Theophilus but the Emperors condemn Origen PL 23, 469

17. Now, as to the question which you raise, when it was that I began to admit the authority of the pope Theophilus, and was associated with him in community of belief. You make answer to yourself: “Then, I suppose, when you were the supporter of Paul whom he had condemned and made the greatest effort to help him, and instigated him to recover through an imperial rescript the bishopric from which he had been removed by the episcopal tribunal.” I will not begin by answering for myself, but first speak of the injury which you have here done to another. What humanity or charity is there in rejoicing over the misfortunes of others and in exhibiting their wounds to the world? Is that the lesson you have learned from that Samaritan who carried back the man that was half dead to the inn? Is this what you understand by pouring oil into his wounds, and paying the host his expenses? Is it thus that you interpret the sheep brought back to the fold, the piece of money recovered, the prodigal son welcomed back? Suppose that you had a right to speak evil of me, because I had injured you, and, to use your words, had goaded you to madness and stimulated you to evil speaking: what harm had a man who remains in obscurity done you, that you should lay bare his scars, and when they were skinned over, should tear them open by inflicting this uncalled for pain? Even if he was worthy of your reproaches, were you justified in doing this? If I am not mistaken, those whom you wish to strike at through him (and I speak the open opinion of many) are the enemies of the Origenists; you use the troubles of one of them to show your violence against both. If the decisions of the pope Theophilus so greatly please you, and you think it impious that an episcopal decree should be nullified, what do you say about the rest of those whom he has condemned? And what do you say about the pope Anastasius, about whom you assert most truly that no one thinks him capable as the bishop of so great a city, of doing an injury to an innocent or an absent man? I do not say this because I set myself up as a judge of episcopal decisions, or wish what they have determined to be rescinded; but I say, Let each of them do what he thinks right at his own risk, it is for him alone to consider how his judgment will be judged. Our duties in our monastery are those of hospitality; we welcome all who come to us with the smile of human friendliness. We must take care lest it should again happen that Mary and Joseph do not find room in the inn, and that Jesus should be shut out and say to us, “I was a stranger and ye took me not in.” The only persons we do not welcome are heretics, who are the only persons who are welcomed by you: for our profession binds us to wash the feet of those who come to us, not to discuss their merits. Bring to your remembrance, my brother, how he whom we speak of had confessed Christ: think of that breast which was gashed by the scourges: recall to mind the imprisonment he had endured, the darkness, the exile, the work in the mines, and you will not be surprised that we welcomed him as a passing guest. Are we to be thought rebels by you because we give a cup of cold water to the thirsty in the name of Christ?

De Paulo episcopo. Porro quod interrogas, quando papae Theophili sententiam sequi coeperim, eique fidei communione sociatus sim, et ipse tibi respondes, « Tunc credo, quando Paulum quem ille damnaverat, summo nisu et omnibus studiis defendebas: quando eum per imperiale scriptum recipere sacerdotium, quod episcopali judicio amiserat, instigabas. » Non prius pro me respondebo, quam de aliorum injuriis loquar. Cujus est humanitatis, cujusve clementiae, insultare aliorum miseriis, et vulnera cunctis aliena monstrare? Siccine te docuit ille Samarites, seminecem ad stabulum reportare? oleum plagis infundere? mercedem stabulario polliceri? Sic revectam ovem, repertam drachmam, prodigum filium legis esse susceptum? Esto, ego te laeseram, et quibusdam, ut dicis, stimulis ad maledictorum insaniam provocaram: quid meruit homo latens, ut nudares cicatricem ejus, et obductam cutem, insperato dolore rescinderes? Nonne etiam si ille dignus esset contumeliis, tu facere non deberes? Aut ego fallor, aut illud est verum quod plurimi jactitant, te Origenistarum hostes in illo persequi, et sub occasione unius in utrumque saevire. Si papae Theophili sententiis delectaris, et nefas putas Pontificum decreta convelli, quid de caeteris dicis, quos ipse damnavit? Quid de papa Anastasio, de quo nulli, ut ais, verum videtur, ut tantae urbis sacerdos, vel innocenti tibi injuriam facere potuerit, vel absenti? Nec hoc dico, quod de episcoporum sententiis judicem, aut eorum cupiam statuta rescindi; sed quod unusquisque suo periculo faciat, quod sibi videtur, et ipse noverit, quomodo de suo judicio judicandum sit. Nobis in monasterio hospitalitas cordi est; omnesque ad nos venientes, laeta humanitatis fronte suscipimus. Veremur enim ne Maria cum Joseph locum non inveniat in diversorio, ne nobis Jesus dicat exclusus: Hospes eram, et non suscepistis me . Solos 547 haereticos non recipimus, quos vos solos recipitis. Propositum quippe nobis est pedes lavare venientium, non merita discutere. Recordare, frater, confessionis ejus, et pectoris quod flagella secuerunt. Memento carceris, tenebrarum, exsilii, metallorum, et non indignaberis hospitio transeuntem esse susceptum. An ideo tibi rebelles videmur, quia calicem aquae frigidae in nomine Christi sitientibus porrigimus?

3.18 You speak of the Egyptian Bishop Paul. We received him, though an Origenist, as a stranger; and he has united himself to the orthodox faith. Not only Theophilus but the Emperors condemn Origen PL 23, 470

18. I can tell you of something which may make him still dearer to us, though more odious to you. A short time ago, the faction of the heretics which was scattered away from Egypt and Alexandria came to Jerusalem, and wished to make common cause with him, so that as they suffered together, they might have the same heresy imputed to them. But he repelled their advances, he scorned and cast them from him: he told them that he was not an enemy of the faith and was not going to take up arms against the Church: that his previous action had been the result of vexation not of unsoundness in the faith; and that he had sought only to prove his own innocence, not to attack that of others. You profess to consider an imperial rescript upsetting an episcopal decree to be an impiety. That is a matter for the responsibility of the man who obtained it. But what is your opinion of men who, when they have been themselves condemned, haunt the palaces of the great, and in a serried column make an attack on a single man who represents the faith of Christ? However, as to my own communion with the Pope Theophilus, I will call no other witness than the very man whom you pretend that I injured. His letters were always addressed to me, as you well know, even at the time when you prevented their being forwarded to me, and when you used daily to send letter carriers to him repeating to him with vehemence that his opponent was my most intimate friend, and telling the same falsehoods which you now shamelessly write, so that you might stir up his hatred against me and that his grief at the supposed injury done him might issue in oppression against me in matters of faith. But he, being a prudent man and a man of apostolical wisdom, came through time and experience to understand both our loyalty to him and your plots against us. If, as you declare, my followers stirred up a plot against you at Rome and stole your uncorrected manuscripts while you were asleep; who was it that stirred up the pope Theophilus against the public enemy in Egypt? Who obtained the decrees of the princes against them, and the consent of the whole of this quarter of the world? Yet you boast that you from your youth were the hearer and disciple of Theophilus, although he, before he became a bishop, through his native modesty, never taught in public, and you, after he became a Bishop, were never at Alexandria. Yet you dare, in order to deal a blow at me, to say “I do not accuse, or change, my masters.” If that were true it would in my opinion throw a grave suspicion on your Christian standing. As for myself, you have no right to charge me with condemning my former teachers: but I stand in awe of those words of Isaiah: “Woe unto them that call evil good and good evil, that put darkness for light and light for darkness, that call bitter sweet and sweet bitter.” But it is you who drink alike the honeywine of your masters and their poisons, who have fallen away from your true master the Apostle, who teaches that neither he himself or an angel, if they err in matters of faith, must not be followed.

Haereticorum factio fugata. Theophilus laudatur. --Vis scire unde illum et nos plus amare, et tu odisse plus debeas? Haereticorum factio nuper fugata de Aegypto et Alexandria, se Hierosolymam contulit, et huic voluit copulari, ut quorum unus esset dolor, una fieret et accusatio. Quos ille repulit, sprevit, abjecit, dicens se non esse inimicum fidei, nec contra Ecclesiam bella suscipere: quod prius tentavit, doloris fuisse, non perfidiae: nec alterius appetisse innocentiam, sed suam probare voluisse. Impium putas, post sententias sacerdotum imperiale rescriptum? quod quale sit, noverit ille qui meruit. Quid tibi videtur de his, qui damnati, palatia obsident, et facto cuneo, fidem Christi in uno homine persequuntur? Meae autem communionis, et Papae Theophili, nullum alium testem vocabo, nisi ipsum quem a me laesum simulas, cujus epistolas ad me semper datas, etiam eo tempore non ignoras, quo mihi eas reddi prohibebas, et quotidie missis tabellariis, inimicum ejus amicum nostrum et familiarissimum jactitabas, et ea quae nunc impudenter scribis, mentiebaris, ut illius contra nos odia concitares, et injuriae dolor, fidei fieret oppressio. Sed vir prudens et Apostolicae sapientiae, tempore ac rebus probavit et nostrum in se animum, et vestras contra nos insidias. Si discipuli mei, ut scribis, tibi Romae insidias concitarunt, et inemendatas schedulas, te dormiente, furati sunt: quis papam Theophilum adversus perduelles in Aegypto suscitavit? Quis regum scita? quis orbis in hac parte consensum? Et gloriaris te ab adolescentia 548 Theophili fuisse auditorem et discipulum: cum et ille antequam episcopus fieret, pro humilitate sibi insita numquam docuerit, et tu postquam hic episcopus factus est, Alexandriae non fueris. Et audes dicere in suggillationem mei, Magistros meos, nec accuso, nec muto. Quod si verum est, suspectam mihi facis conversationem tuam. Nec enim damno, ut criminaris, institutores meos, sed metuo illud Isaiae: Vae qui dicunt malum bonum, et bonum malum: qui ponunt tenebras lucem, et lucem tenebras: qui dicunt amarum dulce, et dulce amarum . Tu autem dum inter mulsum magistrorum et venena pariter bibis, a magistro Apostolo recessisti, qui docet etiam Angelum et se, si in fide erraverint, non sequendos.

3.19 Against Vigilantius I wrote only what was right. I knew who had stirred him up against me PL 23, 471

19. You allude to Vigilantius. What dream this is that you have dreamed about him I do not know. Where have I said that he was defiled by communion with heretics at Alexandria? Tell me the book, produce the letter: but you will find absolutely no such statement. Yet with your wonted carelessness of statement or rather impudence of lying, which makes you imagine that every one will believe what you say, you add: “When you quoted a text of Scripture against him in so insulting a way that I do not dare to repeat it with my own mouth.” You do not dare to repeat it because you can make the charge seem worse by keeping silence; and, because your accusation has no facts to rest upon, you simulate modesty, so that the reader may imagine that you are acting from consideration towards me, although your lies show that you do not consider your own soul. What is this text of Scripture which is too shameful to proceed out of that most shameless mouth of yours? What shameful thing, indeed, can you mention in the sacred books? If you are ashamed to speak, at any rate you can write it down, and then I shall be convinced of wantonness by my own words. I might be silent on all other points, and I should still prove by this single passage how brazen is your effrontery. You know how little I fear your impeachment. If you produce the evidence with which you threaten me, all the blame which now rests on you will rest on me. I gave my reply to you when I dealt with Vigilantius; for he brought the same charges against me which you bring first in the guise of friendly eulogy, afterwards in that of hostile accusation. I am aware who it was that stirred up his ravings against me; I know your plots and vices; I am not ignorant of his simplicity which is proclaimed by every one. Through his folly your hatred against me found an outlet for its fury; and, if I wrote a letter to suppress it, so that you should not be thought to be the only one who possesses a literary cudgel, that does not justify you in inventing shameful expressions which you can find in no part of my writings whatever. You must accept and confess the fact that the same document which answered his madness aroused also your calumnies.

De Vigilantio calumnia. --In Vigilantii nomine quid somnies, nescio. Ubi enim eum scripsi haeretica apud Alexandriam communione maculatum? Da librum, profer epistolam, nusquam omnino reperies, et eadem licentia, immo impudentia mentiendi, qua putas omnes tuis sermonibus credituros, addis: « Quando testimonium de Scripturis in cum tam injuriose posuisti, ut ego id repetere meo ore non audeam. » Non audes repetere, qui tacendo amplius criminaris. Et quia non habes quod objicias, simulas verecundiam, ut lector te putet mihi parcere, qui mentiens nec tuae animae pepercisti. Quod est illud testimonium de Scripturis, quod de tuo illo pudentissimo ore non exeat? Aut quid in sanctis Libris potest turpe memorari? Si erubescis loqui, scribe saltem, ut nos procacitatis proprius sermo convincat. Ut caetera sileam, ex hoc uno capitulo comprobabo, ferream te frontem possidere fallaciae. Vide quantum timeam criminationem tuam. Si protuleris quod minaris, mea erunt universa quae tua sunt. Ego in Vigilantio tibi respondi. Eadem enim accusabat, quae tu postea et amicus laudas, et inimicus accusas. Scio a quo illius contra me rabies concitata sit, novi cuniculos tuos. Simplicitatem 549 quam omnes praedicant, non ignoro. Per illius stultitiam tua in me malitia debacchata est; quam ego si epistola mea repuli, ne solus habere videaris baculum litterarum, non debes turpitudinem simulare verborum, quam nusquam omnino legisti; sed intelligere et confiteri, per illius vecordiam, tuis calumniis fuisse responsum.

