Iephte reiected by his brethrens, is intreated by the ancientes of Galaad to returne and fight for them against the Ammonites. 12. with whom he first pleadeth the cause of Israel by iust reasons, 26. and long prescription. But they persisting obstinate, he (30. inconsideratly vowing) 32. ouerthroweth them, 34. and sacrificeth his onlie daughter.
1There was at that time Jephte, the Galaadite, a most valiant man, and a warrior, the son of a woman that was a harlot, and his father was Galaad.Era in quel tempo Jephte di Galaad uomo valorosissimo nel mestiero dell'armi, figliuolo di Galaad, e di una donna meretrice.THERE was at that time Iephte the Galaadite a most valiant man and a warrier, the sonne of a woman that was an harlot, who was borne of Galaad.Fuit illo tempore Jephte Galaadites vir fortissimus atque pugnator, filius mulieris meretricis, qui natus est de Galaad. 2Now Galaad had a wife of whom he had sons: who, after they were grown up, thrust out Jephte, saying: Thou canst not inherit in the house of our father, because thou art born of another mother.Or Galaad avea moglie, e da lei ebbe de' figliuoli, i quali cresciuti in età cacciarono Jephte dicendo: Tu non puoi esser erede nella casa del padre nostro, perchè se' nato di un'altra donna.And Galaad had a wife of whom he had sonnes: who after they were growen, cast out Iepthte, saying: Thou canst not be heyre in the house of our father, because thou art borne of an other mother.Habuit autem Galaad uxorem, de qua suscepit filios: qui postquam creverant, ejecerunt Jephte, dicentes: Hæres in domo patris nostri esse non poteris, quia de altera matre natus es. 3Then he fled and avoided them, and dwelt in the land of Tob: and there were gathered to him needy men and robbers, and they followed him as their prince.Ed egli fuggendo, e nascondendosi a loro, abitò nella terra di Tob: e si adunarono presso di lui degli uomini miserabili che viveano di preda, e lo seguitavano come loro principe.Whom he fleeing and auoyding, dwelt in the Land of Tob: and there were gathered to him needie men, and theeui•h, and folowed him as their prince.Quos ille fugiens atque devitans, habitavit in terra Tob: congregatique sunt ad eum viri inopes, et latrocinantes, et quasi principem sequebantur. 4In those days the children of Ammon made war against Israel.In que' giorni combattevano i figliuoli di Ammon contro Israele.In those dayes the children of Ammon fought against Israel.In illis diebus pugnabant filii Ammon contra Israël. 5And as they pressed hard upon them, the ancients of Galaad went to fetch Jephte out of the land of Tob to help them:E avendolo quelli ridotto in grandi strettezze, andarono i seniori di Galaad a prendere dalla terra di Tob Jephte per loro soccorso,who pressing sore vpon them, the ancientes of Galaad went to take Iephte out of the Land of Tob to helpe them:Quibus acriter instantibus perrexerunt majores natu de Galaad, ut tollerent in auxilium sui Jephte de terra Tob:
6And they said to him: Come thou, and be our prince, and fight against the children of Ammon.E dissero a lui: Vieni, e sii nostro principe, e combatti contro i figliuoli di Ammon.and they saied to him: Come and be our prince, and fight against the children of Ammon.dixeruntque ad eum: Veni et esto princeps noster, et pugna contra filios Ammon. 7And he answered them: Are not you the men that hated me, and cast me out of my father’s house, and now you are come to me, constrained by necessity?Ma egli rispose loro: Non siete voi quegli che mi odiate, e mi avete scacciato dalla casa del padre mio? E adesso stretti dalla necessità ricorrete a me.To whom he answered: Are not you they that hated me, and cast me out of my fathers house, and now are come to me forced by necessitie.Quibus ille respondit: Nonne vos estis, qui odistis me, et ejecistis de domo patris mei ? et nunc venistis ad me necessitate compulsi. 8And the princes of Galaad said to Jephte: For this cause we are now come to thee, that thou mayst go with us, and fight against the children of Ammon, and be head over all the inhabitants of Galaad.E i principi di Galaad dissero a Jephte: Per questo appunto siamo ora venuti da te; affinchè tu venga con noi, e combatta contro i figliuoli di Ammon, e sii condottiero di tutti quelli che abitano in Galaad.And the princes of Galaad said to Iephte: For this cause be we now come to thee, that thou goe forth with vs, and fight against the children of Ammon, and be the captaine of al that dwell in Galaad.Dixeruntque principes Galaad ad Jephte: Ob hanc igitur causam nunc ad te venimus, ut proficiscaris nobiscum, et pugnes contra filios Ammon, sisque dux omnium qui habitant in Galaad. 9Jephte also said to them: If you be come to me sincerely, that I should fight for you against the children of Ammon, and the Lord shall deliver them into my hand, shall I be your prince?Ma Jephte rispose loro: Se veramente siete venuti a trovarmi, affinchè io combatta per voi contro i figliuoli di Ammon, quando egli avvenga che il Signore li dia in mio potere, sarò il vostro principe?Iephte also said to them: If you be come to me sincerly, that I should fight for you against the children of Ammon, and if our Lord deliuer them into my handes, shal I be your prince?Jephte quoque dixit eis: Si vere venistis ad me, ut pugnem pro vobis contra filios Ammon, tradideritque eos Dominus in manus meas, ego ero vester princeps ? 10They answered him: The Lord, who heareth these things, he himself is mediator and witness that we will do as we have promised.E quelli risposero a lui: Il Signore che ascolta queste cose, egli è mezzano, e testimone, come noi adempiremo le nostre promesse.Who answered him: Our Lord which heareth these thinges, him selfe is mediatour and witnes that we wil doe as we haue promised.Qui responderunt ei: Dominus, qui hæc audit, ipse mediator ac testis est quod nostra promissa faciemus.
11Jephte therefore went with the princes of Galaad, and all the people made him their prince. And Jephte spoke all his words before the Lord in Maspha.Andò adunque Jephte co' principi di Galaad, e tutto il popolo lo creò suo principe. E parlò Jephte di tutte le cose sue dinanzi al Signore in Maspha.Iephte therfore went with the princes of Galaad, and al the people made him their prince. And Iephte spake al his wordes before our Lord in Maspha.Abiit itaque Jephte cum principibus Galaad, fecitque eum omnis populus principem sui. Locutusque est Jephte omnes sermones suos coram Domino in Maspha. 12And he sent messengers to the king of the children of Ammon, to say in his name: What hast thou to do with me, that thou art come against me, to waste my land?E mandò ambasciadori al re de' figliuoli di Ammon, i quali a suo nome dicessero: Che hai da fare con me tu, che ti se' mosso contro di me e dai il guasto al mio paese?And he sent messengers to the king of the children of Ammon, which should say in his person: What is betwen me and thee, that thou art come against me, to wast my Land?Et misit nuntios ad regem filiorum Ammon, qui ex persona sua dicerent: Quid mihi et tibi est, quia venisti contra me, ut vastares terram meam ? 13And he answered them: Because Israel took away my land, when he came up out of Egypt, from the confines of the Arnon unto the Jaboc and the Jordan: now, therefore, restore the same peaceably to me.Ma quegli rispose loro: Israele occupò il mio paese in venendo dall'Egitto da' confini di Arnon sino a Jaboc, e al Giordano: ora adunque rendilo a me colle buone.To whom he answered: Because Israel tooke my land, when he ascended out of Aegypt, from the coasts of Arnon vnto Iaboc and Iordan now therfore with peace restore the same to me.Quibus ille respondit: Quia tulit Israël terram meam, quando ascendit de Ægypto, a finibus Arnon usque Jaboc atque Jordanem: nunc ergo cum pace redde mihi eam. 14And Jephte again sent word by them, and commanded them to say to the king of Ammon:Jephte pe' medesimi uomini diede risposta, e comandò loro di dire al re di Ammon:By whom Iephte againe sent word, and commanded them that they should say to the king of Ammon:Per quos rursum mandavit Jephte, et imperavit eis ut dicerent regi Ammon: 15Thus saith Jephte: Israel did not take away the land of Moab, nor the land of the children of Ammon:Queste cose dice Jephte: Israele non si prese la terra di Moab, nè la terra de' figliuoli di Ammon;Thus sayth Iephte: Israel did not take the Land of Moab, nor the Land of the children of Ammon:Hæc dicit Jephte: Non tulit Israël terram Moab, nec terram filiorum Ammon:
16But when they came up out of Egypt, he walked through the desert to the Red Sea, and came into Cades.Ma allorché uscirono dall'Egitto, camminarono pel deserto fino al mar Rosso, e giunti a Cades,but when they ascended out of Aegypt, he walked through the desert vnto the Readsea, and came into Cades.sed quando de Ægypto conscenderunt, ambulavit per solitudinem usque ad mare Rubrum, et venit in Cades. 17And he sent messengers to the king of Edom, saying: Suffer me to pass through thy land. But he would not condescend to his request. He sent also to the king of Moab, who, likewise, refused to give him passage. He abode, therefore, in Cades,Mandarono ambasciadori al re di Edom, dicendo: Permettici di passare per la tua terra. Ma egli non volle esaudire queste preghiere. Mandarono anche al re di Moab, il quale negò anch'egli con disprezzo di concedere il transito; ond'essi si fermaron in Cades.And he sent messengers to the king of Edom, saying: Suffer me that I may passe through thy land. Who would not condescend to his requestes. He sent also to the king of Moab, who also him selfe contemned to geue passage. He abode therfore in Cades,Misitque nuntios ad regem Edom, dicens: Dimitte me ut transeam per terram tuam. Qui noluit acquiescere precibus ejus. Misit quoque ad regem Moab, qui et ipse transitum præbere contempsit. Mansit itaque in Cades, 18And went round the land of Edom at the side, and the land of Moab: and came over against the east coast of the land of Moab, and camped on the other side of the Arnon: and he would not enter the bounds of Moab.E costeggiò la terra di Edom, e la terra di Moab, e arrivò verso la parte orientale della terra di Moab, e pose il campo di là da Arnon, e non volle mettere il piede dentro i confini di Moab; perocché Arnon è il confine della terra di Moab.and compassed the Land of Edom at the side, and the land of Moab: and came against the East quarter of the Land of Moab, and camped beyond Arnon: neither would he enter the boundes of Moab: for Arnon is the border of the Land of Moab.et circuivit ex latere terram Edom et terram Moab: venitque contra orientalem plagam terræ Moab, et castrametatus est trans Arnon: nec voluit intrare terminos Moab. (Arnon quippe confinium est terræ Moab.) 19So Israel sent messengers to Sehon, king of the Amorrhites, who dwelt in Hesebon, and they said to him: Suffer me to pass through thy land to the river.Mandò adunque Israele ambasciadori a Sehon re degli Amorrhei che abitava in Hesebon, i quali gli dissero: Permettici di passare pel tuo paese sino al fiume.Israel therfore sent messengers to Sehon the king of the Ammorrheites, who dwelt in Hesebon, and they said to him Suffer me to passe through thy land vnto the riuer.Misit itaque Israël nuntios ad Sehon regem Amorrhæorum, qui habitabat in Hesebon, et dixerunt ei: Dimitte ut transeam per terram tuam usque ad fluvium.