3.20 As to the letter of Pope Anastasius condemning you, you will find that it is genuine PL 23, 471

20. In the matter of the letter of the pope Anastasius, you seem to have come on a slippery place; you walk unsteadily, and do not see where to plant your feet. At one moment you say that it must have been written by me; at another that it ought to have been transmitted to you by him to whom it was sent. Then again you charge the writer with injustice; or you protest that it matters nothing to you whether he wrote it or not, since you hold his predecessor’s testimonial, and, while Rome was begging you to give her the honor of your presence, you disdained her through love of your own little town. If you have any suspicion that the letter was forged by me, why do you not ask for it in the chartulary of the Roman See and then, when you discover that it was not written by the bishop, hold me manifestly guilty of the crime? You would then instead of trying to bind me with cobwebs, hold me fast bound in a net of strong cords. But if it is as written by the Bishop of Rome, it is an act of folly on your part to ask for a copy of the letter from one to whom it was not sent, and not from him who sent it, and to send to the East for evidence the source of which you have in your own country. You had better go to Rome and expostulate with him as to the reproach which he has directed against you when you were both absent and innocent. You might first point out that he had refused to accept your exposition of faith, which, as you say, all Italy has approved, and that he made no use of your literary cudgel against the dogs you spoke of. Next, you might complain that he had sent to the East a letter aimed at you which branded you with the mark of heresy, and said that by your translation of Origen’s books Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν the Roman church which had received the work in its simplicity was in danger of losing the sincerity of faith which it had learned from the Apostle; and that he had raised yet more ill will against you by daring to condemn this very book, though it was fortified by the attestation of your Preface. It is no light thing that the pontiff of so great a city should have fastened this charge upon you or have rashly taken it up when made by another. You should go about the streets vociferating and crying over and over again, “It is not my book, or, if it is, the uncorrected sheets were stolen by Eusebius. I published it differently, indeed I did not publish it at all; I gave it to nobody, or at all events to few; and my enemy was so unscrupulous and my friends so negligent, that all the copies alike were falsified by him.” This, my dearest brother, is what you ought to have done, not to turn your back upon him and to direct the arrows of your abuse across the sea against me; for how can it cure your wounds that I should be wounded? Does it comfort a man who is stricken for death to see his friend dying with him?

Epist. Papae Anastasii ad Joannem Hieros. de Rufino. --In epistola sancti papae Anastasii lubricus exstitisti; et turbatus, in quo figas gradum non reperis. Modo enim dicis a me esse compositam, nunc ab eo ad te debuisse transmitti, cui missa est. Rursum injustitiam scribentis arguis; etiam si scripta sit ab illo, sive non scripta, ad te nihil pertinere testaris, qui praecessoris ejus habeas testimonium, et rogantem Romam, ut eam illustrares praesentia tua, oppiduli tui amore contempseris. Si a me fictam epistolam suspicaris, cur eam in Romanae Ecclesiae chartario non requiri? ut quum deprehenderis ab episcopo non datam, manifestissime criminis reum teneas: et nequaquam aranearum mihi opponas cassiculos, sed fortissimo me et solidissimo constringas reti. Si autem Romani episcopi est, stulte facis ab eo exemplar epistolae petere, cui missa non est, et non ab illo qui miserit, de oriente exspectare testimonium; cujus auctorem et testem habeas in vicino. Vade potius Romam, et praesens apud eum expostula, cur tibi et absenti et innocenti fecerit contumeliam. Primum, ut non reciperet expositionem fidei tuae, quam omnis, ut scribis, Italia comprobavit, et baculo tuarum uti noluerit litterarum contra canes tuos. Deinde, ut epistolas contra te ad Orientem mitteret et cauterium tibi haereseos, dum nescis inureret, diceretque libros Origenis περὶ Ἀρχῶν a te translatos, et simplici Romanae Ecclesiae traditos, ut fidei veritatem quam ab Apostolo didicerant, per te perderent, et quo tibi majorem faceret invidiam, ausus sit criminari hos ipsos, Praefationis tuae testimonio roboratos. Non est leve quod 550 tibi impingit tantae urbis pontifex, vel ab alio objectum temere suscepit. Vociferare et clamita per compita, per plateas: Non est meus liber; et si meus est, schedulas inemendatas Eusebius furto abstulit. Aliter ego edidi, immo nec edidi. Nulli eas dedi, aut certe paucis; et tam sceleratus inimicus, tam negligentes amici fuerunt, ut omnium codices ab eo pariter falsarentur. Haec, frater charissime, facere debueras, et non illi tergum obvertens, in me transmarinas maledictorum tuorum sagittas dirigere. Quid enim vulneribus tuis prodest, si ego fuero vulneratus? An solatium percussi est, amicum secum videre morientem?

3.21 Siricius who is dead may have written in your favour; Anastasius who is living writes to the East against you PL 23, 472

21. You produce a letter of Siricius who now sleeps in Christ, and the letter of the living Anastasius you despise. What injury you ask, can it do you that he should have written (or perhaps not written at all) when you knew nothing of it? If he did write, still it is enough for you that you have the witness of the whole world in your favor, and that no one thinks it possible that the bishop of so great a city could have done an injury to an innocent man, or even to one who was simply absent. You speak of yourself as innocent, though your translation made all Rome shudder; you say you were absent, but it is only because you dare not reply when you are accused. And you so shrink from the judgment of the city of Rome that you prefer to subject yourself to an invasion of the barbarians than to the opinion of a peaceful city. Suppose that the letter of last year was forged by me; who then wrote the letters which have lately been received in the East? Yet in these last the pope Anastasius pays you such compliments that, when you read them, you will be more inclined to set to work to defend yourself than to accuse me.

I should like you to consider how inevitable is the wisdom which you are shunning and the Attic Salt and the eloquence of your diction in religious writing. You are attacked by others, you are pierced through by their condemnation, yet it is against me that you toss yourself about in your fury, and say: “I could unfold a tale as to the manner of your departure from Rome; as to the opinions expressed about you at the time, and written about you afterwards, as to your oath, the place where you embarked, the pious manner in which you avoided committing perjury; all this I could enlarge upon, but I have determined to keep back more than I relate.” These are specimens of your pleasant speeches. And if after this I say anything sharp in answer to you threaten me with immediate proscription and with the sword. You are a most eloquent person, and have all the tricks of rhetoric; you pretend to be passing over things which you really reveal, so that what you cannot prove by an open charge, you may make into a crime by seeming to put it aside. All this is your simplicity; this is what you mean by sparing your friend and reserving your statements for the judicial tribunal; you spare me by heaping up a mass of charge against me.

Siricii jam in Domino dormientis profers epistolam, et viventis Anastasii dicta contemnis. Quid enim tibi, ut ais, officere potest, quod te ignorante, aut scripsit, aut forte non scripsit? Et si scripsit, sufficit tibi totius orbis testimonium, quod nulli verum videtur, ut tantae urbis sacerdos, vel innocenti injuriam facere potuerit, vel absenti. Innocentem te vocas, ad cujus interpretationem Roma contremuit. Absentem, qui accusatus respondere non audes. Et tantum Romanae urbis judicium fugis, ut magis obsidionem barbaricam, quam pacatae urbis velis sententiam sustinere. Esto, praeteriti anni ego epistolam finxerim. Recentia ad orientem scripta quis misit? In quibus papa Anastasius tantis te ornat floribus, ut cum ea legeris, magis te velle defendere incipias, quam nos accusare. Simulque considera illam inimitabilem prudentiam tuam, et sales Atticos, et sancti eloquii venustatem. Ab aliis appeteris, aliorum criminatione confoderis, et contra me furibundus jactaris, et loqueris, « Numquid et ego non possum enarrare, tu quomodo de Urbe discesseris? Quid de te in praesenti judicatum sit? quid postea scriptum, quid juraveris? ubi navim conscenderis? quam sancte perjurium vitaveris? Poteram pandere, sed plura servare statui, quam referre. » Haec 551 sunt tuorum ornamenta verborum. Et post ista si quid in te asperum dixero, statim mihi proscriptionem et gladios comminaris. Et interim homo eloquentissimus arte ludis rhetorica, et simulas te praeterire quae dicis, ut qui objecta probare non poteras, quasi praetermissa facias criminosa. Haec est tua tota simplicitas, sic amico parcis, et reservas te ad tribunalia judicum, ut acervum criminum mihi, dum parcis, objeceris.

3.22 My departure from Rome for the East had nothing blameable in it as you insinuate PL 23, 473

22. If any one wishes to hear the arrangements for my journey from Rome, they were these. In the month of August, when the etesian winds were blowing, accompanied by the reverend presbyter Vincentius and my young brother, and other monks who are now living at Jerusalem, I went on board ship at the port of Rome, choosing my own time, and with a very large body of the saints attending me, I arrived at Rhegium. I stood for a while on the shore of Scylla, and heard the old stories of the rapid voyage of the versatile Ulysses, of the songs of the sirens and the insatiable whirlpool of Charybdis. The inhabitants of that spot told me many tales, and gave me the advice that I should sail not for the columns of Proteus but for the port where Jonah landed, because the former of those was the course suited for men who were hurried and flying, but the latter was best for a man who was imprisoned; but I preferred to take the course by Malea and the Cyclades to Cyprus. There I was received by the venerable bishop Epiphanius, of whose testimony to you you boast. I came to Antioch, where I enjoyed the communion of Paulinius the pontiff and confessor and was set forward by him on my journey to Jerusalem, which I entered in the middle of winter and in severe cold. I saw there many wonderful things, and verified by the judgment of my own eyes things which had before come to my ears by report. Thence I made my way to Egypt. I saw the monasteries of Nitria, and perceived the snakes which lurked among the choirs of the monks. Then making haste I at once returned to Bethlehem, which is now my home, and there poured my perfume upon the manger and cradle of the Saviour. I saw also the lake of ill-omen. Nor did I give myself to ease and inertness, but I learned many things which I did not know before. As to what judgment was formed of me at Rome, or what was written afterwards, you are quite welcome to speak out, especially since you have writings to trust to; for I am not to be tried by your words which you at your will either veil in enigma or blurt out with open falsehood, but by the documents of the church. You may see how little I am afraid of you. If you can produce against me a single record of the Bishop of Rome or of any other church, I will confess myself to be chargeable with all the iniquities which I find assigned to you. It would be easy for me to tell of the circumstances of your departure, your age, the date of sailing, the places in which you lived, the company you kept. But far be it from me to do what I blame you for doing, and in a discussion between churchmen, to make up a story worthy of the ravings of quarrelling hags. Let this word be enough for your wisdom to remember. Do not adopt a method with another which can at once be retorted on yourself.

Ordo profectionis Hieronymi de Urbe. --Vis nosse profectionis meae de Urbe ordinem? Narrabo breviter. Mense Augusto, flantibus etesiis, cum sancto Vincentio presbytero, et adolescente fratre, et aliis monachis, qui nunc Hierosolymae commorantur, navim in Romano portu securus ascendi, maxima me Sanctorum frequentia prosequente. Veni Rhegium, in Scyllaeo littore paululum steti, ubi veteres didici fabulas, et praecipitem pellacis [ Al. fallacis] Ulyssis cursum, et sirenarum cantica, et insatiabilem Charybdis voraginem. Cumque mihi accolae illius loci multa narrarent, darentque consilium, ut non ad Protei columnas, sed ad Jonae portum navigarem: illum enim fugientium et turbatorum, hunc securi hominis esse cursum, malui per Maleas et Cycladas Cyprum pergere. Ubi susceptus a venerabili episcopo Epiphanio, cujus tu testimonio gloriaris, veni Antiochiam, ubi fruitus sum communione pontificis confessorisque Paulini, et deductus ab eo media hyeme et frigore gravissimo, intravi Hierosolymam. Vidi multa miracula; et quae prius ad me fama pertulerat, oculorum judicio comprobavi. Inde contendi Aegyptum, lustravi monasteria Nitriae, et inter Sanctorum choros aspides latere perspexi. Protinus concito gradu Bethleem meam reversus sum, ubi odoravi praesepe et incunabula Salvatoris. Vidi quoque famosissimum lacum, nec me inerti tradidi otio; sed multa didici, quae ante nesciebam. Quid autem de me Romae judicatum sit, et quid postea scriptum, nolo taceas, praesertim cum habeas testimonium [ Al. testimonio] Scripturarum, et ego non verbis tuis quae simulare potes, et impunito jactare mendacio, sed scriptis 552 ecclesiasticis arguendus sim. Vide quantum te timeam: Si vel parvam schedulam contra me Romani episcopi, aut alterius Ecclesiae protuleris, omnia quae in te scripta sunt, mea crimina confitebor. Numquid et ego non possem profectionem tuam discutere? Cujus aetatis fueris, unde, quo tempore navigaris? ubi vixeris? quibus interfueris? Sed absit, ut quod in te reprehendo, faciam: et in ecclesiastica disputatione, anilium jurgiorum deliramenta compingam. Hoc solum prudentiae tuae dixisse sufficiat, ut caveas in alterum dicere, quidquid in te statim retorqueri potest.

3.23 Epiphanius, it is true, gave you the kiss of peace; but he showed afterwards that he had come to distrust you PL 23, 474

23. As regards our reverend friend Epiphanius, this is strange shuffling of yours, when you say that it was impossible for him to have written against you after his giving you the kiss and joining with you in prayer. It is as if you were to contend that he would not be dead if a short time before he had been alive, or as if it were not equally certain that he had first reproved you and then, after the kiss of peace, excommunicated you. “They went out from us,” it is said, “but they were not of us; otherwise they would no doubt have continued with us.” The apostle bids us avoid a heretic after first and second admonition: of course this implies that he was a member of the flock of the church before he was avoided or condemned. I confess I cannot restrain my laughter when, at the prompting of some clever person, you strike up a hymn in honour of Epiphanius. Why, this is the ‘silly old man,’ the ‘anthropomorphite,’ this is the man who boasted in your presence of the six thousand books of Origen that he had read, who ‘thinks himself entrusted with the preaching of the Gospel against Origen among all nations in their own tongue’ who ‘will not let others read Origen for fear they should discover what he has stolen from him.’ Read what he has written, and the letter, or rather letters, one of which I will adduce as a testimonial to your orthodoxy, so that it may be seen how worthy he is of your present praise. “May God set you free, my brother, and the holy people of Christ which is entrusted to you, and all the brethren who are with you, and especially the Presbyter Rufinus, from the heresy of Origen, and all other heresies, and from the perdition which they bring. For if many heresies have been condemned by the Church on account of one word or of two, which are contrary to the faith, how much more must that man be counted a heretic who has invented so many perverse things, so many false doctrines! He stands forth as the enemy of God and of the church.” This is the testimony which this saintly man bears to you. This is the garland of praise which he gives you to parade in. Thus runs the letter which your golden coins extracted from the chamber of our brother Eusebius, so that you might calumniate the translator of it, and might fix upon me the guilt of a most manifest crime—that of rendering a Greek word as ‘dearest’ which ought to have been ‘honourable!’ But what is all this to you who can control all events by your prudent methods, and can trim your path between different possibilities, first saying, if you can find any one to believe you, that neither Anastasius nor Epiphanius ever wrote a line against you; and, secondly, when their actual letters cry out against you, and break down your audacious effrontery, despising the judgment of them both, and say it does not matter to you whether they wrote or not, since it was impossible for them to write against an innocent and an absent man.

Then again, you have no right to speak evil of that saintly man, as you do when you say “that it may be seen that he gave me peace with his words and his kiss, but kept evil and deceit in his heart”—for this is your reasoning, and it is thus that you defend yourself. That this is the letter of Epiphanius and that it is hostile to you, all the world knows: and that it came in its genuine form into your hands we can prove; and it is therefore an astounding shame or rather utter shamelessness in you to deny what you cannot doubt to be true. What! Is Epiphanius to be befouled with the imputation that he gave you the sign of peace but had deceit in his heart? Is it not much truer to believe that he first admonished you because he wished to save you from error and bring you back to the right way; and that therefore he did not reject your Judas kiss, wishing to break down by his forbearance the betrayer of the faith,—but that afterwards when he found that all his toil was fruitless, and that the leopard could not change its spots nor the Ethiopian his skin, he proclaimed in his letter what had before been only a suspicion in his mind?

Maledicta Rufini in Epiphanium. Epiphanii epist. ad Joannem. --In sancti Epiphanii nomine mira tua tergiversatio, ut post osculum, post orationem, neges eum contra te potuisse scribere: quomodo si contendas non potuisse eum mori, qui paulo ante vixerat, aut certior sit tui reprehensio, quam post pacem excommunicatio. Ex nobis, inquit, exierunt: sed non fuerunt ex nobis, mansissent utique nobiscum . Haereticum post unam et alteram commonitionem vitandum Apostolus praecipit, qui utique antequam vitetur atque damnetur, Ecclesiastici gregis portio fuit . Simulque risum tenere non possum, quod a quodam prudente commonitus, in laudes Epiphanii personas: « Hic est ille delirus senex, hic est anthropomorphites; hic qui sex millia Origenis libros, te praesente, cantavit; qui omnium gentium linguis praedicationem sibi contra Origenem injunctam putat; qui ideo eum legi prohibet, ne aliis ejus furta cognoscant. » Lege scripta tua, et epistolam ejus, immo epistolas, e quibus unum proferam tuae fidei testimonium, ut non immerito nunc a te laudatus esse videatur. « Te autem, frater, liberet Deus, et sanctum populum Christi, qui tibi creditus est, et omnes fratres qui tecum sunt, et maxime Rufinum presbyterum, ab haeresi Origenis, et aliis haeresibus, et perditione earum. Si enim propter unum verbum, aut duo, quae contraria fidei sunt, multae haereses objectae sunt ab Ecclesia, quanto magis hic inter haereticos habebitur, qui tantas perversitates, 553 et tam mala dogmata contra fidem adinvenit, Dei Ecclesiae hostis exstitit! » Haec est viri sancti de te testificatio: sic ab eo ornatus, sic laudatus incedis. Ita est epistola, quam de cubiculo fratris Eusebii nummis aureis produxisti, ut calumniareris interpretem, et me apertissimi teneres criminis reum, quare pro honorabili charissimum transtulissem. Sed quid ad te, qui prudenti consilio cuncta moderaris, et sic medius incedis, ut si inveneris qui tibi credant; nec Anastasius contra te, nec Epiphanius scripserint; nisi ipsae epistolae reclamaverint, et fregerint tuae frontis audaciam, statim judicium utriusque contemnas, et non ad te pertineat, sive scripserint, sive non scripserint, quia de innocente et absente scribere non potuerint [ Al. potuerant]. Nec in sanctum virum haec mala conferenda sunt, « ut ostendatur ore quidem et osculo pacem dedisse, mala autem et dolum in suo corde servasse. » Sic enim argumentaris, et haec sunt verba defensionis tuae. Ipsius esse adversum te epistolam, et orbis agnoscit, et authenticam in manus tuas venisse convincimus: et miror quo pudore, immo qua impudentia neges, quod verum esse non ambigis? Ergo pollutus erit Epiphanius, qui tibi pacem dedit, et in suo corde dolum servavit. Cur non illud verius sit, quod te primum monuerit? quod voluerit emendare, et ad rectum iter reducere, ut Judae osculum non refutaret, ut proditorem fidei frangeret patientia; et postquam se intellexit casso sudare labore, nec pardum mutare varietates, nec Aethiopem pellem suam, quod mente conceperat, litteris indicasse?

3.24 When we parted as friends I believed you a true believer; no one was sent to Rome to injure you PL 23, 475

24. It is somewhat the same argument which you use against the pope Anastasius, namely, that, since you hold the letters of the bishop Siricius, it was impossible that he should write against you. I am afraid you suspect that some injury has been done you. I cannot understand how a man of your acuteness and capacity can condescend to such nonsense; you suppose that your readers are foolish, but you shew that you are foolish yourself. Then after this extraordinary argumentation, you subjoin this little sentence: “Far be such conduct from these reverend persons. It is from your school that such actions proceed. You gave us all the signs of peace at our departure, and then threw missiles charged with venom from behind our backs.” In this clause or rather declamatory speech, you intended, no doubt, to shew your rhetorical skill. It is true we gave you the signs of peace, but not to embrace heresy; we joined hands, we accompanied you as you set forth on your journey, on the understanding that you were catholic not that we were heretical. But I want to learn what these poisoned missiles are which you complain that I threw from behind your back. I sent the presbyters, Vincentius, Paulinianus, Eusebius, Rufinus. Of these, Vincentius went to Rome long before you; Paulinianus and Eusebius set out a year after you had sailed; Rufinus two years after, for the cause of Claudius; all of them either for private reasons, or because another was in peril of his life. Was it possible for me to know that when you entered Rome, a nobleman had dreamed that a ship full of merchandise was entering with full blown sails? or that all questions about fate were being solved by a solution which should not itself be fatuous? or that you were translating the book of Eusebius as if it were Pamphilus’? or that you were putting your own cover upon Origen’s poisoned dish by lending your majestic eloquence to this translation of his notorious work Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν? This is a new way of calumniating a man. We sent out the accusers before you had committed the crime. It was not, I repeat, it was not by our plan, but by the providence of God, that these men, who were sent out for another reason, came to fight against the rising heresy. They were sent, like Joseph, to relieve the coming famine by the fervour of their faith.

Calumnia de ficta pace. Amici Hieronymi missi in Occidentem. --Tale quid et contra papam Anastasium disputas, ut quia Siricii Episcopi habes epistolam, iste contra te scribere non potuerit. Vereor ne tibi factam injuriam suspiceris. Nescio quomodo acutus et prudens ad has ineptias devolvaris, ut dum stultos lectores putas, te stultum esse demonstres. Post egregiam argumentationem, ponis in clausula: « Absit hoc a viris sanctis. De vestra schola solent ista 554 procedere. Vos nobis pacem proficiscentibus dedistis, et a tergo jacula venenis armata jecistis. » Et in hac eadem prudentia, immo declamatione disertus esse voluisti. Pacem dedimus, non haeresim suscepimus. Junximus dexteras: abeuntes prosecuti sumus, ut vos essetis catholici, non ut nos essemus haeretici. Volo tamen scire, quae sint ista jacula venenata, quae post tergum vestrum nos jecisse conquereris. Vincentius, Paulinianus, Eusebius, Rufinus, presbyteri: quorum Vincentius multo tempore ante vos Romam venit: Paulinianus et Eusebius post annum vestrae navigationis profecti sunt: Rufinus in causa Claudii post biennium missus: omnes, vel pro re familiari, vel pro periculo capitis alieni. Numquid nosse potuimus, quod ingrediente te Romam, vir nobilis somniaret navim plenam mercium, inflatis intrare velis? Quod omnes adversus fatum quaestiones, non fatua solveret interpretatio? Quod librum Eusebii pro Pamphili verteres? quod tuum quasi operculum venenatae patellae imponeres? quod famosissimum opus περὶ Ἀρχῶν eloquii tui majestate transferres? Novum calumniae genus ante accusatores misimus, quam tu accusanda committeres. Non fuit, non fuit, inquam, nostri consilii, sed Dei providentiae, ut missi ad aliud, contra nascentem haeresim dimicarent; et in morem Joseph, famem futuram, fidei ardore sublevarent.

3.25 You swear that you did not write my pretended retractation. Your style betrays you, and I have given a full answer about my translations already PL 23, 476

25. To what point will not audacity burst forth when once it is freed from restraints? He has imputed to himself the charge made against another so that we may be thought to have invented it. I made a charge against some one unnamed, and he takes it as spoken against himself; he purges himself from another man’s sins, being only sure of his own innocence. For he takes his oath that he did not write the letter that passed under my name to the African bishops, in which I am made to confess that I had been induced by Jewish influence to make false translations of the Scriptures; and he sends me writings which contain all these things which he declares to be unknown to him. It is remarkable to know how his subtlety has coincided with another man’s malice, so that the lies which this other told in Africa, he in accord with him declared to be true; and also how that elegant style of his could be imitated by some chance and unskilled person. You alone have the privilege of translating the venom of the heretics, and of making all nations drink a draught from the cup of Babylon. You may correct the Latin Scriptures from the Greek. and may deliver to the Churches to read something different from what they received from the Apostles; but I am not to be allowed to go behind the Septuagint version which I translated after strict correction for the men of my native tongue a great many years ago, and, for the confutation of the Jews, to translate the actual copies of the Scriptures which they confess to be the truest, so that when a dispute arises between them and the Christians, they may have no place of retreat and subterfuge, but may be smitten most effectually with their own spear. I have written pretty fully on this point if I rightly remember, in many other places, especially in the end of my second book; and I have checked your popularity-hunting, with which you seek to arouse ill will against me among the innocent and the inexperienced, by a clear statement of fact. To that I think it enough to refer the reader.

De falsa epist. ad Afros. Ex Graecis Latina Rufinus emendaverat. --Quo non erumpat semel effrenata audacia? Alienum crimen sibi objecit, ut nos finxisse videamur. Quod absque nomine dictum est, in se dictum refert, et purgans externa peccata, tantum de sua securus est innocentia. Jurat enim se epistolam non scripsisse ad Afros sub nomine meo, in qua confitear inductum me a Judaeis, mendacia transtulisse; et mittit libros eadem omnia continentes, quae nescisse se jurat. Et miror quomodo prudentia ejus cum alterius nequitia convenerit, ut quod alius in Africa mentitus est, hic concorditer verum diceret, stylique ejus elegantiam, nescio quis imperitus posset imitari. Tibi soli licet haereticorum 555 venena transferre; et de calice Babylonis, cunctis gentibus propinare. Tu Latinas Scripturas de Graeco emendabis; et aliud Ecclesiis trades legendum, quam quod semel ab Apostolis susceperunt; mihi non licebit post Septuaginta editionem, quam diligentissime emendatam, ante annos plurimos meae linguae hominibus dedi, ad confutandos Judaeos, etiam ipsa exemplaria vertere, quae ipsi verissima confitentur, ut si quando adversum eos Christianis disputatio est, non habeant subterfugiendi diverticula, sed suomet potissimum mucrone feriantur? Plenius super hoc et in multis aliis locis, et in fine secundi libri, ubi accusationi tuae respondi, scripsisse me memini; et popularitatem tuam, qua mihi invidiam apud simplices et imperitos niteris concitare, perspicua ratione compescui, illucque lectorem transmittendum puto.

3.26 You bid me beware of falsification and treachery. You warn me against yourself PL 23, 476

26. I think it a point which should not be passed over, that you have no right to complain that the falsifier of your papers holds in my esteem the glorious position of a confessor, since you who are guilty of this very crime are called a martyr and an apostle by all the partisans of Origen, for that exile and imprisonment of yours at Alexandria. On your alleged inexperience in Latin composition I have answered you above. But, since you repeat the same things, and, as if forgetful of your former defence, again remind me that I ought to know that you have been occupied for thirty years in devouring Greek books, and therefore do not know Latin, I would have you observe that it is not a few words of yours with which I find fault, though indeed all your writing is worthy of being destroyed. What I wished to do was to shew your followers, whom you have taken so much pains in teaching to know nothing, to understand what amount of modesty there is in a man who teaches what he does not know, who writes what he is ignorant of, so that they may expect to find the same wisdom in his opinions. As to what you add “That it is not faults of words which are offensive, but sins, such as lying, calumny, disparagement, false witness, and all evil speaking, and that the mouth which speaketh lies kills the soul,” and your deprecation, “Let not that ill-savour reach my nostrils;” I would believe what you say, were it not that I discover facts inconsistent with this. It is as if a fuller or a tanner in speaking to a dealer in pigments should warn him that he had better hold his nose as he passed their shops. I will do what you recommend; I will stop my nose, so that it may not be put to the torture by the delightful odour of your truth-speaking and your benedictions.

Martyr et Apostolus vocatus Rufinus a suis. --Hoc intactum praeteriri non patiar, ne doleas falsatorem schedularum tuarum, confessoris apud me gloriam possidere, cum tu ejusdem criminis reus, post Alexandrinum exsilium et tenebrosos carceres, a cunctis Origenis sectatoribus martyr et apostolus nomineris. Super excusatione imperitiae tuae, jam tibi respondi. Sed quia eadem repetis, et quasi superioris tuae defensionis oblitus, rursum admones, ut sciamus te per triginta annos Graecis voluminibus devoratis, Latina nescire: paulisper attende, me non pauca in te verba reprehendere, alioquin omnis tibi Scriptura delenda est; sed voluisse ostendere discipulis tuis, quos magno studio nihil scire docuisti, ut intelligerent, cujus verecundiae sit, docere quod nescias, scribere quod ignores, et eamdem magistri sapientiam etiam in sensibus quaererent. Quodque addis, « peccata putere, non verba, mendacium, calumniam, detractionem, falsum testimonium, et universa convicia, et Os quod mentitur occidit animam , » monesque « ne ille fetor nares meas penetret, » crederem dicenti, nisi facta contraria deprehenderem, quasi si fullo et coriarius moneant pigmentarium, ut naribus obturatis, tabernas suas praetereat. Faciam ergo, quod praecipis, claudam nares meas, ne veritatis et benedictionum tuarum suavissimo odore crucientur.