20But he, also despising the words of Israel, suffered him not to pass through his borders: but gathering an infinite multitude, went out against him to Jasa, and made strong opposition.Ma egli pure disprezzando le parole d'Israele non gli permise di passare dentro i suoi confini, ma, radunata una immensa moltitudine, si mosse contro di lui fino a Jasa, e si opponeva a lui con gran forza.Who also him selfe despising the wordes of Israel, suffered him not to passe through his borders: but gathering an infinite multitude went forth against him into Iasa, and resisted strongly.Qui et ipse Israël verba despiciens, non dimisit eum transire per terminos suos: sed infinita multitudine congregata, egressus est contra eum in Jasa, et fortiter resistebat. 21And the Lord delivered him, with all his army, into the hands of Israel, and he slew him, and possessed all the land of the Amorrhite, the inhabitant of that country,Ma il Signore diede lui, e tutto il suo esercito in potere d'Israele, il quale lo sconfisse, e divenne padrone di tutta la terra degli Amorrhei che abitavano in quella regione,And our Lord deliuered him into the handes of Israel with al his armie, and he stroke him, and possessed al the Land of the Ammorrheite the inhabiter of that countrie,Tradiditque eum Dominus in manus Israël cum omni exercitu suo: qui percussit eum, et possedit omnem terram Amorrhæi habitatoris regionis illius, 22And all the coasts thereof from the Arnon to the Jaboc, and from the wilderness to the Jordan.E di tutto quello che era compreso dentro i loro confini dall'Arnon sino a Jaboc, e dalla solitudine sino al Giordano.and al the coastes therof from Arnon vnto Iaboc, & from the wildernes vnto Iordan.et universos fines ejus, de Arnon usque Jaboc, et de solitudine usque ad Jordanem. 23So the Lord, the God of Israel, destroyed the Amorrhite, his people of Israel fighting against him, and wilt thou now possess his land?Avendo adunque il Signore Dio cacciati gli Amorrhei per mezzo d'Israele suo popolo che fece guerra contro di essi, tu vuoi adesso esser padrone della lor terra?Our Lord therfore the God of Israel subuerted the Amorrheite, his people of Israel fighting against him, and wilt thou now possesse his land?Dominus ergo Deus Israël subvertit Amorrhæum, pugnante contra illum populo suo Israël, et tu nunc vis possidere terram ejus ? 24Are not those things which thy god Chamos possesseth, due to thee by right? But what the Lord our God hath obtained by conquest, shall be our possession:Non è egli vero che è di tua ragione tutto quello che appartiene al tuo dio Chamos? Sarà adunque di nostra proprietà tutto quello che il Signore Dio nostro acquistò colla vittoria:Are not those thinges which Chamos thy God possessed, dew to thee by right? But the thinges that our Lord God hath obteyned conquerour, shal come to our possession:nonne ea quæ possidet Chamos deus tuus, tibi jure debentur ? quæ autem Dominus Deus noster victor obtinuit, in nostram cedent possessionem:
25Unless, perhaps, thou art better than Balac, the son of Sephor, king of Moab: or canst shew that he strove against Israel, and fought against him,Se pure tu forse non sei qualche cosa di più che Balac figliuolo di Sephor re di Moab; ovvero hai da far vedere che questi abbia mosso querela ad Israele, e abbia impugnate le armi contro di lui,vnlesse perhaps thou be better then Balac the sonne of Sephor the king of Moab: or canst shew, that he wrangled against Israel, and fought against him,nisi forte melior es Balac filio Sephor rege Moab; aut docere potes, quod jurgatus sit contra Israël, et pugnaverit contra eum, 26Whereas he hath dwelt in Hesebon, and the villages thereof, and in Aroer, and its villages, and in all the cities near the Jordan, for three hundred years. Why have you for so long a time attempted nothing about this claim?Per tutto il tempo che questi ha abitato in Hesebon, e ne' suoi villaggi, e in Aroer, e ne' suoi villaggi, e in tutte quante le città vicine al Giordano, cioè per trecento anni. Per qual ragione in si lungo spazio di tempo nulla tentaste, e nulla aveste da ripetere?when he dwelt in Hesebon, and the litle to w•es therof, and in Aroer, and the townes therof, or in al the cities nere Iordan, for three hundred yeares. Wherfore haue you so long attempted nothing for reclaime?quando habitavit in Hesebon et viculis ejus, et in Aroër et villis illius, vel in cunctis civitatibus juxta Jordanem, per trecentos annos. Quare tanto tempore nihil super hac repetitione tentastis ? 27Therefore I do not trespass against thee, but thou wrongest me by declaring an unjust war against me. The Lord be judge, and decide this day, between Israel and the children of Ammon.Non fo adunque io torto a te, ma tu male ti porti contro di me, intimandomi una guerra non giusta. Giudichi il Signore arbitro in questo dì tra Israele, e i figliuoli di Ammon.Therfore I doe not sinne against thee, but thou doest euil against me, denouncing me vniust warres. Our Lord be iudge the arbiter of this day betwen Israel, and betwen the children of Ammon.Igitur non ego pecco in te, sed tu contra me male agis, indicens mihi bella non justa. Judicet Dominus arbiter hujus diei inter Israël, et inter filios Ammon. 28And the king of the children of Ammon would not hearken to the words of Jephte, which he sent him by the messengers.Ma il re de' figliuoli di Ammon non volle restar appagato delle parole di Jephte riferite a lui dagli ambasciadori.And the king of the children of Ammon would not harken to the wordes of Iephte, which he sent him by the messengers.Noluitque acquiescere rex filiorum Ammon verbis Jephte, quæ per nuntios mandaverat.
29Therefore the spirit of the Lord came upon Jephte, and going round Galaad, and Manasses, and Maspha of Galaad, and passing over from thence to the children of Ammon,Entrò adunque in Jephte io spirito del Signore, ed egli andò in giro per tutto il paese di Galaad, e di Manasse, e di Maspha di Galaad, e di là si avanzò verso i figliuoli di Ammon.Therfore the spirite of our Lord came vpon Iephte, and circuiting Galaad, and Manasses. Maspha also of Galaad, and thence passing to the children of Ammon,Factus est ergo super Jephte spiritus Domini, et circuiens Galaad et Manasse, Maspha quoque Galaad, et inde transiens ad filios Ammon, 30He made a vow to the Lord, saying: If thou wilt deliver the children of Ammon into my hands,E fece voto al Signore, e disse: Se tu darai in mio potere i figliuoli di Ammon,he vowed a vow to our Lord, saying: If thou wilt deliuer the children of Ammon into my handes,votum vovit Domino, dicens: Si tradideris filios Ammon in manus meas, 31Whosoever shall first come forth out of the doors of my house, and shall meet me, when I return in peace from the children of Ammon, the same will I offer a holocaust to the Lord.Il primo, chiunque egli sia, che uscirà dalle porte di casa mia, e verrà incontro a me nel ritornar che farò vincitore de' figliuoli di Ammon, l'offerirò in olocausto al Signore.whosoeuer shal first come forth out of the doores of my house, and shal meete me returning with peace from the children of Ammon, him wil I offer an holocauste to our Lord.quicumque primus fuerit egressus de foribus domus meæ, mihique occurrerit revertenti cum pace a filiis Ammon, eum holocaustum offeram Domino. 32And Jephte passed over to the children of Ammon to fight against them: and the Lord delivered them into his hands.E Jephte andò contro i figliuoli di Ammon per combatterli: e il Signore li diede nelle sue mani.And Iephte passed to the children of Ammon, to fight against them: whom our Lord deliuered into his handes.Transivitque Jephte ad filios Ammon, ut pugnaret contra eos: quos tradidit Dominus in manus ejus. 33And he smote them from Aroer till you come to Mennith, twenty cities, and as far as Abel, which is set with vineyards, with a very great slaughter: and the children of Ammon were humbled by the children of Israel.Ed espugnò venti città da Aroer sino a Mennith, e sino ad Abel che è circondata di vigne, sconfitta grande oltre modo colla quale furono abbattuti i figliuoli di Ammon da' figliuoli d'Israele.and he stroke from Aroer til thou come to Mennith, twentie cities, and as farre as Abel, which is sette with vineyardes, with a very great plague. and the children of Ammon were humbled by the children of Israel.Percussitque ab Aroër usque dum venias in Mennith, viginti civitates, et usque ad Abel, quæ est vineis consita, plaga magna nimis: humiliatique sunt filii Ammon a filiis Israël.
34And when Jephte returned into Maspha, to his house, his only daughter met him with timbrels and with dances: for he had no other children.Ma nel ritornar che faceva Jephte a casa sua in Maspha, gli andò incontro la sua unica figlia (imperocché non avea egli altri figliuoli) menando carole al suono di timpani.But Iephte returning into Maspha to his house, his onlie begotten daughter mette him with tymbrels and daunces. for he had not other children.Revertente autem Jephte in Maspha domum suam, occurrit ei unigenita filia sua cum tympanis et choris: non enim habebat alios liberos. 35And when he saw her, he rent his garments, and said: Alas! my daughter, thou hast deceived me, and thou thyself art deceived: for I have opened my mouth to the Lord, and I can do no other thing.E com'ei l'ebbe veduta, stracciò le sue vesti, e disse: Ahi, figliuola mia! Tu mi hai ingannato, e ti se' ingannata anche tu: perocché io ho data parola al Signore, e non potrò fare altra cosa.Whom when he saw, he rent his gatmentes, and said: Wo is me my daughter thou hast deceiued me, and thy self art deceiued: for I haue opened my mouth to our Lord, and I can doe no other thing.Qua visa, scidit vestimenta sua, et ait: Heu me, filia mea ! decepisti me, et ipsa decepta es: aperui enim os meum ad Dominum, et aliud facere non potero. 36And she answered him: My father, if thou hast opened thy mouth to the Lord, do unto me whatsoever thou hast promised, since the victory hath been granted to thee, and revenge of thy enemies.Rispose ella a lui: Padre mio, se tu hai data parola al Signore, fa di me quello che hai promesso, essendo stato a te conceduto di far vendetta dei tuoi nemici, e di vincerli.To whom she answered: My father, if thou hast opened thy mouth to our Lord, do vnto me whatsoeuer thou hast promised, the reuenge and victorie of thyne enemies being granted to thee.Cui illa respondit: Pater mi, si aperuisti os tuum ad Dominum, fac mihi quodcumque pollicitus es, concessa tibi ultione atque victoria de hostibus tuis. 37And she said to her father: Grant me only this, which I desire: Let me go, that I may go about the mountains for two months, and may bewail my virginity with my companions.E disse di poi al padre: Questo solo concedimi, di che ti prego. Lasciami andar per due mesi girando attorno pe' monti colle mie compagne a piangere la mia verginità.And she said to her father: This only graunt me which I desire: Suffer me that two monethes I may goe about the mountaines, and bewayle my virginitie with my felowes.Dixitque ad patrem: Hoc solum mihi præsta quod deprecor: dimitte me ut duobus mensibus circumeam montes, et plangam virginitatem meam cum sodalibus meis.
38And he answered her: Go. And he sent her away for two months. And when she was gone with her comrades and companions, she mourned her virginity in the mountains.Ed ei rispose: Va pure. E lasciolla andare per due mesi: ed ella partì colle sue compagne, e amiche, e piangeva su' monti la sua verginità.To whom he answered: Goe. And he dismissed her two monethes. And when she was gone with her felowes and companions, she mourned her virginitie in the mountaines.Cui ille respondit: Vade. Et dimisit eam duobus mensibus. Cumque abiisset cum sociis ac sodalibus suis, flebat virginitatem suam in montibus. 39And the two months being expired, she returned to her father, and he did to her as he had vowed, and she knew no man. From thence came a fashion in Israel, and a custom has been kept:E finiti i due mesi se ne tornò al padre, ed egli fece di lei quel che avea promesso con voto, ed ella non conobbe uomo. E quindi venne in Israele il costume, e si è conservata questa consuetudine,And the two monethes being expired, she returned to her father, and he did to her as he had vowed, who knew not man. Thence forth a fashion in Israel, and a custome was kept:Expletisque duobus mensibus, reversa est ad patrem suum, et fecit ei sicut voverat, quæ ignorabat virum. Exinde mos increbruit in Israël, et consuetudo servata est, 40That, from year to year, the daughters of Israel assemble together, and lament the daughter of Jephte the Galaadite, for four days.Che una volta l'anno si radunino insieme le fanciulle d'Israele a piangere la figliuola di Jephte di Galaad per quattro giorni.that after the compasse of a yeare the daughters of Israel assemble together, and mourne the daughter of Iephte the Galaadite foure dayes.ut post anni circulum conveniant in unum filiæ Israël, et plangant filiam Jephte Galaaditæ diebus quatuor.
11:1
Haydock
Harlot. Hebrew Zona, Josue 2:1. It is uncertain whether she was properly a concubine, or a wife of inferior dignity. She lived with her son in the house of Galaad; (Calmet) at least the latter was in his father's house. (Haydock)
Grotius
Hence Jephte complains that he had been expelled, not that he was debarred from enjoying his father's inheritance, and consequently the law was not observed in his regard. Moses makes no provision for illegitimate children, but he excludes the son of a mamzer from the church of God, Deuteronomy 23:2. Some think that the mother of Jephte was of a nation with whom it was not lawful to marry. (Josephus, [Antiquities?] 5:9.) Said. (Grotius)
Menochius
Seratius believes that his father was already married, when he had to do with this harlot. (Menochius)
Drusius
But he might have first taken her to wife, without the usual formalities. (Drusius; Cornelius a Lapide)
Haydock
It is equally uncertain whether Jephte was of the tribe of Gad or of Manasses, as both occupied the country of Galaad. Interpreters generally conclude that he was of one of these tribes, and most probably of the latter; his father also was called Galaad. (Haydock)
11:2
Haydock
Sons. Grabe's Septuagint determines the number to be "two." (Haydock)
Menochius
They caused the magistrates to declare that Jephte should not partake in the inheritance, ver. 7. (Menochius)
11:3
Josephus
Tob, to the north of Galaad, of which it is a part. (Josephus)
It is called Tubim, 1 Machabees 5:13. See 2 Kings 10:6.
St. Augustine
And robbers. This is a farther explication of rekim, poor, vain fellows, chap 9:4. They did not infest the Israelites, but made war on their enemies around; latro, in Latin, often signifies a soldier, particularly such as lived on plunder, as we read in Plautus. (Mil. glorios.) Latrocinatus annos decem, mercedem accipio. Some have imagined that Jephte was at the head of some banditti. (St. Augustine, q. 43.)
Calmet
But David's followers were of the same description (1 Kings 22:2,) as those of Jephte, men of determined resolution and valour. (Calmet)
Haydock
Such a man as Jephte, was therefore a valuable acquisition to the dispirited Israelites; and Providence had inured him to labour, and endued him with extraordinary prudence, notwithstanding his want of education, ver. 12. Necessity has often supplied every deficiency, and produced the most consummate generals. Prince. Hebrew and Septuagint, "and there were gathered unto Jephte vain men, and they went out with him." (Haydock)
11:5
Haydock
Hard. Hebrew, "and when the Ammonites made war." As both armies were encamped near Maspha, they could hardly avoid having some skirmishes. But the Israelites durst not come to a pitched battle till they had Jephte at their head. (Haydock)
Calmet
The Ammonites infested them every year with similar incursions, ver. 12. (Calmet)
11:7
Haydock
House. Perhaps he saw some of his brothers among them: though he might speak thus to the magistrates, because they had not prevented this injustice, (Calmet) as it was their duty to do. (Haydock)
11:8
Haydock
Cause to make some reparation for our offence, though we must acknowledge that our present distress caused us to think of doing so. (Haydock)
Calmet
Hebrew, "therefore we turn again to thee," etc. (Calmet)
Menochius
Galaad. They only engage that the tribes of Gad and Manasses, who inhabited that country, should submit to his authority. (Menochius)
Menochius
But as they were the most in danger, they first make head against the enemy, not doubting but their brethren in other parts would come to their assistance, Judges 12:1. God ratified their choice, ver. 11, 29; (Haydock) and he was acknowledged, after his victory, judge of all Israel. (Menochius)
11:11
Year of the World 2817, Year before Christ 1187.
Calmet
Prince. Hebrew, "head or captain," (Haydock) to carry on the war, with a promise that he should be the judge of all the people, if he succeeded. (Calmet)
Haydock
Words. Plans, explaining how he would first send a message to the king of Ammon, and if he would not accede to reasonable terms, he would collect all the forces of Galaad, and invite all their brethren on the other side of the river to make a joint attack upon him. (Haydock)
Menochius
The Lord was considered as present in their public assemblies, Deuteronomy vi., and xx. (Menochius)
Haydock
He had also been taken by the people to witness their engagement; and Jephte promises, in like manner, to perform his part with fidelity. (Haydock)
Calmet
They promise on oath to be constant to each other. (Calmet)
11:12
Calmet
Land. Jephte acts with a prudence and moderation which could not have been expected from one who had been brought up amid the noise of arms. (Calmet)
Haydock
He gives notice that he has been recognized by the lawful proprietors of the land for their head; and therefore begs that the Ammonites would desist from their unjust warfare. If words prove ineffectual, he must then try the fortune of a battle. (Haydock)
11:13
Calmet
To me. The king falsely asserts, that all the country between the Arnon and the Jaboc belonged to him when Moses took it. The Amorrhites had possession when the Israelites arrived, and it had formerly been occupied by Moab, and not by Ammon, Deuteronomy 2:19., and 37; (Menochius) unless both might claim different parts. (Calmet)
11:15
Calmet
Moab. After the death of Eglon, the Ammonites had probably seized upon his dominions, (ver. 25,) as we find no farther mention of the Moabites among the enemies of Israel, nor any king of that nation till the reign of David. Hence, as the king of Ammon laid claim to all the country, and had many of the Moabites in his army, Jephte answers at once, that the land under dispute belonged to neither of these nations. (Calmet)
Haydock
They had entirely lost it when Israel attacked Sehon, and took it from him, as was plain from the history of Moses and of the Amorrhites, Numbers 21:27. (Haydock)
Calmet
Jephte refers to facts universally known. (Calmet)
11:16
Red Sea, as Asiongaber, many years after they left Egypt.
11:17
Calmet
Moab. This is not specified by Moses, but he sufficiently insinuates that he had done it, Deuteronomy 2:8, 9. (Calmet)
11:23
Haydock
His land, which the Amorrhite had first conquered, and which God took from him to give to Israel. It was clear that this country was not then considered as the property of the sons of Lot, since God expressly forbad his people to molest them. (Haydock)
Grotius
Jephte produces the right of conquest, the grant of God, and the possession of 300 years, to prove that the country belonged to the Israelites. All acknowledge that the right of conquest, in a just war, give a good title. (Grotius, Jur. 3:6, 7.)