3.27 There is nothing inconsistent in praising a man for some things and blaming him in others. You have done it in my case PL 23, 477

27. In reference to your alternate praise and disparagement of me, you argue with great acuteness that you have the same right to speak good and evil of me that I have to find fault with Origen and Didymus whom I once praised. I must instruct you, then, wisest of men and chief of Roman dialecticians, that there is no fault of logic in praising a man in certain respects while you blame him in others, but only in approving and disapproving one and the same thing. I will take an example, so that, though you may not understand, the wise reader may join me in understanding the point. In the case of Tertullian we praise his great talent, but we condemn his heresy. In that of Origen we admire his knowledge of the Scriptures, but nevertheless we do not accept his false doctrine. As to Didymus, however, we extol both his powers of memory, and the purity of his faith in the Trinity, while on the other point in which he erred in trusting to Origen we withdraw from him. The vices of our teachers are not to be imitated, their virtues are. There was a man at Rome who had an African, a very learned man, as his grammar teacher; and he thought that he was rising to an equality with his teacher because he copied his strident voice and his faulty pronunciation. You in your Preface to the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν speak of me as your brother and call me your most eloquent colleague, and proclaim my soundness in the faith. From these three points you cannot draw back; carp at me on all other points as you please, so long as you do not openly contradict this testimony which you bear to me; for in calling me friend and colleague, you confess me worthy of your friendship; when you proclaim me an eloquent man, you cannot go on accusing me of ignorance; and when you confess that I am in all points a catholic, you cannot fix on me the guilt of heresy. Beyond these three points you may charge me with anything you like without openly contradicting yourself. From all this calculation the net result is that you are wrong in blaming in me what you formerly praised; but that I am not in fault when, in the case of the same men, I praise what is laudable and blame what is censurable.

In uno homine diversa laudamus et accusamus. --In laude et detractione mea, quia varius exstitisti, miro acumine argumentatus es, sic tibi licere de me, 556 et bene et male dicere, quomodo et mihi licuerit Origenem et Didymum reprehendere, quos ante laudaverim. Audi ergo, vir sapientissime, et Romanae dialecticae caput, non esse vitii hominem unum laudare in aliis, et in aliis accusare; sed eamdem rem probare et improbare. Ponam exemplum; ut quod non intelligis, prudens mecum lector intelligat. In Tertulliano laudamus ingenium, sed damnamus haeresim. In Origene miramur scientiam Scripturarum, et tamen dogmatum non recipimus falsitatem. In Didymo vero et memoriam praedicamus, et super Trinitate fidei puritatem; sed in caeteris quae Origeni male credidit, nos ab eo retrahimus. Magistrorum enim non vitia imitanda sunt, sed virtutes. Grammaticum quidam Afrum habuit Romae virum eruditissimum; et in eo se aemulum praeceptoris putabat, si stridorem linguae ejus et vitia tantum oris exprimeret. In Praefatiuncula περὶ Ἀρχῶν fratrem me nominas, et collegam dicis eloquentissimum, fidei meae praedicas veritatem. His tribus detrahere non poteris; caetera carpe ut libet, ne videaris tuo de me testimonio repugnare. Cum fratrem et collegam dicis, amicitia tua dignum fateris. Cum eloquentem praedicas, imperitiae ultra non arguis. Cum catholicum in omnibus profiteris, haereseos non poteris mihi crimen impingere. Extra haec tria si quid in me reprehenderis, non tibi videberis esse contrarius. Ex qua supputatione illa summa nascitur, et te errare ea in me reprehendentem, quae prius laudaveras; et me non esse in vitio, si in eisdem hominibus et laudanda praedicem, et vituperanda reprehendam.

3.28 My ignorance of many natural phenomena is no excuse for your ignorance as to the origin of souls. You ought, according to your boasting dream to know everything. The thing of most importance was forgotten in your cargo of Eastern wares PL 23, 477

28. You pass on to the origin of souls, and at great length exclaim against the smoke which you say I raise. You want to be allowed to express ignorance on a point on which you advisedly dissemble your knowledge; and therefore begin questioning me about angels and archangels; as to the mode of their existence, the place and nature of their abodes, the differences, if there be any, existing between them; and then as to the course of the sun, the waxing and waning of the moon, the character and movements of the stars. I wonder that you did not set down the whole of the lines:

Whence come the earthquakes, whence the high-swoll’n seas

Breaking their bounds, then sinking back to rest;

The Sun’s eclipse, the labours of the moon;

The race of men and beasts, the storm, the fire,

Arcturus’ rainy Hyads, and the Bears:

Why haste the winter’s suns to bathe themselves

Beneath the wave, what stays its lingering nights.

Then, leaving things in heaven, and condescending to those on earth, you philosophize on minor points. You say: “Tell us what are the causes of the fountains, and of the wind; what makes the hail and the showers; why the sea is salt, the rivers sweet; what account is to be given of clouds and storms, thunderbolts, and thunder and lightning.” You mean that if I do not know all this, you are entitled to say you know nothing about the origin of souls. You wish to balance your ignorance on a single point by mine on many. But do not you, who in page after page stir up what you call my smoke, understand that I can see your mists and whirlwinds? You wish to be thought a man of extensive knowledge, and among the disciples of Calpurnius to enjoy a great reputation for wisdom, and therefore you raise up the whole physical world in front of me, as if Socrates had said in vain when he passed over to the study of Ethics: “What is above us is nothing to us.” So then, if I cannot tell you why the ant, which is such a little creature, whose body is a mere point, has six feet, whereas an elephant with its vast bulk has only four to walk on; why serpents and snakes glide along on their chests and bellies; why the worm which is commonly called the millipede has such a swarming array of feet; I am prohibited from knowing anything about the origin of souls! You ask me what I know about souls, so that, when I make any statement about them, you may at once attack it. And if I say that the church’s doctrine is that God forms souls every day, and sends them into the bodies of those who are born, you will at once bring out the snares your master invented, and ask, Where is God’s justice if he grants souls to those who are born of adultery or incest? Is he not an accessory to men’s sins, if he creates souls for the adulterers who make the bodies? as if, when you hear that seed corn had been stolen, you are to suppose the fault to lie in the nature of the corn, and not in the man who stole the wheat; and that therefore the earth had no business to nourish the seed in its bosom, because the hands of the sower who cast them in were unclean. Hence comes also your mysterious question, Why do infants die? since it is because of their sins, as you hold, that they received bodies. There exists a treatise of Didymus addressed to you, in which he meets this inquiry of yours, with the answer, that they had not sinned much, and therefore it was enough punishment for them just to have touched their bodily prisons. He, who was your master and mine also, when you asked this question, wrote at my request three books of comments on the prophet Hosea, and dedicated them to me. This shows what parts of his teaching we respectively accepted.

De animarum quaestione. Liber Didymi ad Rufinum, et Explanatio Osee ad Hieronymum. --Transis ad animarum statum, et prolixius fumos meos increpas; atque ut tibi liceat ignorare, quod consulto te scire dissimulas, quaeris a me primum de coelestibus, quomodo Angeli, quomodo Archangeli sint? quae eis, vel qualis habitatio? quaeve inter ipsos differentia, aut si nulla omnino? quae solis sit ratio; unde augmenta lunae, unde defectus; quis vel qualis sit siderum cursus? Miror quomodo oblitus sis illos versiculos ponere:

Unde tremor terris, qua vi maria alta tumescant,

Obicibus ruptis, rursusque in seipsa residant:

Defectus Solis varios, Lunaeque labores;

557 Unde hominum genus, et pecudum: unde imber et ignes,

Arcturum, pluviasque hyadas, geminosque Triones.

Quid tantum Oceano properent se tingere soles

Hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet.

Deinde coelestia deserens, et ad terrena descendens, in minoribus philosopharis. Interrogas enim me: « Dic nobis quae fontium ratio? quae ventorum? Quid grando? quid pluviae? quid mare salsum? quid flumina dulcia? quid nubes, aut imbres, fulgura, aut tonitrua, aut fulmina? » Ut postquam me haec nescire respondero, tuto tibi liceat de animabus ignorare; et unius rei scientiam, tantarum rerum ignoratione compenses. Tu qui per singulas paginas, fumos meos ventilas, non intelligis videre nos caligines tuas et turbines? Nam ut tibi sciolus esse videaris, et apud Calpurnianos discipulos doctrinae gloriam teneas, totam mihi Physicam opponis ut frustra Socrates ad ethicam transiens dixerit: Quae supra nos, nihil ad nos. Ergo nisi tibi rationem reddidero: quare formica parvum animal, et punctum, ut ita dicam, corporis, sex pedes habeat, cum elephantis tanta moles quatuor pedibus incedat: cur serpentes et colubri ventre labantur et pectore: cur vermiculus quem vulgus millepedam vocat, tanto pedum agmine scateat, de animarum statu scire non potero? Quaeris a me quid ipse de animabus sentiam, ut cum professus [ Al. processus] fuero, statim invadas. Et si dixero illud Ecclesiasticum, Quotidie Deus operatur animas, et in corpore eas mittit nascentium, illico magistri tendiculas proferas: et ubi est justitia Dei, ut de adulterio incestuque nascentibus animas largiatur? Ergo cooperator est malorum hominum, et adulteris seminantibus corpora, ipse fabricatur animas? quasi vitium sementis in tritico sit quod furto dicitur esse sublatum, et non in eo qui frumenta furatus est; idcircoque terra non debeat gremio suo semina confovere, quia sator immunda ea projecerit manu. Hinc est et illa tua arcana interrogatio, 558 quare moriantur infantes; cum propter peccata, corpora acceperint. Exstat liber Didymi ad te, quo sciscitanti tibi respondit, non eos multa peccasse, et ideo corporum carceres tantum eis tetigisse sufficere. Magister meus et tuus eo tempore, quo tu ab eo ista quaerebas, tres explanationum in Osee prophetam libros ad me, me rogante, dictavit. Ex quo apparet, quid me, quid te docuerit.

3.29 My ignorance of many natural phenomena is no excuse for your ignorance as to the origin of souls. You ought, according to your boasting dream to know everything. The thing of most importance was forgotten in your cargo of Eastern wares PL 23, 479

29. You press me to give my opinions about the nature of things. If there were room, I could repeat to you the views of Lucretius who follows Epicurus, or those of Aristotle as taught by the Peripatetics, or of Plato and Zeno by the Academics and the Stoics. Passing to the church, where we have the rule of truth, the books of Genesis and the Prophets and Ecclesiastes, give us much information on questions of this kind. But if we profess ignorance about all these things, as also about the origin of souls, you ought in your Apology to acknowledge your ignorance of all alike, and to ask your calumniators why they had the impudence to force you to reply on this single point when they themselves know nothing of all those great matters. But Oh! how vast was the wealth contained in that trireme which had come full of all the wares of Egypt and the East to enrich the poverty of the city of Rome.

“Thou art that hero, well-nam’d Maximus,

Thou who alone by writing sav’st the state.”

Unless you had come from the East, that very learned man would be still sticking fast among the mathematici, and all Christians would still be ignorant of what might be said against fatalism. You have a right to ply me with questions about astrology and the cause of the sky and the stars, when you brought to land a ship full of such wares as these. I acknowledge my poverty; I have not grown rich to this extent in the East like you. You learned in your long sojourn under the shadow of the Pharos what Rome never knew: Egypt instructed you in lore which Italy did not possess till now.

Naturales quaestiones. --Urges ut respondeam de natura rerum. Si esset locus, possem tibi vel Lucretii opiniones juxta Epicurum, vel Aristotelis juxta Peripateticos, vel Platonis atque Zenonis secundum Academicos et Stoicos dicere. Et ut ad Ecclesiam transeam, ubi norma est veritatis, multa et Genesis et Prophetarum libri ac Ecclesiastes nobis de hujusce modi quaestionibus suggerunt. Aut si haec ignoramus, quomodo de animarum statu, debueras in Apologia tua omnium rerum ignorantiam confiteri, et a calumniatoribus quaerere, cur a te unum impudenter expeterent, cum ipsi tanta nescirent? O triremem locupletissimam, quae Orientalibus et Aegyptiis mercibus Romanae urbis ditare venerat paupertatem!

. . . . . . . . . Tu Maximus ille es,

Unus, qui nobis scribendo restituis rem.

Ergo nisi de oriente venisses, eruditissimus vir haereret adhuc inter mathematicos, et omnes [ Al. homines] christiani quid contra fatum dicerent [ Al. dissererent], ignorarent. Merito a me quaeris de astrologia, et coeli ac siderum cursu, qui tantarum mercium plenam navem detulisti. Fateor paupertatem, non sum ita ut tu in oriente ditatus. Te multo tempore Pharus docuit, quod Roma nescivit [ Al. nesciret]; instruxit Aegyptus, quod Italia hucusque non habuit.

3.30 My ignorance of many natural phenomena is no excuse for your ignorance as to the origin of souls. You ought, according to your boasting dream to know everything. The thing of most importance was forgotten in your cargo of Eastern wares PL 23, 479

30. Your Apology says that there are three opinions as to the origin of souls: one held by Origen, a second by Tertullian and Lactantius (as to Lactantius what you say is manifestly false), a third by us simple and foolish men, who do not see that, if our opinion is true, God is thereby shewn to be unjust. After this you say that you do not know what is the truth. I say, then, tell me, whether you think that outside of these three opinions any truth can be found so that all these three may be false; or whether you think one of these three is true. If there is some other possibility, why do you confine the liberty of discussion within a close-drawn line? and why do you put forward the views which are false and keep silence about the true? But if one of the three is true and the two others false, why do you include false and true in one assertion of ignorance? Perhaps you pretend not to know which is true in order that it may be safe for you, whenever you may please, to defend the false. This is the smoke, these are the mists, with which you try to keep away the light from men’s eyes. You are the Aristippus of our day: you bring your ship into the port of Rome full of merchandize of all kinds; you set your professorial chair on high, and represent to us Hermagoras and Gorgias of Leontinum: only, you were in such a hurry to set sail that you left one little piece of goods, one little question, forgotten in the East. And you cry out with reiteration that you learned both at Aquileia and at Alexandria that God is the creator of both our bodies and our souls. This then, forsooth, is the pressing question, whether our souls were created by God or by the devil, and not whether the opinion of Origen is true that our souls existed before our bodies and committed some sin because of which they have been tied to these gross bodies; or whether, again, they slept like dormice in a state of torpor and of slumber. Every one is asking this question, but you say nothing about it; nobody asks the other, but to that you direct your answer.