Calmet
The children of Lot had lost all hopes of recovering what Sehon had taken from them. (Calmet)
Haydock
He could not be proved to be a thief or an usurper, but was in peaceable possession when the war with Israel commenced, in which he lost all his dominions. (Haydock)
Caius. J. C
By the same right, David kept what he had taken from the Amalecite plunderers, (1 Kings 30:20,) and Abraham might have retained the spoils which had been carried off from Sodom, Genesis 14:21. The Roman and Grecian histories are full of such examples; and this right was admitted by all as the law of nations, Quae ex hostibus, jure gentium, statim capientium fiunt. (Caius. J. C.)
Calmet
The second argument of Jepthe is unanswerable, since God may undoubtedly transfer the property of one to another. But as the Ammonites might reply that they did not admit the God of Israel, he observes that the latter might at least have the same privilege as their Chamos, ver. 24. Prescription of so long a time, with good faith, was the third argument, as the Amorrhites being destroyed, and the Moabites disheartened, could not pretend to reclaim the conquered country. There would never be an end of disputes among men, if the undisturbed possession of a country for such a length of time did not confirm their right to it. These principles establish the tranquillity of families and of states. (Calmet; Grotius, Jur. 2:4.)
11:24
Challoner
Chamos. The idol of the Moabites and Ammonites. He argues from their opinion, who thought they had a just title to the countries which they imagined they had conquered by the help of their gods: how much more then had Israel an indisputable title to the countries which God, by visible miracles, had conquered for them. (Challoner)
Haydock
Hebrew, "And shall not we possess those (counties occupied by the people whom) the Lord our God has driven out from before us?" (Haydock)
Haydock
The Emim had been expelled by the people, Deuteronomy 2:10. Chamos was the peculiar deity of Moab, (Numbers 21:29., and Jeremias 48:46., etc.; Calmet) and signifies "as taking away." It is commonly supposed to be the sun. (Haydock)
11:25
Calmet
Him. Josue (xxiv. 9,) says that Balac fought against Israel. But it was not in a pitched battle, (Calmet) at least of which we have the particulars, (Haydock) nor to recover the territory which the Israelites had taken from Sehon, but only to defend his own dominions. He collected an army, and called the soothsayer to curse Israel, Numbers 22:4, etc. (Calmet)
11:26
He. Hebrew, "While Israel," etc.
Haydock
Years. He makes use of a round number. (Haydock)
Sa
Chronologists generally suppose that either more or fewer years had elapsed; (Menochius) and the Scripture only relates what Jephte said. (Sa)
Calmet
The Jews reckon 394. Some date from the coming out of Egypt 305. (Calmet)
Usher
Petau has 365. But as Jephte only speaks of the time during which the Israelites had occupied the land, the 40 years' sojournment must be deducted, and still Petau will have 25 years too many; (Haydock) whereas "those who adduce the title of prescription, are accustomed rather to increase than to diminish the length of time." (Usher, p. 74.)
Proleg
Hence this author allows only 263 years. Houbigant comes rather nearer to the number of Jephte, and reckons 281, which the ambassadors might represent, in a round number, as 300. (Proleg.)
Haydock
Salien almost agrees with Usher dating 306 years from the exit, and 266 from the victory over Sehon. He observes, with Eusebius, that Hercules instituted the Olympic games in the first year of Jephte, in the year of the world 2849. But they were restored, and became a famous epoch only 400 years after. He place the first rape of Helen by Theseus at the same time, when she was about 12 years old. In her 24th, she was stolen again by Paris, and gave occasion to the famous siege of Troy. (Haydock)
11:27
Menochius
And decide. Literally, "the arbiter of this day." Jephte is so well convinced of the justice of his cause, that he is willing to abide by God's decision, (Haydock) to be manifested by the issue of the battle. (Menochius)
Calmet
At the same time, he threatens the Ammonites with God's judgments, if by their fault blood be shed unjustly, as he, like a good prince, had tried every means to prevent that misfortune, and to bring things to an amicable conclusion. (Calmet)
11:29
Haydock
Therefore. Hebrew, "then." Septuagint, "and." The refusal of the king of Ammon was not precisely the reason why God endued Jephte with shuch wisdom and courage, though we may say that it was the occasion. (Haydock)
Haydock
Jephte summoned the troops in Galaad, and in the two tribes of Manasses, to attend his standard. He also invited Ephraim, (chap. 12:2.; Calmet) and we may reasonably suppose the other tribes also, who were near enough to be ready for the day of battle. Having collected what force he could in so short a time, he returned to Maspha, and thence proceeded to attack the enemy. (Haydock)
11:30
Haydock
He. Hebrew and Septuagint, "And he vowed." A new sentence commences; (Cajetan) so that it is not clear that Jephte was moved to make this vow by the spirit of the Lord; else it could not be blamed. (Haydock)
11:31
Challoner
Whosoever, etc. Some are of opinion, that the meaning of this vow of Jephte, was to consecrate to God whatsoever should first meet him, according to the condition of the thing; so as to offer it up as a holocaust, if it were such a thing as might be so offered by the law; or to devote it otherwise to God, if it were not such as the law allowed to be offered in sacrifice. And therefore they think the daughter of Jephte was not slain by her father, but only consecrated to perpetual virginity. But the common opinion followed by the generality of the holy fathers and divines is, that she was offered as a holocaust, in consequence of her father's vow: and that Jephte did not sin, at least not mortally, neither in making nor in keeping his vow; since he is no ways blamed for it in scripture; and was even inspired by God himself to make the vow, (as appears from ver. 29, 30.) in consequence of which he obtained the victory; and therefore he reasonably concluded that God, who is the master of life and death, was pleased, on this occasion, to dispense with his own law; and that it was the divine will he should fulfil his vow. (Challoner)
Calmet
St. Thomas [Aquinas] (2. 2. q. 88. a. 2.) acknowledges that Jephte was inspired to make a vow, and his devotion herein is praised by the apostle, Hebrews 11:32. But he afterwards followed his own spirit, in delivering himself, without mature deliberation, and in executing what he had so ill engaged himself to perform. This decision seems to be the most agreeable to the Scripture, and to the holy fathers. St. Jerome (in Jer. vii.) says, non sacrificium placet, sed animus offerentis. "If Jephte offered his virgin daughter, it was not the sacrifice, but the good will of the offerer which deserves applause." Almost all the ancients seem to agree that the virgin was really burnt to death; and the versions have whosoever, which intimates that Jephte intended to offer a human victim; particularly as he could not expect a beast fit for such a purpose, would come out of the doors of his house to meet him. (Calmet)
Pagnin. etc
Yet many of the moderns, considering how much such things are forbidden by God, cannot persuade themselves that Jephte should be so ignorant of the law, or that the priests and people of Israel should suffer him to transgress it. The original may be rendered as well, "whatsoever proceedeth....shall surely be the Lord's, and (Protestants) or I will offer it up for a holocaust." (Pagnin. etc.)
The version of Houbigant is very favourable to this opinion. See Hook's Principia.
It is supposed that the sacrifice of Iphigenia, which took place about this time, (Aulis. 5:26,) was only in imitation of this of Jephte's daughter. But the poets say, that Diana saved her life, and substituted a doe in her place; (Ovid, Met. xii.) which, if true, would make the conformity more striking, if we admit that the sacrifice of Jephte's daughter was not carried into effect. Iphigenia was made a priestess of Diana, to whom human victims were immolated. The daughter of Jephte, whom the false Philo calls Seila, was consecrated to the Lord, and shut up (Haydock) to lead a kind of monastic life; as the wives of David, (2 Kings 20:3.; Grotius) after they had been dishonoured, were obliged to live in a state of continency. Although (Haydock) forced chastity be not a virtue, (Calmet) yet Jephte had no reason to believe that his daughter would not enter into the spirit of his vow, and embrace that state for God's honour and service. We know that she gave her entire consent to whatever might be the nature of his vow; and surely she would be as ready to refrain from marriage, however desirable at that time, as to be burnt alive, which would effectually prevent her from becoming a mother, ver. 37. To require this of her, was not, at least, more cruel in her father than to offer her in sacrifice. The Chaldean paraphrast says, "Jephte did not consult Phinees, the priest, or he might have redeemed her;" and Kimchi gives us a very mean idea, both of Jephte and of the high priest, the great Phinees, whom the Rabbins foolishly suppose was still living, and of course above 300 years old, ver. 26.
"Phinees said, He wants me, let him come to me. But Jephte, the head of the princes of Israel, shall I go to him? During this contest the girl perished." To such straits are those reduced who wish to account for the neglect of Jephte in redeeming his daughter, as the Targum observes, was lawful for a sum of money, Leviticus 27:2, 3, 28.
Calmet
But (Haydock) his vow was of the nature of the cherom, which allowed of no redemption, and required death. (Calmet)
Haydock
On this point, however, interpreters are not agreed, and this manner of devoting to death, probably, regarded only the enemies of God, or such things as were under a person's absolute dominion. (Haydock)
Amama
If a dog had first come out to meet Jephte, could he have offered it up for a holocaust? Certainly not, (Grotius) because it was prohibited, (Deuteronomy 23:18,) to offer even its price, (Haydock) and only oxen, sheep, goats, turtles and doves, were the proper victims. If, therefore, a person made a vow, of a man, he was to be consecrated to the Lord, (Grotius) like Samuel, and he might marry. But a woman could not, as she was already declared the servant of the Lord, and was not at liberty to follow her husband. (Amama)
St. Augustine
We need not herein labour to defend the conduct of Jephte. The Scripture does not canonize him on this account. If he did wrong, his repentance, and other heroic acts of virtue, might justly entitle him to be ranked among the saints of the old law. (St. Augustine, q. 49)
St. Ambrose
"Shew me the man who has not fallen into sin....Jephte returned victorious from the enemy, but in the midst of his triumph, he was overcome by his own vow, so that he thought it proper to requite the piety of his daughter, who came out to meet him, by parricide. In the first place, what need was there of making a vow so hastily, to promise things uncertain, the event of which he knew not, instead of what was certain? Then why did he perform so sorrowful a vow to the Lord God, by shedding blood?" (St. Ambrose, Apol. Dav. 1:4.)
Worthington
This saint adopts the common opinion that Jephte really immolated his daughter. But he is far from thinking that he was influenced by the holy spirit to make the vow, otherwise he would never represent it in such odious colours. If God had required the life of Jephte's daughter, as he did formerly command Abraham to sacrifice his son, the obedience and faith of the former would have been equally applauded, as the good will of the latter. But most of those who embrace the opinion that Jephte sacrificed his daughter, are forced to excuse or to condemn the action. They suppose that he was permitted to fulfil his vow, that others might be deterred from making similar promises, without the divine authority. (St. Chrysostom, hom. xiv. ad pop. Ant.; St. Jerome, contra Jov. I.) "I shall never, says St. Ambrose (Off. 3:12,) be induced to believe that Jephte, the prince, did not promise incautiously that he would immolate whatever should meet him,...since he repented of his vow," etc. We may observe that this great Doctor supposes, that Jepthe promised to sacrifice the first thing that should meet him "at the door of his own house;" whence he seems to take whosoever in the same latitude as we have given in the Hebrew. He concludes, "I cannot accuse the man who was obliged to fulfil his vow," etc. We may imitate his moderation, (Haydock) rather than adopt the bold language of one who has written notes on the Protestant Bible, (1603) who says, without scruple, that by this rash vow and wicked performance, his victory was defaced; and again, that he was overcome with blind zeal, not considering whether the vow was lawful or not. (Worthington).
If Jephte was under the immediate influence of the Holy Ghost in what he did, as Salien believes, and the context by no means disproves, we ought to admire the faith of this victorious judge, though he gave way to the feelings of human nature, ver. 35. We should praise his fidelity either in sacrificing or in consecrating his daughter to God's service in perpetual virginity: but if he followed his own spirit, we cannot think that he was so ill-informed or so barbarous as to murder his daughter, nor that she would consent to an impiety which so often disgraced the pagan superstition, though she might very well agree to embrace that better part, which her father and God himself, by a glorious victory, seemed to have marked out for her. Amid the variety of opinions which have divided the learned on this subject, infidels can derive no advantage or solid proof against the divine authority of the Scripture, and of our holy religion. The fact is simply recorded. People are at liberty to form what judgment of it they think most rational. If they decide that Jepthe was guilty of an oversight, or of a downright impiety, it will in the first place be difficult for them to prove it to the general satisfaction; and when they have done so, they will only evince that he was once a sinner, and under this idea the word of God gives him no praise. But if he did wrong in promising, as many of the Fathers believe, he might be justified in fulfilling his vow, as God might intimate to him both interiorly, and by granting him the victory, that he dispensed with his own law, and required this sort of victim in order to foreshew the bloody sacrifice of Jesus Christ for our sins, (Serarius and Salien, in the year of the world 2850) or the state of virginity which his blessed Mother and so many nuns and others in the Christian Church embrace with fervour.
Peace, with victory.
Haydock
Same. Hebrew, "it shall be the Lord's, and (or) I will make it ascend a whole burnt-offering." (Haydock)
Amama
The particle ve often signifies or as well as and, and it is explained in this sense here by the two Kimchis, by Junius, etc. See Exodus 21:17. Piscator says, the first part of the sentence determines that whatever the thing was it should be consecrated to the Lord, with the privilege of being redeemed, (Leviticus 27:11,) and the second shews that it should be immolated, if it were a suitable victim. (Amama)
11:33
Aroer, upon the Arnon, belonged to the tribe of Gad. Mennith was four miles from Hesebon, towards Rabbath.
Haydock
Abel was noted for its vineyards, 12 miles east of Gadara, so that Jephte pursued the enemy, as they fled towards the north for about 60 miles, and during the course of the war destroyed 20 of their cities, (Calmet) to punish them for their unjust revenges and usurpation of another's property. (Haydock)
11:34
Haydock
Daughter. It seems the vow had been kept secret, as no precautions were taken to prevent the affliction of the general; (Calmet) and indeed to have done so, would have been injurious to God's providence, and childish in Jephte, as he meant to offer whatever should come to meet him. It would have been very mean, and contrary to the meaning of the vow, for him to procure something for which he had no great value, to present itself. (Haydock)
Dances, as it was customary on such occasions, 1 Kings 18:6.
11:35
Salien
Alas. These indications of grief are the effects of nature. (Salien)
Haydock
St. Ambrose considers them as the marks of repentance; (ver. 31,) and we might hence infer that the vow was not dictated by the holy spirit, who would have endued Jepthe with fortitude, as he did Abraham, though all may not possess the virtue of that great father of believers, Genesis xxii. (Haydock)
Deceived. We mutually expected comfort from each other's presence: but we must both experience the reverse. Hebrew may signify, "depressed, terrified," etc.
Haydock
Thing. Hebrew, "I cannot recede." (Haydock)
Haydock
It appears that he could not redeem what he had promised, (Calmet) as the condition had been fulfilled on the part of God. He might consider that he as no longer at liberty to use the privilege which the law allowed, when no condition had been specified, Leviticus 27:4. (Haydock)
11:37
Bewail my virginity. The bearing of children was much coveted under the Old Testament, when women might hope that from some child of theirs the Saviour of the world might one day spring. But under the New Testament virginity is preferred, 1 Corinthians 7:35.
11:38
Calmet
Mountains. Such places were frequented in times of mourning, Jeremias 31:15., and Isaias 15:2. (Calmet)
Grotius
Jepthe allowed his daughter this short respite, without any offence, (Deuteronomy 23:21,) before he immolated her, (Menochius) or before he debarred her from the society of men. (Grotius, etc.)
11:39
Haydock
Father. Her fortitude is commended by St. Ambrose (Off. 3:12,) as more worthy of admiration than that of the two Pythagorean friends, one of whom, being sentenced to die, procured the other to stand bond for his return; and, at the time appointed, came freely to deliver himself up; an instance of generosity which made the tyrant who had sentenced him to die, beg that they would admit him into the society of their friendship. (Haydock)
Reeves
Whatever we may think of Jephte, "we cannot sufficiently admire the dutiful behaviour, and amiable simplicity of the daughter, who voluntarily submitted to her parent's will, and exhorted him to do as he had vowed. To die to sin, to resign the pomps of a licentious world, to renounce those pleasures and incentives to vice, which are inconsistent with a clean heart, is a sacrifice truly meritorious, and acceptable to God; it is a sacrifice which was solemnly begun at the font of baptism." (Reeves, in the year of the world 2817.)
No man. It is remarked by those who believe that she was not slain, that this observation would be very unnecessary in the contrary opinion. No mention of death is made. The virgin only deplores, with pious resignation, that she cannot be the happy mother of the Messias.
11:40
Haydock
Lament. Hebrew Lethanoth. On this term the solution of this question greatly depends. (Haydock)
Calmet
Kimchi translates, "to talk with," or "to comfort the daughter of Jephte" as he supposes that the custom subsisted during her life, while she was shut up either near the tabernacle, or in her father's house. (Calmet)
Montanus renders "to speak to." Junius and the Tigurin version, "to discourse with."
Amama
Thanan certainly is used for "he related," etc. Judges 5:11., yethannu narrentur, or rather narrent; and the construction here seems to require this sense. (Amama)
Amama
If this be admitted, the bloody sacrifice is at an end, since the daughters of Israel could not meet to comfort the virgin every year, if she was immolated at the expiration of two months. But if we follow the translation of the Vulgate, Septuagint, and Chaldean, as the Protestants have done, the lamentation might still be viewed in the same light, as tending to condole with the lady, rather than bewail her untimely death, (Haydock) as, for the latter purpose, it would not have been necessary for them to assemble together. (Amama)
Haydock
They might well enter into her sentiments, when she mourned her virginity, (ver. 38,) and strive to yield her some comfort in her secluded state, by coming in such numbers, and with the permission of the priests of God, continuing with her four days. (Haydock)
Haydock
Some translate "to publish," or sound forth the praises (Calmet) of this heroic virgin, which may be true, whether she was slain, or only consecrated to the Lord. (Haydock)
Calmet
St. Epiphanius (haer. 55., and 78,) informs us that "at Sichem an annual sacrifice was still offered up in the name of the virgin, and that she was revered as a goddess by the people in the vicinity." The vow of Jephte seems to have given rise to what we read in profane authors, of that which Idomeneus, king of Crete, made in the midst of a storm at sea: "He vowed that he would sacrifice to the gods whatever met him first. It happened that his son was the person, whom, when he had immolated, or, as others say, had wished to do it, and afterwards a pestilence had ensued, his subjects drove him from his kingdom." (Servius in Aeneid iii., and xi.) (Calmet)
St. Bonaventure
Aldrovandus (in Asino) relates a similar vow of Alexander the Great. Even the more sober pagans could not, it seems, approve of the unwarranted vows of parents to destroy the lives of their children. But of people consecrated to the Lord, by their parents, without first requiring their consent, we have many examples, in Samuel. (St. Bonaventure, July 14, etc.)
Haydock
If we explain the vow of Jephte in the same sense, every difficulty will be removed, and infidels will not allege this example to prove that human victims are pleasing to God. (Haydock)
11:24
Chamos.... The idol of the Moabites and Ammonites. He argues from their opinion, who thought they had a just title to the countries which they imagined they had conquered by the help of their gods: how much more then had Israel in indisputable title to the countries which God, by visible miracles, had conquered for them.
11:31
Whosoever, etc.... Some are of opinion, that the meaning of this vow of Jephte, was to consecrate to God whatsoever should first meet him, according to the condition of the thing; so as to offer it up as a holocaust, if it were such a thing as might be offered by the law; or to devote it otherwise to God, if it were not such as the law allowed to be offered in sacrifice. And therefore they think the daughter of Jephte was not slain by her father, but only consecrated to perpetual virginity. But the common opinion followed by the generality of the holy fathers and divines is, that she was offered as a holocaust, in consequence of her father’s vow: and that Jephte did not sin, at least not mortally, neither in making, nor in keeping, his vow: since he is no ways blamed for it in scripture; and was even inspired by God himself to make the vow (as appears from ver. 29, 30) in consequence of which he obtained the victory; and therefore he reasonably concluded that God, who is the master of life and death, was pleased on this occasion to dispense with his own law; and that it was the divine will he should fulfil his vow.