Sententiae variae de anima. --Scribis apud Ecclesiasticos tractatores, tres de animabus esse sententias. Unam, quam sequitur Origenes. Alteram, quam Tertullianus et Lactantius (licet de Lactantio apertissime mentiaris); tertiam, quam nos simplices et fatui homines, qui non intelligimus, quod si ita sit, injustus a nobis arguatur Deus. Et post haec juras te nescire quid sit verum. Dic, oro te: putasne, extra haec 559 tria esse aliquid in quo veritas sit? et in tribus istis mendacium? An de tribus unum esse quod verum sit? Si est aliquid, cur disputantium libertatem angusto fine concludis; et cum mendacia protuleris, de veritate taces? Sin autem e tribus unum verum est, et reliqua duo falsa sunt: cur simili ignorantia ignoras falsa cum veris? An idcirco verum dissimulas, ut tibi tutum sit, cum volueris, falsa defendere? Hi sunt fumi, hae caligines, quibus ex oculis hominum conaris lumen auferre. Aristippus nostri temporis, qui plenam cunctarum mercium navem Romano invehis portui, et sella publice posita, Hermagoram nobis, et Gorgiam exhibes Leontinum; dum navigare festinas, unius quaestiunculae mercimonium in oriente oblitus es. Et iterum clamitas, et Aquileiae atque Alexandriae te didicisse jactas, quod sit Deus et animarum et corporum creator. De hoc scilicet quaestio ventilatur, utrum Deus, an diabolus animas fecerit; et non utrum animae ante corpora fuerint, quod vult Origenes, et egerint aliquid, propter quod sint crassis corporibus alligatae: an in morem glirium torpentes consopitaeque dormierint. Haec taces, quae omnes flagitant: et ad illa respondes, quae nullus inquirit.

3.31 My ignorance of many natural phenomena is no excuse for your ignorance as to the origin of souls. You ought, according to your boasting dream to know everything. The thing of most importance was forgotten in your cargo of Eastern wares PL 23, 480

31. Another part of my ‘smoke’ which you frequently laugh at is my pretence, as you say, to know what I do not know, and the parade I make of great teachers to deceive the common and ignorant people. You, of course, are a man not of smoke but of flame, or rather of lightning; you fulminate when you speak; you cannot contain the flames which have been conceived within your mouth, and like Barchochebas, the leader of the revolt of the Jews, who used to hold in his mouth a lighted straw and blow it out so as to appear to be breathing forth flame: so you also, like a second Salmoneus, brighten the whole path on which you tread, and reproach us as mere men of smoke, to whom perhaps the words might be applied, “Thou touchest the hills and they smoke.” You do not understand the allusion of the Prophet when he speaks of the smoke of the locusts; it is no doubt the beauty of your eyes which makes it impossible for you to bear the pungency of our smoke.

Fumos quoque meos frequenter irrides, eo quod simulem me scire quod nesciam, et enumeratione doctorum, rude vulgus illudam [ Al. inducam]. Tu videlicet flammeus, immo fulmineus, qui in loquendo fulminas, et flammas ore conceptas tenere non potes, atque ut ille Bar-Chochabas, auctor seditionis Judaicae, stipulam in ore succensam anhelitu ventilabat, ut flammas evomere putaretur: ita et tu nobis, alter Salmoneus, omnia per quae incedis illustras, et nos fumosos arguis, de quibus forte dicatur, Qui tangis montes, et fumigant: nec intelligis quid fumus in Propheta significet 560 locustarum; et quod pulchritudo oculorum tuorum, amaritudinem fumi nostri ferre non potest.

3.32 Your dream was a boast: mine of which you accuse me humbled me PL 23, 480

32. As to your charge of perjury, since you refer me to your book; and since I have made my reply to you and Calpurnius in the previous books, it will be sufficient here to observe that you exact from me in my sleep what you have never yourself fulfilled in your waking hours. It seems that I am guilty of a great crime because I have told girls and virgins of Christ, that they had better not read secular works, and that I once promised when warned in a dream not to read them. But your ship which was announced by revelation to the city of Rome, promises one thing and effects another. It came to do away with the puzzle of the mathematici: what it does is to do away with the faith of Christians. It had made its run with sails full set over the Ionian and Ægean, the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian seas, only to make shipwreck in the Roman port. Are you not ashamed of hunting up nonsense of this kind and putting me to the trouble of bringing up similar things against you? Suppose that some one had seen a dream about you such as might make you vainglorious; it would have been modest as well as wise in you not to seem to know of it, instead of boasting of other people’s dreams as a serious testimony to yourself. What a difference there is between your dream and mine! Mine tells how I was humbled and repressed; yours boasts over and over again how you were praised. You cannot say, It matters nothing to me what another man dreamed, for in those most enlightening books of yours you tell us that this was the motive which led you to make the translation; you could not bear that an eminent man should have dreamed in vain. This is all your endeavour. If you can make me out guilty of perjury, you think you will be deemed no heretic.

De sacramento in somnio. --De crimine autem perjurii, quia me remittis ad codicem tuum, et ex magna parte in aliis libris, tibi, Calpurnioque respondi, nunc breviter dixisse sufficiat, te exigere a dormiente quod numquam vigilans praestitisti. Magni criminis reus sum, si puellis et virginibus Christi, dixi saeculares libros non legendos, et me in somnis commonitum promisisse ne legerem. Tua navis Romanae urbi revelatione promissa, aliud pollicetur, et aliud efficit. Mathematicorum venerat solvere quaestiones, et solvit fidem Christianorum. Quae per Ionium et Aegeum, Adriaticum atque Tyrrhenum [ Al. additur mare] plenis cucurrerat velis, in Romano portu naufragium fecit. Nonne te pudet istiusmodi deliramenta conquirere, et mihi similia objiciendi imponere necessitatem? Esto, alius de te somnium viderat gloriosum; verecundiae tuae fuerat et prudentiae dissimulare quod audieras, et non, quasi magno testimonio, alterius somnio gloriari. Vide quid inter tuum et meum intersit somnium. Ego me humiliter reprehensum refero, tu jactanter laudatum te esse congeminas. Nec dicere potes, Nihil mea refert quid alius viderit, cum in luculentissimis libris tuis, hac te ad interpretandum dicas ratione commotum, ne vir illustris de te somnium perderet. Hic est omnis conatus tuus; si me perjurium docueris, tu haereticus non eris.

3.33 It was not I who first disclosed your heresies, but Epiphanius long ago and Aterbius before him PL 23, 481

33. I now come to the most serious charge of all, that in which you accuse me of having been unfaithful after the restoration of our friendship. I confess that, of all the reproaches which you bring against me or threaten me with, there is none which I would so much deprecate as that of fraud, deceit and breach of faith. To sin is human, to lay snares is diabolical. What! Was it for this that I joined hands with you over the slain lamb in the Church of the Resurrection, that I might ‘steal your manuscripts at Rome’? or that I might ‘send out my dogs to gnaw away your papers before they were corrected’? Can any one believe that we made ready the accusers before you had committed the crime? Is it supposed that we knew what plans you were meditating in your heart? or what another man had been dreaming? or how the Greek proverb was having its fulfilment in your case, “the pig teaches Minerva”? If I sent Eusebius to bark against you, who then stirred up the passion of Aterbius and others against you? Is it not the fact that he thought that I also was a heretic because of my friendship with you? And, when I had given him satisfaction as to the heresies of Origen, you shut yourself up at home, and never dared to meet him, for fear you should have to condemn what you wished not to condemn, or by openly resisting him should subject yourself to the reproach of heresy. Do you think that he cannot be called as a witness against you because he is your accuser? Before ever the reverend bishop Epiphanius came to Jerusalem, and gave you the signs of peace by word and kiss, ‘yet having evil thoughts and guile in his heart’; before I translated for him that letter which was such a reproof to you, and in which he wrote you down a heretic though he had before approved you as orthodox; Aterbius was barking against you at Jerusalem, and, if he had not speedily taken himself off, would have felt not your literary cudgel but the stick you flourish in your right hand to drive the dogs away.

De infidelitate calumnia. --Venio ad gravissimum crimen, in quo post reconciliatas amicitias, me infidelitatis accusas. Fateor, inter cuncta maledicta, quae vel objicis, vel minaris, nihil a me ita repellendum est, quam fraus, dolus, infidelitas. Peccare enim hominis est: insidias tendere, diaboli. Ergo ideo in Anastasi immolato agno dexteras junximus, ut 561 tuas Romae schedulas furaremur? Ut immissi canes inemendatas chartulas, te dormiente, corroderent? Et hoc credibile est, ante nos accusatores parasse, quam tu crimen admitteres? Scilicet noveramus quid in animo volveres? quid alius de te somniatus esset? Ut impleretur in te graecum proverbium, et [ Al. ut] sus doceret Minervam. Si Eusebium ego ad latrandum miseram, quis Aterbii [ Mss. Atarvii et Atarbii] contra te et caeterorum rabiem concitavit? Nonne ille est, qui et me haereticum ex tuis amicitiis judicabat? Cui cum satis fecissem damnatione dogmatum Origenis, tu clausus domi, nunquam eum videre ausus es, ne aut damnares quod nolebas, aut aperte resistens, haereseos invidiam sustineres. An idcirco testis contra te esse non poterit, quia accusator tui est? Antequam sanctus Epiphanius venisset Hierosolymam, et ore quidem et osculo tibi pacem daret, mala autem et dolos in suo corde servaret; antequam nos ei suggillationem tui epistolas dictaremus, ut haereticum scriberet, quem osculis orthodoxum comprobavit, Aterbius [ Al. Atervius] contra te latrabat Hierosolymis; et nisi cito abiisset, sensisset baculum non litterarum, sed dexterae tuae, quo tu canes abigere consuevisti.

3.34 As to our translations of the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, yours was doing harm, and mine was necessary in self-defence. You should be glad that heresy is exposed PL 23, 482

34. “But why,” you ask, “did you accept my manuscripts which had been falsified? and why, when I had translated the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν did you dare to put your pen to the same work? If I had erred, as any man may, ought you not to summon me to reply by a private letter, and to speak smoothly to me, as I am speaking smoothly in my present letter?” My whole fault is this that, when accusations were brought against me in the guise of disingenuous praise, I tried to purge myself from them, and this without invidiously introducing your name. I wished to refer to many persons a charge which you alone had brought, not so as to retort the charge of heresy upon you, but to repel it from myself. Could I know that you would be angry if I wrote against the heretics? You had said that you had taken away the heretical passages from the works of Origen. I therefore turned my attacks not upon you but upon the heretics, for I did not believe that you were a favourer of heresy. Pardon me, if I did this with too great vehemence. I thought that I should give you pleasure. You say that it was by the dishonest tricks of those who acted for me that your manuscripts were brought out before the public, when they were kept secretly in your chamber, or were in possession only of the man who had desired to have the translation made for him. But how is this reconcilable with your former statement that either no one or very few had them? If they were kept secret in your chamber, how could they be in the possession of the man who had desired to have the translation made for him? If the one man for whom the manuscripts had been written had obtained them in order to conceal them, then they were not kept secret in your chamber, and they were not in the hands of those few who, as you now declare, possessed them. You accuse us of having stolen them away; and then again you reproach us with having bought them for a great sum of money and an immense bribe. In a single matter, and in one little letter, what a tissue of various and discordant falsehoods! You have full liberty for accusation, but I have none for defence. When you bring a charge, you think nothing about friendship. When I begin to reply, then your mind is full of the rights of friendship. Let me ask you: Did you write these manuscripts for concealment or for publication? If for concealment, why were they written? If for publication, why did you conceal them?

De schedulis non emendatis. -- « Cur, inquit, falsatas meas schedulas suscepisti? Quare post interpretationem meam, ausus es in libris περὶ Ἀρχῶν stylum figere? num si erraveram ut homo, debuisti me privatis litteris convenire, et sic mihi blandiri, quomodo et ego tibi nunc in epistolis meis blandior? » Haec tota mea culpa est, quare subdolis laudibus accusatus, purgare me volui, et hoc sine invidia nominis tui: ut quod tu solus accusaveras, ad multos referrem, non tibi haeresim objiciens, sed a me repellens. Numquid scivi quod irascereris, si contra haereticos scriberem? Dixeras te de Origenis libris haeretica sustulisse: fautorem te haereticorum jam non esse credebam, et ideo non in te, sed in haereticos invectus sum; in quo si vehementior fui, ignosce mihi. Putavi, quod et tibi placerem. Furto et insidiis ministrorum meorum dicis schedulas tuas in publicum prolatas fuisse, quae latebant in cubiculo tuo, vel apud eum solum erant, qui rem sibi geri injunxerat. 562 Et quomodo supra confiteris, quod aut nullus eas habuerit, aut admodum pauci? Si in cubiculo tuo latebant, qua ratione apud eum erant, qui sibi rem geri injunxerat? Sin autem unus cui scriptae fuerant occultandas susceperat, ergo non latebant tantum in cubiculo tuo, nec habuerunt eas pauci, quos habuisse testatus es. Furto sublatas arguis: et rursum emptas grandi pecunia et infinitis mercibus criminaris. In una re, et in parva epistola quanta varietas et dissonantia mentiendi! Tibi licet accusare, mihi defendere non licebit? Quando criminaris, amicum non cogitas. Quando respondeo, tunc tibi jus amicitiae in mentem venit. Dic, oro te, celandas schedulas scripseras, an prodendas? si ut celares, cur scripsisti? si ut proderes, cur celabas?

3.35 As to our translations of the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, yours was doing harm, and mine was necessary in self-defence. You should be glad that heresy is exposed PL 23, 482

35. But my fault, you will say, was this, that I did not restrain your accusers who were my friends. Why, I had enough to do to answer their accusations against myself; for they charged me with hypocrisy, as I could shew by producing their letters, because I kept silence when I knew you to be a heretic; and because by incautiously maintaining peace with you, I fostered the intestine wars of the Church. You call them my disciples; they suspect me of being your fellow-disciple; and, because I was somewhat sparing in my rejection of your praises, they think me to be initiated, along with you, into the mysteries of heresy. This was the service your Prologue did me; you injured me more by appearing as my friend than you would had you shewn yourself my enemy. They had persuaded themselves once for all (whether rightly or wrongly is their business) that you were a heretic. If I should determine to defend you, I should only succeed in getting myself accused by them along with you. They cast in my teeth your laudation of me, which they suppose to have been written not in craft but sincerity; and they vehemently reproach me with the very things which you always praised in me. What am I to do? To turn my disciples into my accusers for your sake? To receive on my own head the weapons which were hurled against my friend?