11:37
Bewail my virginity.... The bearing of children was much coveted under the Old Testament, when women might hope that from some child of theirs, the Saviour of the world might one day spring. But under the New Testament virginity is preferred. 1 Cor. 7.35.
11:1
•9. Did to her as he had vovved. ] VVhether Iephte did wel or no in sacrificing his daughter, hauing vowed to offer in sacrifice whosoeuer (or whatsoeuer) should first mete him returning with victorie, as it hapened she did, is a great and hard question, saieth S. Augustin (q. 49. in lib. Iudic) and not easily decided, the holie Iephte offended in vowing vndiscretly. But not in performing his vow as ancient fathers thinke more probable. scripture neither approuing nor reprouing his fact. Neuertheles by conference of other scriptures and discourse of reason, he iudgeth it most probablo that Iephte offended in vowing without special warrant from God, to sacrifice, that which by the law was not sacrificable; yet sinned not in performing his vow, but rather pacified God therby, whose wil it semed to be, that for punishment of his sinne he should sacrifice his daughter, because by his diuine prouidence she first mette him: and the omission might rather haue benne for his natural loue towards his onlie childe, then for the vnlawfulnes of the sacrifice: seing it once pleased God to command Abraham to immolate his sonno Isaac, though when it came to execution. he forbade the same, appointing an other hoste in place of the childe, which here he did not. Neither was it iniurious to the daughter, seing she, as al mankinde, must once die when God appointeth. Yea further S. Augustin. she offered her self freely (which semed to be by Gods instinct) willing her father to do to her whatsoeuer he had promised to God. This is the summe of S. Augustins large discourse. Likewise S. Ambrose (li. 3. de Officiis c. 12.) supposeth assuredly that this prince Iephte offended in vowing vn•duisedly, for S. Ambrose. it also repented him, when his daughter first mette him: yet that with godlie feare and dreade he performed to his owne bitter paine that which he had promised: inst•••ting an anniuersarie lamentation of his daughter, for a warning to posteritie of more circumspection in making vowes. S. Hierom also (li. 1. aduers. Io•i••••.) approueth their opinion that say: It was Gods ordinance Iephte S. Hierom. should se••e the errour of his vnaduised vow, by the death of his daughter, for a document to others. The very same teacheth S. Chrisostom, ( •o. 14. ad pop. Antioch.) that God would haue this errour to be thus punished, that others S. Chrysostom. might be warned from vowing the like. S. Gregoire Naziazen (orat. de •achab••• ) preferring the martyrdome of the seuen brothers and their mother, befor this sacrifice of Iephte as more aduised, and more honorable, yet condemneth S. Gregorie Nazianzen. not this, but recounteth it amongst other commendable actes. Theodoret (q. 19. in Iudic.) and al the afore said fathers do highly commend the daughters Theodoret. promptnes in offering her self to be sacrificed, which either much extenuated he• fathers fault, or wholly iustified his fact. Thus the ancient fathers moderate their censures. Yet a new glosser of the English Bible without scruple Bible •603. Protestants censure. sayeth, that by his •ash vow, and vvicked performance his victorie vvas defaced; and againe, that he was ouercome vvith blinde Zele, not considering whether the vow was lawful or no.
The hebrew word Z•nah signifieth also •n •n keeper.
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If they had not concurred to his expulsion, it might haue sufficed to haue sent for him, but in this case the ancientes iudged it meete to goe in person, and to in treat him. So Christ was reiected by the Iewes, and returneth not to them til in the end of the world they shal seeke vnto him. •. Aug. q. 49. in Iudic. post•e•iū.
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Concordanza Num. 20
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In the opinion of infidels, it semed that they possessed countries by the helpe of false goddes, and so they thought them selues to haue iust title. Much more iust is the title when God almighty geueth victorie of conquest. S. Aug. q. 48. in Iudie.
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He argueth vpon prescription of 300. yeares being nere so much. for there wanted scarce thirtie: being from the conquest made by Moyses (Num. 21.) til the time of Iephte about 270. yeares.
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This vow was vnlawful, for the law forbiddeth to offer man or woman in sacrifice Exo. 34. v. 20. Deut. 12. v. 31.
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In the old testament mariage was ordinarily preferred before single life but in the new, it is better to kepe virginity 1. Cor. •. •. 38.
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san Girolamo † 420 d.C. The Letters of St. Jerome 60.8
… Nor will I boast of his family, that is of the good points belonging not to him but to others; for even those holy men Abraham and Isaac had for sons the sinners Ishmael and Esau. And on the other hand Jephthah who is reckoned by the apostle in the roll of the righteous is the son of a harlot.
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Afraate † 346 d.C. Aphrahat: Select Demonstrations 21.7
… They were made to serve in Egypt two hundred and twenty-five years. And the Midianites made Israel serve in the days of Barak and Deborah. The Moabites ruled over them in the days of Ehud; the Ammonites in the days of Jephthah;
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san Cirillo di Gerusalemme † 386 d.C. The Catechetical Lectures of S. Cyril 16.28
28. In the might of this Spirit, as we have it in the Book of Judges, Othniel judged ; Gideon waxed strong; Jephtha conquered
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sant'Ambrogio † 397 d.C. On the Duties of the Clergy 1.50
264. It is also sometimes contrary to duty to fulfil a promise, or to keep an oath. As was the case with Herod, who swore that whatever was asked he would give to the daughter of Herodias, and so allowed the death of John, that he might not break his word. And what shall I say of Jephthah,
san Girolamo † 420 d.C. Against Jovinianus 1.23
… And whereas he prefers the fidelity of the father Jephthah to the tears of the virgin daughter, that makes for us. For we are not commending virgins of the world so much as those who are virgins for Christ’s sake, and most Hebrews blame the father for the rash vow he made,
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san Giovanni Crisostomo † 407 d.C. The Homilies on the Statues to the People of Antioch 14.7
… and was in haste to divide nature against her own self. and what he had done aforetime in the case of Jephthah, that he hoped now again to accomplish. For he likewise, when he had promised that the first thing that met him, after a victorious battle, he would sacrifice,
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sant'Atanasio di Alessandria † 373 d.C. On the Symbols 'Of the Essence' And 'Coessential.' 1
… but though alone, he must be coessential with him that begat him. For what shall we say about Jephtha’s daughter; because she was only-begotten, and ‘he had not,’ says Scripture, ‘other child’ (
san Girolamo † 420 d.C. The Letters of St. Jerome 118.5
… It was a great triumph of faith, true. But how much greater was that won by Abraham who was content to slay his only son, of whom he had been told that he was to inherit the world, yet did not cease to hope that after death Isaac would live again. Jephthah too offered up his virgin daughter, and for this is placed by the apostle in the roll of the saints.
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Origene † 254 d.C. Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John 6.36
… Jephthah’s sacrifice of his daughter should receive attention; it was by vowing it that he conquered the children of Ammon, and the victim approved his vow, for when her father said,
sant'Ambrogio † 397 d.C. On the Duties of the Clergy 3.12
… For he repented of his vow, as afterwards his daughter came to meet him. He rent his clothes and said: “Alas, my daughter, thou hast entangled me, thou art become a source of trouble unto me.”
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sant'Ambrogio † 397 d.C. On the Duties of the Clergy 3.12
81. What, then, in the case of esteemed and learned men is full of marvel, that in the case of a virgin is found to be far more splendid, far more glorious, as she says to her sorrowing father: “Do to me according to that which hath proceeded out of thy mouth.”
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san Giovanni Crisostomo † 407 d.C. The Homilies on the Statues to the People of Antioch 14.7
… For if after that vow and promise He had forbidden the sacrifice, many also who were subsequent to Jephthah, in the expectation that God would not receive their vows, would have increased the number of such vows, and proceeding on their way would have fallen into child-murder. But now, by suffering this vow to be actually fulfilled,
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sant'Ambrogio † 397 d.C. On the Duties of the Clergy 3.12
… It was a hard vow, but far more bitter was its fulfilment, whilst he who carried it out had the greatest cause to mourn. Thus it became a rule and a law in Israel from year to year, as it says: “that the daughters of Israel went to lament the daughter of Jephtha the Gileadite four days in a year.”
san Giovanni Crisostomo † 407 d.C. The Homilies on the Statues to the People of Antioch 14.7
… And to shew that this is true, after Jephthah’s daughter had been slain, in order that the calamity might be always remembered, and that her fate might not be consigned to oblivion, it became a law among the Jews, that the virgins assembling at the same season should bewail during forty
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1. FUIT ILLO TEMPORE JEPHTE GALAADITES (ideoque ex tribu Manasse, non Gad, ut vult Cajetanus. Manassenses enim passim vocantur Galaaditae, non Gaditae, etsi et ipsi partem regionis Galaad occuparent) VIR FORTISSIMUS. — Hebraice גבור חיל gibbor chail, id est, vir virtutis, vel roboris, vel strennuitatis. FILIUS MULIERIS MERETRICIS, — non publice expositae, sed concubinae privatae. Hebraeum est זונה zona, quae vox et meretricem, ut vertunt Septuaginta et Noster, et tabernariam, ut vertit hic Chaldaeus, significat. Fuit ergo Jephte spurius, quales nunc legibus arcentur a principatu, aeque ac a sacerdotio, ob infamiam et mores subinde minus honestos, eo quod neglectim educentur. Verum Jephte haec omnia abolevit sua fortitudine et virtute, quare Deo dispensante in lege Deut. xxiii, 2, quae sancit ne mamzer, id est spurius, admittatur in Ecclesiam Dei ad jura populi Israel, Jephte admissus factus est dux populi. Similia spuriorum ad principatus evectorum exempla recenset Plutarchus, Athenaeus et Serarius hic. QUI NATUS EST DE GALAAD. — Pater ergo Jephte vocabatur Galaad. Ita Septuaginta, idque patet ex versu sequent. EJECERUNT JEPHTE DICENTES: HAERES IN DOMO PATRIS NOSTRI ESSE NON POTERIS, QUIA DE ALTERA MATRE NATUS ES, — id est, quae esset alterius tribus, scilicet diversae a sua, inquit Matthaeus Galenus Cancellarius Duacensis, scribens in cap. xi ad Hebr. Nemo enim, inquit ipse, poterat uxorem non suae tribus honeste ducere: si quis tamen illectus forma id tentasset, mulier zona vocabatur. Unde Septuaginta eam vocant ἑταίραν, id est amicam; defuncto autem marito haec sine dote et haereditate ad propriam tribum redibat; filius tamen si quis natus fuisset in patris tribu sortiebatur haereditatem, quod modo fratres Jephte negabant, ut ipse iis exprobat vers. 7, non ausurus hiscere, si scorto natus fuisset. Ita Galenus. Verum falsum est quod Israelitides feminae sine nota et infamia non possent nubere in alia tribu. Nam principes Juda saepe ducebant filias sacerdotum ex tribu Levi, idque sibi honori ducebant, uti Aaron duxit Elizabeth filiam Aminadab, principis tribus Juda. Exod. vi, 23. Et Zacharias duxit Elizabeth cognatam B. Virginis, quae erat ex tribu Juda, Lucae I. Porro mulier altera hic non intelligitur ea quae sit alterius tribus, sed quae sit alia a legitima uxore, id est, quae sit meretrix et concubina, quam Septuaginta honeste vocant ἑταίραν, uti nos vocamus amicam: vel quae sit uxor alterius viri, ideoque adultera, qualem matrem Jephte fuisse insinuat Josephus. Ejecerunt, — injuste; spurio enim a patre et domo jure communi debentur alimenta, non tamen haereditas, uti docet Sylvester et alii Doctores Casuum.
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3. HABITAVIT IN TERRA TOB, — quae sita erat in terra Galaad, ait Josephus et Adrichomius. Serarius putat esse Tubin; de quo I Machab. v, 13. Porro «Tob» significat bonum; sane terra haec Jephte fuit bona eminenter, id est optima, quia benigne fugientem excepit et aluit. CONGREGATIQUE SUNT AD EUM VIRI INOPES ET LATROCINANTES. — To latrocinantes non est in Hebraeo, Graeco et Chaldaeo, quare videtur ex margine in textum irrepsisse, intrusum ab aliquo volente explicare to inopes; inopes enim milites saepe rapinis et latrociniis vivunt. Porro rapinae hae justae sunt, si rapiantur ab hoste bello justo; injustae, si ab amicis, vel ab hostibus in bello injusto. Quare latrones hi, quibus praefuit Jephte, fuere milites et praedones, qui forte antea injuste rapiebant aliena; sed postquam Jephte secuti sunt, non nisi justas, puta ab Ammonitis et Philisthaeis praedas egerunt, uti fecere illi qui Davidem a Saule profugum secuti sunt, I Reg. xxii, 2. Latro enim priscis idem erat quod miles, qui dictus est latro quasi latero, quod lateri Ducis adhaereret, eumque stiparet; vel a latendo, quod latenter et ex insidiis ad praedandum irrueret. Ita Varro, Festus, Nonius, Marcellus et alii.
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8. SISQUE DUX OMNIUM QUI HABITANT IN GALAAD. — Sensus: post victoriam de Ammonitis caeterae quoque tribus Jephte in ducem suum acceptarunt.
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11. LOCUTUSQUE EST JEPHTE OMNES SERMONES SUOS CORAM DOMINO IN MASPHA. — Primo, «coram,» id est publice, pro concione et audiente populo, in cujus medio censebatur esse Deus, ait Vatablus. Secundo, «coram Domino,» id est invocando Deum in testem pacti, quod cum legatis de Ducatu inibat. Ita Abulensis. Tertio, «coram Domino,» id est coram Pontifice, Ephod et Rationali, in quo erant Urim et Tummim, induto: hic enim repraesentabat Deum, cumque consulens pro principe oracula accipiebat. Quarto, «coram Domino,» id est coram altari, quod ibi ut videtur erexerunt, ut sancte hoc foedus sancirent. Porro sermones quos ibi locutus est Jephte, fuit promissio, qua promittebat legatis se fideliter et strenue bellum populi administraturum, ac vicissim illi promittebant se constanter ejus quasi Ducis sui imperium et jussa secuturos. Atque ad hoc invocavit Deum, tum in testem, tum in auxilium, ut imperium hocce suum et bellum secundaret, uti fecit Josue, Judas Machabaeus, Constantinus, Theodosius aliique Duces, qui proinde Dei ope victoriam adepti de hostibus triumpharunt.
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13. QUIA TULIT ISRAEL TERRAM MEAM, QUANDO ASCENDIT DE AEGYPTO, A FINIBUS ARNON USQUE JABOC ATQUE JORDANEM. — Casus hic est: Sehon rex bello occupavit urbes aliquas Moab et Ammon; Moses vero et Hebraei Sehon regem occiderunt, omniaque quae ejus erant occuparunt. Queritur ergo nunc rex Ammon de injuria sibi facta, terramque suam a Sehon occupatam ab Hebraeis, qui Sehoni illam bello extorserunt, repetit et reposcit. Tulit (scilicet injuste per vim et bellum injus- tum) TERRAM MEAM; — hanc enim injuste invasit et occupavit Sehon rex Amorrhaeorum; vos vero, o Hebraei, Sehon invadentes et occidentes, omnia quae ipse tam juste quam injuste occupabat, vobis usurpastis, excluso me, qui etiam primus et justus haeres, cui proinde ea reddere debebatis, non vero ea vobis vindicare. Historia narratur Num. xxi, 25 et seq., et licet ibi tantum terrae Moabitarum a Sehon subactae, ac eo occiso a Judaeis occupatae, fiat mentio; tamen Ammonitidis quoque partem tunc fuisse ab eis occupatam liquet ex hoc loco. Aut certe dicendum cum Lyrano, Cajetano, Dionysio et aliis eumdem fuisse olim, vel tunc regem Moabitarum et Ammonitarum: Moabitae enim Ammonitis erant conjuncti, utpote a duobus fratribus Moab et Ammon a Lot progeniti Genes. xix. Rex ergo Ammon agit pro Moabitis, vel ut subditis, vel ut sociis et foederatis, qui jus suum per eum ab Hebraeis repetunt.
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15. NON TULIT ISRAEL TERRAM MOAB, NEC TERRAM FILIORUM AMMON, — quam scilicet actu tunc possidebant Moabitae et Ammonitae; vetuerat enim Deus Hebraeis, ne eos quasi sibi ex Lot et Abraham cognatos invaderent, Num. xxi, et Deut. ii et iii; illam vero Moabitidis et Ammonitidis partem quam bello sive justo sive injusto (res enim haec incerta est et dubia) occupavit Sehon rex Amorrhaeorum, Hebraei eo prostrato jussu Dei occuparunt, ut in sequenti narrat Jephte; quia illa jam non erat Moabitarum, sed Sehonis regis hostis Hebraeorum, quam ab eo recipere et bello repetere nequiverant Moabitae; quare illam ut Sehonis, non ut Moabitarum, jure belli, annuente Deo occuparunt Hebraei. Est haec prima ratio, qua Jephte probat regem Ammonitarum falso queri de terra sua ab Hebraeis sub Mose occupata, ideoque injuste eum Ammonitas in Judaeam immisisse ad eam opprimendam. Verum haec ratio sola non sufficiebat, nec satisfaciebat regi Ammon, hinc alias subjungit Jephte, quibus eam corroborat.
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24. NONNE EA QUAE POSSIDET CHAMOS DEUS TUUS TIBI JURE DEBENTUR? QUAE AUTEM DOMINUS DEUS NOSTER VICTOR OBTINUIT, IN NOSTRAM CEDENT POSSESSIONEM. — Est haec secunda ratio, q. d. Tu occupas regiones illas, quas deus tuus Chamos tibi dedit; ergo pari jure nos occupamus terram Sehon regis (in qua erant aliquae urbes ab eo Moabitis et Ammonitis ereptae), quam pro nobis pugnans victor Deus nobis dedit. Haec ratio Jephte non quaquaversum est solida. Deus enim Turcis aliisque tyrannis dat victorias, et regiones Christianorum subjugat; et tamen Turcae et Tyranni injuste eas invadunt et detinent ex ambitione et cupidine dominandi. Impia enim est Alberici Gentilis, lib. I De Jure belli, cap. xxii, sententia, juste a Turca possideri omnia quae ipse Christianis eripuit, eo quod ipse ex voluntate Dei volentis castigare Christianos id faciat: neque verum erat Chamos dedisse terram illam Moabitis. Erat tamen haec ratio apposite ad hominem, q. d. Tu, o rex Ammon, edicito a quo et quo jure obtineas omnes tuas regiones et urbes. Sane nihil splendidius dixeris dederisque, quam dei tui Chamos voluntatem et voluntariam donationem. At ego similiter assero Deum nostrum terram illam, quam repetis, nobis per victoriam suam nobis concessam donasse; Deus autem est omnium regnorum Dominus, qui proinde transfert regna de gente una in aliam prout ei libuerit. Verus autem titulus juris Hebraeorum ad occupandas hasce regiones erat, quod ipsi e Dei mandato invaserant regna Sehon et Og regum Amorrhaeorum, eodemque mandato occupabant et possidebant omnia, quae eis fuerant subjecta, ut patet Num. xxi, et Deut. ii. Hunc titulum insinuat, sed expresse non allegat Jephte, quia illum Gentili regi Ammon vix probare potuisset. Ita Abulensis.
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25. NISI FORTE MELIOR ES BALAC FILIO SEPHOR REGE MOAB, — q. d. Cum Hebraei, caeso Sehon, occuparunt ejus ditiones, tunc Balac erat rex Moab, isque sapiens et potens. Atqui hic tunc ne verbulo quidem ditiones hasce ab Hebraeis repetiit. Ergo nec tu, qui illo trecentis fere annis posterior es, illas repetere debes aut potes. Est haec ratio tertia. Sequitur quarta.