Cavit suspicionem hypocriseos. --Sed in eo reprehendendus sum: quare accusatores tuos amicos meos non coercuerim. Vis tibi proferam litteras eorum, in quibus me hypocriseos arguunt, quod te sciens haereticum, tacuerim; quod dum pacem incautus praebeo, intestina Ecclesiae bella suscepit? Tu discipulos vocas, qui me tuum condiscipulum suspicantur. Et quia parcior fui in refellendis laudibus tuis, putant me tuum esse symmysten. Hoc mihi praestitit prologus tuus, ut plus me amicus laederes quam inimicus. Semel sibi persuaserant (recte an perperam ipsi viderint) te esse haereticum. Si defendere voluero, hoc solum proficiam, ut me tecum pariter accusent. Denique mihi objiciunt laudationem tuam, et te non putant insidiose scripsisse, sed vere: et quod tu in me semper ante laudabas, vehementer insimulant. Quid me vis facere? ut discipulos accusatores pro te habeam; ut contorta in amicum jacula, meo suscipiam pectore?

3.36 As to our translations of the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, yours was doing harm, and mine was necessary in self-defence. You should be glad that heresy is exposed PL 23, 483

36. In the matter of the books Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, I have even a claim upon your gratitude. You say that you cut off anything that was offensive and replaced it by what was better. I have represented things just as they stood in the Greek. By this means both things are made to appear, your faith and the heresy of him whom you translated. The leading Christians of Rome wrote to me: Answer your accuser; if you keep silence, you will be held to have assented to his charges. All of them unanimously demanded that I should bring to light the subtle errors of Origen, and make known the poison of the heretics to the ears of the Romans to put them on their guard. How can this be an injury to you? Have you a monopoly of the translation of these books? Are there no others who take part in this work? When you translated parts of the Septuagint, did you mean to prohibit all others from translating it after your version had been published? Why, I also have translated many books from the Greek. You have full power to make a second translation of them at your pleasure; for both the good and the bad in them must be laid to the charge of their author. And this would hold in your case also, had you not said that you had cut out the heretical parts and translated only what was positively good. This is a difficulty which you have made for yourself, and which cannot be solved, except by confessing that you have erred as all men err, and condemning your former opinion.

De libris autem περὶ Ἀρχῶν debes mihi et gratias agere. Tu enim, ut dicis, noxia quaeque detruncans, meliora posuisti. Ego ita ut habebantur in Graeco, expressi. Ex quo et tua apparet fides; et ejus quem interpretatus es, haeresis. Scribebatur mihi de Urbe a viris ( Pammachio et Oceano ) in Christo praecipuis: Responde criminanti; ne si tacueris, consensisse videaris. Consona omnes voce poscebant, ut Origenis versutias 563 proderem, ut [ Al. et] venena haereticorum Romanis auribus cavenda monstrarem. Quid hoc ad injuriam tuam pertinet? Num solus interpretatus es istos libros, et alios hujus operis non habes participes? Numquid et tu de Septuaginta interpretibus es, ut post editionem tuam aliis transferre non liceat? Ecce et ego multos, ut dicis, libellos de Graeco in Latinum transtuli: habes potestatem et tu rursum eos vertendi, ut volueris; et bona enim et mala suo imputantur auctori. Quod et in te fieret, nisi dixisses te amputasse haeretica et optima transtulisse. Hic est enim nodus tuus, qui solvi non potest. At [ Al. Aut] si errasti ut homo, priorem damna sententiam.

3.37 Your Apology for Origen did not save him but involved you in heresy PL 23, 483

37. But what defence can you make in reference to the Apology which you have written for the works of Origen, or rather in reference to the book of Eusebius, though you have altered much, and translated the work of a heretic under the title of a martyr, yet you have set down still more which is incompatible with the faith of the church. You as well as I turn Latin books into Greek; can you prohibit me from giving the works of a foreigner to my own people? If I had made my answer in the case of some other work of yours in which you had not attacked me, it might have been thought that, in translating what you had already translated, I was acting in hostility to you, and wishing to prove you inaccurate or untrustworthy. But this is a new kind of complaint, when you take it amiss that an answer is made you on a point on which you have accused me. All Rome was said to have been upset by your translation; every one was demanding of me a remedy for this; not that I was of any account, but that those who asked this thought me so. You say that you who had made the translation were my friend. But what would you have had me do? Ought we to obey God or man? To guard our master’s property or to conceal the theft of a fellow-servant? Can I not be at peace with you unless I join with you in committing acts which bring reproach? If you had not mentioned my name, if you had not tricked me out in your flatteries, I might have had some way of escape, and have made many excuses for not translating what had already been translated. But you, my friend, have compelled me to waste a good many days on this work, and to bring out before the public eye what should have been engulfed in Charybdis; yet still, though I had been injured, I observed the laws of friendship, and as far as possible defended myself without accusing you. It is a too suspicious and complaining temper which you shew when you take home to yourself as a reproach what was spoken against the heretics. If it is impossible to be your friend unless I am the friend of heretics, I shall more easily put up with your enmity than with their friendship.

Latinos libros vertebat in Graecum Rufinus. --Sed quid facies de Apologetico tuo, quem pro Origenis scripsisti operibus? Quid de volumine Eusebii? in quo quum multa mutaveris, et, sub nomine martyris, haeretici hominis scripta transtuleris: tamen plura posuisti, quae Ecclesiasticae fidei non conveniunt. Tu etiam Latinos libros in Graecum vertis, nobis dare nostris externa prohibebis? Si in alio opere respondissem, in quo me non laeseras, videri poteram in injuriam tuam transferre quod verteras: ut te vel imperitum, vel subdolum demonstrarem. Nunc vero novum querimoniae genus: doles tibi in eo esse responsum, in quo a te accusatus sum. Dicebatur ad interpretationem tuam Roma subversa, postulabant omnes a me hujus rei remedium. Non quo ego alicujus momenti essem; sed qui petebant, me esse aliquid arbitrabantur. Tu amicus eras, qui illa transtuleras; quid me vis facere? Obedire Deo magis oportet, an hominibus ? Domini custodire substantiam, an furtum celare conservi? Aliter te non placabo, nisi et ego tecum accusanda commisero? Si nullam fecisses mei nominis mentionem: si me non ornasses egregiis laudibus, poteram aliquod habere suffugium, et diversa obtendere, ne rursus interpretata transferrem. Tu me, amice, compulisti, ut aliquot dies in hoc opere perderem, ut proferrem in medium quod Charybdis debuit devorare: et tamen laesus, amicitiae in te jura servavi, et quantum in me fuit, sic me defendi, ut te non accusarem. 564 Tu nimium suspiciosus et querulus, qui dicta in haereticos ad tuam refers contumeliam. Quod si aliter amicus tuus esse non possum, nisi et haereticorum amicus fuero; levius tuas inimicitias, quam illorum amicitias sustinebo.

3.38 My friendly letter was to prevent discord: the other to crush false opinions PL 23, 484

38. You imagine that I have contrived yet another piece of falsehood, namely, that I have composed a letter to you in my own name, pretending that it was written long ago, in which I make myself appear kindly and courteous; but which you never received. The truth can easily be ascertained. Many persons at Rome have had copies of this letter for the last three years; but they refused to send it to you knowing that you were throwing out insinuations against my reputation, and making up stories of the most shameful kind and unworthy of our Christian profession. I wrote in ignorance of all this, as to a friend; but they would not transmit the letter to an enemy, such as they knew you to be, thus sparing me the effects of my mistakes and you the reproaches of your conscience. You next bring arguments to shew that, if I had written such a letter, I had no right to write another containing many reproaches against you. But here is the error which pervades all that you say, and of which I have a right to complain; whatever I say against the heretics you imagine to be said against you. What! Am I refusing you bread because I give the heretics a stone to crush their brains? But, in order to justify your disbelief in my letter, you are obliged to make out that of pope Anastasius rests upon a similar fraud. On this point I have answered you before. If you really suspect that it is not his writing, you have the means of convicting me of the forgery. But if it is his writing, as his letters of the present year also written against you prove, you will in vain use your false reasonings to prove my letter false, since I can shew from his genuine letter that mine also is genuine.

De epistola ad Rufinum. --Novum quoque me putas finxisse mendacium, ut epistolam ad te meo nomine componerem, quasi olim scriptam, quo bonus esse videar et modestus; quam tu numquam omnino susceperis. Haec res perfacile probari potest. Multi Romae ejus exemplaria habent, ante hoc circiter triennium, qui tibi eam mittere noluerunt, scientes quae de meo nomine jactitares, et quam indigna proposito Christiano ac nefanda confingeres. Ego scripsi nesciens, quasi ad amicum. Illi non reddiderunt ei, quem inimicum noverant: parcentes et meo errori, et tuae conscientiae. Et simul argumentaris, quod si talem tibi epistolam scripseram, non debueram contra te in alio libello multa mala scribere. Hic est totus error tuus, et haec justa querimonia: quod quae nos in haereticos dicimus, tu in te dicta confingis: et nisi illis pepercerimus, te putas esse violatum. An ideo panem tibi non damus, quia haereticorum cerebro lapidem illidimus? Et ut nostram epistolam non probes, papae quoque Anastasii simili dicis fraude subnixam, de qua tibi ante respondi: quam si suspicaris ipsius non esse, habes ubi apud eum nos arguas falsitatis. Sin autem ejus est, ut hujus quoque anni contra te epistolae probant, frustra et falso falsam arguere niteris, cum ex illius vera epistola, nostram veram esse doceamus.

3.39 Pythagoras was rightly quoted by me. I produce some of his sayings PL 23, 484

39. In order to parry the charge of falsehood, it is your humour to become quite exacting. You are not to be called to produce the six thousand books of Origen, of which you speak; but you expect me to be acquainted with all the records of Pythagoras. What truth is there in all the boastful language, which you blurted out from your inflated cheeks, declaring that you had corrected the Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν by introducing words which you had read in other books of Origen, and thus had not put in other men’s words but restored his own? Out of all this forest of his works you cannot produce a single bush or sucker. You accuse me of raising up smoke and mist. Here you have smoke and mist indeed. You know that I have dissipated and done away with them; but, though your neck is broken, you do not bow it down, but, with an impudence which exceeds even your ignorance, you say that I am denying what is quite evident, so as to excuse yourself, after promising mountains of gold, for not producing even a leatherlike farthing from your treasury. I acknowledge that your animosity against me rests on good grounds, and that your rage and passion is genuine; for, unless I made persistent demands for what does not exist, you would be thought to have what you have not. You ask me for the books of Pythagoras. But who has informed you that any books of his are extant? It is true that in my letter which you criticize these words occur: “Suppose that I erred in youth, and that, having been trained in profane literature, I at the beginning of my Christian course had no sufficient doctrinal knowledge, and that I attributed to the Apostles things which I had read in Pythagoras or Plato or Empedocles;” but I was speaking not of their books but of their tenets, with which I was able to acquaint myself through Cicero, Brutus, and Seneca. Read the short oration for Vatinius, and others in which mention is made of secret societies. Turn over Cicero’s dialogues. Search through the coast of Italy which used to be called Magna Græcia, and you will find there various doctrines of Pythagoras inscribed on brass on their public monuments. Whose are those Golden Rules? They are Pythagoras’s; and in these all his principles are contained in a summary form. Iamblicus wrote a commentary upon them, following in this, at least partly, Moderatus a man of great eloquence, and Archippus and Lysides who were disciples of Pythagoras. Of these, Archippus and Lysides held schools in Greece, that is, in Thebes; they retained so fully the precepts of their teacher, that they made use of their memory instead of books. One of these precepts is: “We must cast away by any contrivance, and cut out by fire and sword and contrivances of all kinds, disease from the body, ignorance from the soul, luxury from the belly, sedition from the state, discord from the family, excess from all things alike.” There are other precepts of Pythagoras, such as these. “Friends have all things in common.” “A friend is a second self.” “Two moments are specially to be observed, morning and evening: that is, things which we are going to do, and things which we have done.” “Next to God we must worship truth, for this alone makes men akin to God.” There are also enigmas which Aristotle has collated with much diligence in his works: “Never go beyond the Stater,” that is, “Do not transgress the rule of justice;” “Never stir the fire with the sword,” that is, “Do not provoke a man when he is angry and excited with hard words.” “We must not touch the crown,” that is “We must maintain the laws of the state.” “Do not eat out your heart,” that is, “Cast away sorrow from your mind.” “When you have started, do not return,” that is, “After death do not regret this life.” “Do not walk on the public road,” that is, “Do not follow the errors of the multitude.” “Never admit a swallow into the family,” that is, “Do not admit chatterers and talkative persons under the same roof with you.” “Put fresh burdens on the burdened; put none on those who lay them down;” that is, “When men are on the road to virtue, ply them with fresh precepts; when they abandon themselves to idleness, leave them alone.” I said I had read the doctrines of the Pythagoreans. Let me tell you that Pythagoras was the first to discover the immortality of the soul and its transmigration from one body to another. To this view Virgil gives his adherence in the sixth book of the Æneid in these words:

These, when the wheel full thousand years has turned,

God calls, a long sad line, in Lethe’s stream

To drown the past, and long once more to see

The skies above, and to the flesh return.

Pythagorae discipuli. Pythagorica praecepta et symbola. Quid apud Graecos invenit primus Pythagoras. --In excusando mendacio tuo [ Al. mendacium tuum], quam elegans esse voluisti: et ne sex millia Origenis libros proferas, Pythagorae a me exigis monumenta. Ubi est illa fiducia, qua inflatis buccis creberrime personabas, te quae in aliis libris Origenis legeras, emendasse in libris περὶ Ἀρχῶν, et non aliena, sed sua reddidisse suis? De tanta librorum silva unum fruticem ac surculum proferre non potes. Hi sunt veri fumi, hae nebulae, quas dum in me criminaris, in te exstinctas dissipatasque per me cognoscis, nec fractam cervicem dejicis, 565 sed majori impudentia, quam imperitia, dicis me denegare, quae in promptu sunt, ut cum montes aureos pollicitus fueris, ne scorteum quidem nummum de thesauris tuis proferas. Justa contra me odia recognosco, et vera in nos debaccharis insania. Nisi enim ego quod non est, audacter exigerem, tu videbaris habere quod non habes. Pythagorae a me libros flagitas. Quis enim tibi dixit illius exstare volumina? Nonne in epistola mea, quam criminaris, haec verba sunt? « Sed fac me errasse in adolescentia, et philosophorum, id est, Gentilium studiis eruditum, in principio fidei ignorasse dogmata Christiana, et hoc putasse in Apostolis, quod in Pythagora et Platone et Empedocle legeram. » De dogmatibus eorum, non de libris locutus sum, quae potui in Cicerone, Bruto, ac Seneca discere. Lege pro Vatinio oratiunculam, et alias ubi sodalitiorum mentio fit. Revolve dialogos Tullii. Respice omnem oram Italiae, quae quondam magna Graecia dicebatur: et Pythagoricorum dogmatum incisa publicis litteris aera cognosces. Cujus enim sunt illa χρυσᾶ παραγγέλματα? nonne Pythagorae? in quibus omnia ejus breviter dogmata continentur, et in quae latissimo opere philosophus commentatus est Jamblichus, imitatus ex parte Moderatum virum eloquentissimum, et Archippum ac Lysidem Pythagorae auditores. Quorum Archippus ac Lysides in Graecia, id est, Thebis scholas habuere, qui memoriter tenentes praecepta doctoris, ingenio pro libris utebantur, a quibus illud est: Φυγαδευτέον πάσῃ μηχανῇ, καὶ περικοπτέον πυρὶ καὶ σιδηρῳ καὶ μηχαναῖς παντοῖαις, ἀπὸ μὲν σώματος νόσον, ἀπὸ δὲ ψυχῆς ἀμαθίαν, κοιλίας δὲ πολυτέλειαν, πόλεως δὲ στάσιν, οἴκου δὲ διχοφροσύνην, ὁμοῦ δὲ πάντων ἀμετρίαν. Quod in Latinum ita possumus vertere: Fuganda sunt omnibus modis et abscindenda, languor a corpore, imperitia ab animo, luxuria a ventre, a civitate seditio, a domo discordia, et in commune a cunctis rebus intemperantia. 566 Pythagorica et illa praecepta sunt: Amicorum omnia esse communia. Et Amicum seipsum esse alterum: duorumque temporum maxime habendam curam, mane et vesperi, id est, eorum quae acturi sumus, et eorum quae gesserimus. Post Deum veritatem colendam, quae sola homines Deo proximos faciat. Illaque aenigmata, quae diligentissime Aristoteles in suis libris prosequitur: Stateram ne transilias, id est, ne praetergrediare justitiam. Ignem gladio ne fodias. Iratum videlicet et tumidum animum verbis maledicis ne lacessas. Coronam minime carpendam, id est, leges urbium conservandas. Cor non comedendum, id est, moerorem de animo projiciendum. Cum profectus fueris, inquit, ne redeas; id est, post mortem vitam istam ne desideres. Per viam publicam ne ambules; id est, ne multorum sequaris errores [Al. errorem]. Hirundinem in domum non suscipiendam; id est, garrulos et verbosos homines sub eodem tecto non habendos. Oneratis superponendum onus: deponentibus non communicandum; id est, ad virtutem incedentibus, augmentanda [Al. augenda] praecepta: tradentes se otio, relinquendos. Et quia Pythagorica dogmata legisse me dixeram: audi quid apud Graecos Pythagoras primus invenerit. Immortales esse animas, et de aliis corporibus transire in alia. Quod quidem et Virgilius in sexto Aeneidos volumine sequens loquitur:

Has omnes, ubi mille rotam volvere per annos,

Lethaeum ad fluvium Deus evocat agmine magno;

Scilicet immemores supera ut convexa revisant,

Rursus et incipiant in corpora velle reverti.

3.40 Pythagoras was rightly quoted by me. I produce some of his sayings PL 23, 486

40. Pythagoras taught, accordingly, that he had himself been originally Euphorbus, and then Callides, thirdly Hermotimus, fourthly Pyrrhus, and lastly Pythagoras; and that those things which had existed, after certain revolutions of time, came into being again; so that nothing in the world should be thought of as new. He said that true philosophy was a meditation on death; that its daily struggle was to draw forth the soul from the prison of the body into liberty: that our learning was recollection, and many other things which Plato works out in his dialogues, especially in the Phædo and Timæus. For Plato, after having formed the Academy and gained innumerable disciples, felt that his philosophy was deficient on many points, and therefore went to Magna Græcia, and there learned the doctrines of Pythagoras from Archytas of Tarentum and Timæus of Locris: and this system he embodied in the elegant form and style which he had learned from Socrates. The whole of this, as we can prove, Origen carried over into his book Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν, only changing the name. What mistake, then, was I making, when I said that in my youth I had imputed to the Apostles ideas which I had found in Pythagoras, Plato and Empedocles? I did not speak, as you calumniously pretend, of what I had read in the books of Pythagoras, Plato and Empedocles, but of what I had read as having existed in their writings, that is, what other men’s writings shewed me to have existed in them. This mode of speaking is quite common. I might say, for instance “The opinions which I read in Socrates I believed to be true,” meaning what I read as his opinions in Plato and others of the Socratic school, though Socrates himself wrote no books. So I might say, I wished to imitate the deeds which I had read of in Alexander and Scipio, not meaning that they described their own deeds, but that I had read in other men’s works of the deeds which I admired as done by them. Therefore, though I may not be able to inform you of any records of Pythagoras himself as being extant, and proved by the attestation of his son or daughter or others of his disciples, yet you cannot hold me guilty of falsehood, because I said not that I had read his books, but his doctrines. You are quite mistaken if you thought to make this a screen for your falsehood, and to maintain that because I cannot produce any book written by Pythagoras, you have a right to assert that six thousand books of Origen have been lost.

Pythagorae alia dogmata. Origenes in libros suos Platonem transtulit. --Se primum fuisse Euphorbum, secundo Callidem, tertio Hermotimum, quarto Pyrrhum, ad extremum Pythagoram: et post certos temporum circulos, ea quae fuerant, rursum fieri: nihilque in mundo videri novum. Philosophiam meditationem esse mortis: 567 quotidie de corporis carcere nitentem animae educere libertatem: μαθήσεις ἀναμνήσεις ; id est, discentias reminiscentias esse; et multa alia, quae Plato in libris suis, et maxime in Phaedone, Timaeoque prosequitur. Nam post Academiam et innumerabiles discipulos, sentiens multum suae deesse doctrinae, venit ad magnam Graeciam, ibique ab Archyta Tarentino et Timaeo Locrensi, Pythagorae doctrina eruditus, elegantiam et leporem Socratis, cum hujus miscuit disciplinis, quae omnia nomine commutato, Origenes in libros suos περὶ Ἀρχῶν transtulisse convincitur. In quo igitur erravi, si adolescens dixi, me ea putasse in Apostolis, quae in Pythagora et Platone et Empedocle legeram? Non ut tu calumniaris et fingis, in Pythagorae et Platonis et Empedoclis libris, sed quae in illis fuisse legeram, et aliorum me scripta eos habuisse docuerunt. Et hoc genus elocutionis frequentissimum est: ut si dicam, quae in Socrate legi dogmata, putavi vera. Non quod Socrates libros ullos scripserit; sed quae legi apud Platonem et alios Socraticos illum habuisse. Et rursum, imitati volui gesta, quae in Alexandro et Scipione legeram. Non quod ipsa sua gesta descripserint; sed quod apud alios legerim, quae illos gessisse mirabar. Igitur etiam si docere non possem, ipsius Pythagorae exstare monumenta, nec a filio ejus ac filia, aliisque discipulis probata convincerem, me non teneres mendacii, quia non libros, sed dogmata legisse me dixi: et te frustra errare, me tuum protegere mendacium voluisse, ut nisi ego unum librum Pythagorae protulero, tu sex millia Origenis libros perdideris.

3.41 You threaten me with destruction. I will not reply in the same way. Personalities should be excluded from controversies of faith PL 23, 487

41. I come now to your Epilogue, (that is to the revilings which you pour upon me,) in which you exhort me to repentance, and threaten me with destruction unless I am converted, that is, unless I keep silence under your accusations. And this scandal, you say, will recoil upon my own head, because it is I who by replying have provoked you to the madness of writing when you are a man of extreme gentleness and of a meekness worthy of Moses. You declare that you are aware of crimes which I confessed to you alone when you were my most intimate friend, and that you will bring these before the public; that I shall be painted in my own colours; and that I ought to remember that I am lying at your feet, otherwise you might cut off my head with the sword of your mouth. And, after many such things, in which you toss yourself about like a madman, you draw yourself up and say that you wish for peace, but still with the intimation that I am to keep quiet for the future, that is that I am not to write against the heretics, nor to answer any accusation made by you; if I do this, I shall be your good brother and colleague, and a most eloquent person, and your friend and companion; and, what is still more, you will pronounce all the translations I have made from Origen to be orthodox. But, if I utter a word or move a step, I shall at once be unsound and a heretic, and unworthy of all connexion with you. This is the way you trumpet forth my praises, this is the way you exhort me to peace. You do not grant me liberty for a groan or a tear in my grief.

Minabatur Hieronymo interitum Rufinus. --Veniam ad epilogos, id est, maledicta tua, in quibus me ad poenitentiam cohortaris; et nisi conversus fuero, id est, nisi te accusante siluero, mihi minaris interitum. Et hoc scandalum redundaturum in caput meum denuntias, qui te hominem lenissimum et Mosaicae mansuetudinis, responsione mea ad scriptionis insaniam provocaverim. Scire enim te jactas crimina, 568 quae tibi soli amicissimo sim confessus, et haec in medium prolaturum; meisque me coloribus esse pingendum, et debere meminisse, quod jacuerim ad pedes tuos, ne gladio oris tui amputares caput meum. Et post multa, in quibus furibundus exsultas, revocas te, et dicis optare pacem cum denuntiatione dumtaxat, ut deinceps taceam, id est, ut non scribam contra haereticos, nec audeam respondere accusationi tuae. Si hoc fecero, frater ero et collega, et vir eloquentissimus et amicus ac sodalis, et quod his majus est, omnia quae de Origene transtuli, catholica judicabis. Sin autem mutiero, et me commovero, illico impurus ero et haereticus, et tua indignus necessitudine. Haec sunt praeconia mea, sic me hortaris ad pacem, et ne gemitum quidem ac lacrymas dolori liberas esse concedis.

3.42 You threaten me with destruction. I will not reply in the same way. Personalities should be excluded from controversies of faith PL 23, 488

42. It would be possible for me also to paint you in your own colours, and to meet your insanity with a similar rage; to say what I know and add what I do not know; and with a license like yours, or rather fury and madness, to keep up things false and true alike, till I was ashamed to speak and you to hear: and to upbraid you in such a way as would condemn either the accused or the accuser; to force myself on the reader by mere effrontery, make him believe that what I wrote unscrupulously I wrote truly. But far be it from the practice of Christians while offering up their lives to seek the life of others, and to become homicides not with the sword but the will. This may agree with your gentleness and innocence; for you can draw forth from the dung heap within your breast alike the odour of roses and the stench of corpses; and, contrary to the precept of the Prophet, call that bitter which once you had praised as sweet. But it is not necessary for us, in treating of Christian topics, to throw out accusations which ought to be brought before the law courts. You shall hear nothing more from me than the vulgar saying: “When you have said what you like, you shall bear what you do not like.” Or if the coarse proverb seems to you too vulgar, and, being a man of culture, you prefer the words of philosophers or poets, take from me the words of Homer.

“What words thou speakest, thou the like shalt hear.”

One thing I should like to learn from one of such eminent sanctity and fastidiousness, (whose holiness is such that in the presence of your very handkerchiefs and aprons the devils cry out); whom do you take for your model in your writings? Has any one of the catholic writers, in a controversy of opinions, imputed moral offences to the man with whom he is arguing? Have your masters taught you to do this? Is this the system in which you have been trained, that, when you cannot answer a man, you should take off his head? that when you cannot silence a man’s tongue, you should cut it out? You have nothing much to boast of, for you are doing only what the scorpions and cantharides do. This is what Fulvia did to Cicero and Herodias to John. They could not bear to hear the truth, and therefore they pierced the tongue that spoke truth with the pin that parted their hair. The duty of dogs is to bark in their masters’ service; why may I not bark in the service of Christ? Many have written against Marcion or Valentinus, Arius or Eunomius. By which of them was any accusation brought of immoral conduct? Did they not in each case bring their whole effort to bear upon the refutation of the heresy? It is the machination of the heretics, that is of your masters, when convicted of betrayal of the faith, to betake themselves to evil speaking. So Eustathius the Bishop of Antioch was made into a father unawares. So Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria cut off a third hand of Arsenius; for, when he appeared alive after having been supposed to be dead, he was found to have two. Such things also now are falsely charged against the Bishop of the same church, and the true faith is assailed by gold, which constitutes the power of yourself and your friends. But I need not speak of controversy with heretics, who, though they are really without, yet call themselves Christians. How many of our writers have contended with those most impious men, Celsus and Porphyry! but which of them has left the cause he was engaged in to busy himself with the imputation of crime to his adversary, such as ought to be set down not in church-writings but in the calendar of the judge? For what advantage have you gained if you establish a man’s criminality but fail in your argument? It is quite unnecessary that in bringing an accusation you should risk your own head. If your object is revenge, you can hire an executioner, and satisfy your desire. You pretend to dread a scandal, and yet you are ready to kill a man who was once your brother, whom you now accuse, and whom you always treat as an enemy. Yet I wonder how a man like you, who knows what he is about, should be so blinded by madness as to wish to confer a benefit upon me by drawing forth my soul out of prison, and should not suffer it to remain with you in the darkness of this world.

Calumniandi licentiam reprehendit. Fulvia et Herodias. --Possem et ego tuis te coloribus pingere, et insanire contra insanientem; et dicere quidquid vel scio, vel nescio: et eadem licentia, immo furore et amentia, vel falsa, vel vera congerere, ut et me loqui, et te puderet audire: et objicere tibi, quae aut accusantem damnarent, aut accusatum; ut ex frontis duritia, fidem lectori facerem; ut quod impudenter scriberem, vere scribere judicarer. Sed procul sit a moribus Christianis, ut dum aliorum petunt sanguinem, suum offerant; et sine gladio, voluntate homicidae sint. Tuae hoc bonitati, tuaeque mansuetudini et simplicitati convenit, qui de uno pectoris sterquilinio, et odorem rosarum, et fetorem profers cadaverum: et contra sententiam Prophetalem , amarum dicis esse, quod quasi dulce laudaveras. Nec necesse est, ut in ecclesiasticis tractatibus rem tribunalium ventilemus; nihilque super hoc amplius audies, nisi illud e trivio: « Cum dixeris quod vis, audies quod non vis. » Aut si tibi vile videtur vulgare proverbium, et homo sapientissimus magis philosophorum ac poetarum sententiis delectari, lege illud Homericum:

Ὁποῖον κ' εἴπησθα ἔπος, τοῖον κ' ἐπακούσαις.

569 Hoc solum requiro ab eximia sanctitate et censura tua (cujus tanta est puritas, ut ad sudaria et semicinctia tua daemones rugiant), cujus exemplum in scribendo sequaris? Quis umquam catholicorum in disputatione sectarum, turpitudinem ei, adversum quem disputat, objecit? Sic te docuerunt magistri tui? Talibus institutus es disciplinis, ut cui respondere non potueris, caput auferas; et linguam quae tacere non potest, seces? Nec magnopere glorieris, si facias quod scorpiones possunt facere et cantharides. Fecerunt haec et Fulvia in Ciceronem, et Herodias in Joannem: quia veritatem non poterant audire, et linguam veriloquam discriminali acu confoderunt. Canes latrant pro dominis suis, et tu non vis me latrare pro Christo? Scripserunt multi contra Marcionem, Valentinum, Arium, et Eunomium. A quo eis objecta est turpitudo? Nonne toti in convincenda haeresi incubuerunt? Istae machinae haereticorum, id est, magistrorum tuorum sunt, ut convicti de perfidia, ad maledicta se conferant. Sic Eustathius Antiochenus episcopus, filios dum nescit, invenit. Sic Athanasius Alexandrinae urbis pontifex, tertiam Arsenii amputavit manum. Duas enim qui mortuus prius fingebatur, vivens postea habere monstratus est. Talia et condiscipuli tui et magistri nunc de ejusdem Ecclesiae sacerdote confingunt: et auro, id est, tuis tuorumque viribus oppugnant fidei veritatem. Quid loquar de haereticis, qui licet foris sint, tamen se nominant Christianos? Adversum impiissimos, Celsum atque Porphyrium, quanti scripsere nostrorum? Quis omissa causa, in superflua criminum objectione versatus est? Quae non chartae Ecclesiasticae, sed libelli debent judicum continere. Aut quid refert, si causa cadas, et crimine superes? Non necesse est, ut cum periculo tui capitis accuses. Uno percussore conducto, satis potes facere desiderio tuo. Et scandalum timere te simulas, qui dudum fratrem, nunc accusatum, semper inimicum, es paratus occidere. Et tamen 570 miror, quomodo homo prudens, furore praeventus, velis mihi beneficium tribuere, ut educas de carcere animam meam, et non patiaris tecum in tenebris hujus saeculi commorari.

3.43 The way of peace is through the wisdom taught in the Book of Proverbs, and through unity in the faith PL 23, 489

43. If you wish me to keep silence, cease from accusing me. Lay down your sword, and I will throw away my shield. To one thing only I cannot consent; that is, to spare the heretics, and not to vindicate my orthodoxy. If that is the cause of discord between us, I can submit to death, but not to silence. It would have been right to go through the whole of the Scriptures for answers to your ravings, and, like David playing on his harp, to take the divine words to calm your raging breast. But I will content myself with a few statements from a single book; I will oppose Wisdom to folly; for I hope if you despise the words of men you will not think lightly of the word of God. Listen, then, to that which Solomon the wise says about you and all who are addicted to evil speaking and contumely:

“Foolish men, while they desire injuries, become impious and hate wisdom. Devise not evil against thy friend. Be not angry with a man without a cause. The impious exalt contumely. Remove from thee the evil mouth, keep far from thee the wicked lips, the eyes of him that speaketh evil, the tongue of the unjust, the hands which shed the blood of the just, the heart that deviseth evil thoughts, and the feet which hasten to do evil. He that resteth upon falsehood feedeth the winds, and followeth the flying birds. For he hath left the ways of his own vineyard, and hath made the wheels of his tillage to err. He walketh through the dry and desert places, and with his hands he gathereth barrenness. The mouth of the froward is near to destruction, and he who uttereth evil words is the chief of fools. Every simple man is a soul that is blessed; but a violent man is dishonourable. By the fault of his lips the sinner falleth into a snare. All the ways of a fool are right in his own eyes. The fool showeth his anger on that very day. Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord. He that keepeth his lips guardeth his own soul; but he that is rash with his lips shall be a terror to himself. The evil man in his violence doeth evil things, and the fool spreadeth out his folly. Seek for wisdom among the evil and thou shalt not find it. The rash man shall eat of the fruit of his own ways. The wise man by taking heed avoideth the evil; but the fool is confident, and joins himself to it. A long-suffering man is strong in his wisdom; the man of little mind is very unwise. He who oppresseth the poor reproacheth his Maker. The tongue of the wise knoweth good things, but the mouth of fools speaketh evil. A quarrelsome man preferreth strife, and every one that lifteth up his heart is unclean before God. Though hand join with hand unjustly, they shall not be unpunished. He that loveth life must be sparing to his mouth. Insolence goeth before bruising, and evil thoughts before a fall. He who closeth his eyes speaketh perverse things, and provoketh all evil with his lips. The lips of a fool lead him into evil, and the foolhardy speech calleth down death. The man of evil counsel shall suffer much loss. Better is a poor man who is just than a rich man that speaketh lies. It is a glory to a man to turn away from evil words; but he that is foolish bindeth himself therewith. Love not detraction, lest thou be rooted out. The bread of lying is sweet to a man, but afterwards his mouth shall be filled with gravel. He that gaineth treasures with a lying tongue followeth vanity, and shall come into the snares of death. Say thou nought in the ear of a fool, lest haply the wise mock at thy words. The bludgeon and the sword and the arrow are hurtful things; so is the man who beareth false witness against his friend. As the birds and the sparrows fly away, so the curse shall be vain and shall not overtake him. Answer not an unwise man according to his lack of wisdom, lest thou become like unto him; but answer a fool according to his folly, lest he appear to himself to be wise. He who layeth wait for his friends when he is discovered saith, I did it in sport. A faggot for the coals, and wood for the fire, and a man of evil words for the tumult of strife. If thine enemy ask thee aught, sparingly but with a loud voice, consent thou not to him, for there are seven degrees of wickedness in his heart. The stone is heavy, and the sand hard to be borne; but the anger of a fool is heavier than either; indignation is cruel, anger is sharp, and envy is impatient. The impious man speaketh against the poor; and he that trusteth in the audacity of his heart is most foolish. The unwise man putteth forth all his anger, but the wise dealeth it out in parts. An evil son—his teeth are swords, and his grinders are as harrows, to consume the weak from off the earth, and the poor from among men.”

Such are the lessons in which I have been trained and therefore I was unwilling to return bite for bite, and to attack you by way of retaliation; and I thought it better to exorcise the madness of one who was raving, and to pour in the antidote of a single book into his poisoned breast. But I fear I shall have no success, and that I shall be compelled to sing the song of David, and to take his words for my only consolation:

“The wicked are estranged from the womb, they go astray even from the belly. They have spoken lies. Their madness is like the madness of the serpent; like the deaf adder which stoppeth her ears, which will not hear the voice of the charmers, and of the magician wisely enchanting. God shall break their teeth in their mouth; the Lord shall break the great teeth of the lions. They shall come to nothing, like water that runneth away. He bendeth his bow until they be brought low. Like wax that melteth, they shall be carried away; the fire hath fallen upon them and they have not seen the sun.”

And again:

“The righteous shall rejoice when he seeth the vengeance upon the impious; he shall wash his hands in the blood of the sinner. And man shall say, Verily, there is a reward for the righteous; verily, there is a God that judgeth those that are on the earth.”

Haereticis non poterat parcere. --Vis ergo me tacere? Ne accuses. Depone gladium, et ego scutum abjiciam. In uno tibi consentire non potero, ut parcam haereticis, ut me catholicum non probem. Si ista est causa discordiae, mori possum, tacere non possum. Debueram quidem de omni Scriptura tuae insaniae respondere, et divinis vocibus in modum David citharizantis lenire furorem pectoris tui; sed contentus ero unius libri paucis testimoniis, et opponam sapientiam stultitiae; ut si humana contemnis, saltem divina non negligas. Audi igitur, quid de te, et de omnibus invidis, ac maledicis et contumeliosis loquatur sapiens Salomon: Insipientes dum injuriis cupidi sunt, impii facti oderunt sensum. Ne fabriceris in amicum tuum mala. Et ne inimiceris adversum hominem sine causa. Impii exaltant contumeliam. Circumcide a te os pravum, et iniqua labia longe repelle abs te: oculos contumeliosi, linguam iniqui, manus effundentes sanguinem justi, cor fabricans cogitationes malas, et pedes festinantes ad malefaciendum. Qui nititur mendacio, pascit ventos, et sequitur aves volantes. Dereliquit [Al. derelinquit] enim vias vineae suae, et axes culturae suae fecit errare. Perambulat aridum ac desertum, et colligit manibus suis sterilitatem. Os procacis appropiat contritioni; et qui profert maledicta, stultissimus est. Anima benedicta omnis simplex vir: Animosus inhonestus est. Per delicta labiorum incidit in laqueum peccator. Itinera stultorum recta in conspectu suo. Stultus eadem die ostendit iram suam. Abominatio est Domino, labia mendacia. Qui custodit os suum, servat animam suam. Et qui temerarius est labiis, terrebit seipsum. Malus cum contumelia agit mala, et insipiens expandit malitiam suam. Quaeres apud malos sapientiam, et non invenies. Suis itineribus saturabitur temerarius. Sapiens timendo declinat malum. Stultus confidens miscetur ei. Longanimus vir 571 multus in prudentia est: pusillanimus valde imprudens est. Qui calumniatur pauperem, lacessit factorem ejus. Lingua sapientium bona novit, et os stultorum pronunciat malum. Vir animosus parat rixas: et immundus est apud Deum omnis qui exaltat cor suum. Manus manui inferens injuste, non erit impunitus. Qui diligit vitam, parcit ori suo. Ante contritionem praecedit contumelia, et ante ruinam mala cogitatio. Qui obfirmat oculos suos, cogitat perversa, et provocat labiis suis omnia mala. Labia stulti ducunt eum in mala, et os audax mortem invocat. Malignus vir multa detrimenta patietur. Melior est pauper justus, quam mendax dives. Gloria est viro, qui avertit se a maledictis: qui autem stultus est, talibus se obligat. Noli amare detrahere, ne eradiceris. Suavis est homini panis mendacii; postea implebitur os ejus calculo. Qui operatur thesauros lingua mendacii [Al. mendacis], vana sectatur, et veniet in laqueos mortis. In aure stulti noli quidquam dicere, ne forte irrideant sapientes sermones tuos. Clava et gladius et sagitta perniciosa sunt; sic et vir, qui contra amicum suum falsum dicit testimonium. Sicut aves avolant, et passeres; ita maledictum vanum non superveniet illi. Noli respondere imprudenti ad imprudentiam ejus, ne similis ei fias: sed responde stulto ad stultitiam ejus, ne sibi sapiens esse videatur. Qui insidiatur amicis suis, cum visus fuerit, dicit: Ludens feci. Craticula carbonibus, et ligna igni, et vir maledicus ad tumultum rixae. Si te rogaverit inimicus tuus, parcens voce magna, ne consentias ei: septem enim nequitiae sunt in anima ejus. Gravis est lapis, et vix portabilis arena; sed ira 572 stulti gravior utroque, crudelis est indignatio, et acuta ira et zelus impatiens est. Impius calumniatur pauperes: et qui confidit in cordis audacia [Al. avaritia], stultissimus est. Totam iram suam profert insipiens: sapiens dispensat in partes. Filius malus gladios dentes habet, et cultros molas, ut consumat infirmos de terra, et pauperes ex hominibus . His ergo doctus exemplis, nolui mordere mordentem, nec vicem talionis implodere: maluique insaniam excantare furibundi, et unius libri antidotum venenato pectori infundere [ Al. inserere]. Sed vereor ne nihil proficiens, illud Davidicum cantare compellar, et his me sermonibus consolari: Alienati sunt peccatores a vulva, erraverunt ab utero. Locuti sunt falsa, furor illis secundum similitudinem serpentis: sicut aspidis surdae, et obturantis aures suas, quae non audiat vocem incantantium, et venefici incantantis sapienter. Deus conteret dentes eorum in ore ipsorum; molas leonum confringet Dominus [Al. Deus]. Ad nihilum devenient, tamquam aqua decurrens. Intendit arcum suum, donec infirmentur. Sicut cera, quae fluit, auferentur: supercecidit ignis, et non viderunt solem . Et iterum: Laetabitur justus, cum viderit vindictam impiorum: manus suas lavabit in sanguine peccatoris. Et dicet homo: si utique est fructus justo, utique est Deus judicans eos in terra .

3.44 The way of peace is through the wisdom taught in the Book of Proverbs, and through unity in the faith PL 23, 491

44. In the end of your letter you say: “I hope that you love peace.” To this I will answer in a few words: If you desire peace, lay down your arms. I can be at peace with one who shews kindness; I do not fear one who threatens me. Let us be at one in faith, and peace will follow immediately.

In extrema Epistola scribis manu tua: « Opto te pacem diligere. » Ad quod breviter respondebo: Si pacem desideras, arma depone. Blandienti possum acquiescere, non timeo comminantem. Sit inter nos una fides, et illico pax sequetur.

Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (eds.), New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1890-1900. Public domain: English translation first published 1885-1900 (Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series). Latin: Migne, Patrologia Latina (1844-1855), public domain; transcription from Corpus Corporum (University of Zurich).

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