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26. PER TRECENTOS ANNOS, — q. d. Trecentis annis occupavimus has regiones, quas nunc postliminio repetis. Ergo longissima temporis praescriptione eas occupamus, praesertim cum per tot annos nullus illas a nobis repetierit. QUARE TANTO TEMPORE NIHIL SUPER HAC REPETITIONE TENTASTIS? — sed siluistis, ac silentio vestro vos contentos significastis, et ut eas possideremus tacite consensistis? Nota hic a Mose ad Jephte praecise non fluxisse trecentos annos, sed 266 duntaxat; sed Jephte more vulgi annos adauxit ad magis roborandam praescriptionem, atque usus est numeris rotundis et perfectis, scilicet centenariis, q. d. Jam agitur tertius annorum centenarius, agitur tertium praescriptionis et possessionis saeculum: ergo frustra laboras ut nos ea tam sero deturbes. Porro Melchior Canus et Serarius, qui annos oppressionis Hebraeorum ab annis Judicum separant et separatim numerant, computant a Mose ad Jephte annos 340 ut minimum. Abulensis opinatur illo aevo praescriptionem per longum tempus, etiam cum mala fide, jure gentium valuisse, et rem tamdiu possessam confirmasse possidenti; alioqui enim, inquit, replicasset rex Ammon hanc Hebraeorum possessionem initam fuisse cum mala fide, ideoque praescriptionis tempus hic non valere. Verum hoc ei probandum fuisset. In dubio enim melior est conditio possidentis. Et actori si possessorem e sua possessione deturbare velit, incumbit malae fidei probatio. Quisque enim praesumitur esse bonus et bonae fidei possessor, nisi contrarium probetur. Sic nuper Solymanus, Turcarum Imperator, mille post annos mille omnia jura reddi volebat, quae olim Magni Constantini fuissent, teste Jovio, libro xxx. Hoc est Turcicum. Porro simili modo quo Jephte, responderunt olim Lacedaemonii apud Isocratem in Archid.: «Hanc tenemus terram ab Herculis posteritate datam, Delphico oraculo confirmatam, et incolis ejus bello superatis. Non vos latet possessiones sive privatas sive publicas praescriptione longi temporis confirmari. Messanam tenuimus amplius 400 annos.»
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27. JUDICET DOMINUS ARBITER HUJUS DIEI, — id est hujus litis, quam hoc die agimus. Sic dies pro judicio sumitur, I Corinth. iv, 3, et Jerem. xvii, 16; est metonymia.
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29. FACTUS EST ERGO SUPER JEPHTE SPIRITUS DOMINI, — hoc est immisit Deus Jephte Spiritum fortitudinis, ardoris et zeli ad capessendum bellum contra iniquum regem Ammon; eoque impulsus convocavit ad illud incolas Galaad, et tribus Manasse, et «Maspha Galaad,» id est, Maspha, quae est in extremis terminis Galaad versus montes Libanum et Hermon; hisce enim maxime et proxime imminebant vicini hostes Ammonitae.
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30. VOTUM VOVIT DOMINO DICENS: SI TRADIDERIS FILIOS AMMON IN MANUS MEAS, QUICUMQUE PRIMUS FUERIT EGRESSUS DE FORIBUS DOMUS MEAE, MIHIQUE OCCURRERIT REVERTENTI CUM PACE A FILIIS AMMON, EUM HOLOCAUSTUM OFFERAM DOMINO. — Huic simile est quod scribit Aldrovandus in Asino: Alexandro Macedoni, inquit, cum reddita sors esset, eum qui primus occurrisset interimeret; ubi quemdam prae se agentem asellum vidit, arripi hominem confestim ex oraculo imperavisse tradunt. At eum jamjam jugulandum intellecta mortis ratione proclamavisse anteambulonem suum, non se peti ex responso, quando is obviam occurrisset prior, puta asinum suum. Quaeres primo, quam victimam hic voverit Jephte? Primo aliqui censent eum vovisse primum hominem sibi e domo sua occursurum Deo immolare. Ita S. Augustinus. Secundo, Rabbini et Abulensis putant eum vovisse pecus immolabile primo occurrens, sive is bos esset, sive vitulus, sive hircus, sive aries, Deo sacrificare; sed postea Jephte de mente et materia hac voti sui dubitasse, quia verba ejus erant generalia: quare primo occurrente filia, censuisse se ad illam immolandam obligari. Tertio et optime, intendit Jephte primum vivens, sive primum animal e domo sua sibi occursurum Deo mactare, inde ex Hebraeo verti potest in genere neutro: quodcumque, scilicet animal primo mihi e domo obvium immolabo. Ita Chaldaeus, Vatablus, Pagninus et alii. Id patet ex eventu: nam cum prima ei e domo occurreret filia, putavit se voto ad illam immolandam obligari et cogi. Quaeres secundo, an hoc votum fuerit licitum, an illicitum? Primo, multi censent illud fuisse impium, stultum et parricidale. Ita S. Ambrosius, lib. I Offic. cap. ult., S. Augustinus, Quaest. xlix. Tertullianus, lib. III Contra Marcion., Nazianzenus, orat. De Machabaeis, Theodoretus et Procopius; hic Chrysostomus, hom. De Jephte. Et S. Thomas citans S. Hieronymum, II II, Quaest. lxxxviii, art. 2: «In vovendo, ait, fuit stultus, quia discretionem non habuit, et in reddendo impius.» Impium enim est filiam occidere, impium est Deo homines immolare, et humano sanguine litare. Unde S. Hieronymus, lib. I Contra Jovin., ante medium: «Reprehenditur pater voti temerarii, etc. Si enim canis, inquiunt, si asinus occurrisset, quid faceret?» Lege enim vetitum erat offerre canem vel asinum. Pergit S. Hieronymus: «Ex quo volunt (Hebraei) Dei dispensatione esse factum, ut qui improspecte voverat, errorem votorum in filiae morte sentiret,» ut temeritas voventis castigaretur, ait S. Augustinus, Quaest. xlix. Si dicas Jephte laudari ab Apostolo, Hebr. xi, respondet Abulensis eum laudari ex merito fidei; quod scilicet ipse confidens Deo exposuit se periculo mortis in praelio pugnans contra tam potentes Ammonitas, non autem a voto; satis autem constat quod Jephte, et quilibet virorum illorum, quos in illo suo fidei Catalogo posuit Apostolus, graviter peccarit, ait Abulensis. Unde et Gentiles vituperarunt et damnarunt eos qui homines Saturno immolarunt. Quis Creonti, ait Serarius, vitio non dat, quod Menoecum filium Thebis, Erichteo, quod Praxitheam filiam Athenis immolarit? Nonne suum regem expulerunt Idomeneum Cretenses, quod a Trojano bello reversus, nostri hujus Jephte instar, deorum aris obvium filium ex voto imponere voluerit? De Agamemnonis Iphigenia quam Poetae multa! et in Suasoria Seneca: Nonne et hoc nomine infames olim Scythae, Tauri, Pontici et Afri? de quibus in Scorpiaco Tertullianus, in Octavio Minucius, in Protreptico Clemens et Euripides. Quocirca Procopius ait victoriam hanc a Deo concessam fuisse Jephte non ob votum, sed ut injurias Israeli ab Ammonitis factas ulcisceretur, manifestum fieret. Secundo, alii ex adverso censent hoc votum Jephte fuisse pium et sanctum, eo quod factum sit ex impulsu Spiritus Sancti. Ita S. Anselmus, Ambrosiaster in cap. xi ad Hebraeos, Serarius et Salianus hic, ac favet hic S. Augustinus et S. Hieronymus, epist. ad Julianum, ubi ait Jephte obtulisse virginem filiam, et idcirco in enumeratione Sanctorum ab Apostolo collocari. Probant primo, quia hic dicitur irruisse in eum Spiritus Dei, quod licet ad pugnam referri debeat, tamen ad votum quoque, quod pugnae et victoriae fuit medium, imo principium, referendum videtur. Secundo, quia Ecclesiasticus, cap. xlvi, et Apo- stolus, Hebr. xi, Jephte ponit in Catalogo Sanctorum, quare non videtur peccasse hic; aut certe si peccavit, mox poenituit. Tertio, quia Deus per votum hoc videtur ei concessisse tantam victoriam. Ergo illud ratum gratumque habuit. Quarto, quia filia ejus offerens se immolandam ad satisfaciendum voto patris, a Patribus mire laudatur, et Isaaco comparatur. Quinto, quia immolatio haec filiae fuit typus immolationis Filii Dei in cruce, ut docent Patres: nullus enim illius expressior fuit typus et figura, quam haec filia immolata a patre pro salute Israelis. Videtur ergo Deus voluisse hunc typum dare, qui praeluderet et praesignificaret immolationem Christi. Tertia sententia est media et verisimilior, scilicet votum hoc quidem in se fuisse illicitum et impium, eo quod per hoc hominem, imo filiam Deo mactarit, quod omni jure naturae, divino et humano est vetitum. Jephte tamen excusari vel a toto, vel a parte per ignorantiam et religionis zelum, quod simplici, candido et pio animo putaret se hoc voto obligari ad filiam immolandam, eo quod ipsa prima sibi occurrisset. Erat enim rude hoc saeculum, et casuum conscientiae ignarum. Ac Jephte erat homo militaris; milites autem putant se suis juramentis et votis, etiam perperam factis, obligari ex religione et veneratione quam Deo debent. Ita S. Hieronymus, in cap. vii Jerem., sub finem, excusat Jephte per ignorantiam invincibilem, quod intentio offerentis esset bona, etiamsi oblatio mala, eo quod illo aevo rudi non esset propheta, imo nec summus sacerdos, ait Abulensis hic, Quaest. xlviii, qui sciret hunc casum resolvere. Audi Serarium: Extenuatur Jephte factum primo, quia cum Dei veri cultus tam saepe et tam diu collapsus esset, ea jam apud Israelitas obtinuerat opinio e Gentilium erroribus petita, Deo istiusmodi sacrificium gratum esse; secundo, exemplum Abrahami aspiciebat, sicque illum recte imitari putabat, et fortasse, ut indicat D. Augustinus, sperabat, si sacrificium Deo gratum non esset, impeditum iri instar illius Abrahami, Genes. xxii; tertio, magna etiam in eo fidei laus fuit, quod ut idem notat Augustinus, quantumvis molestum sibi esset, maluerit votum reddere, quam suo ipsius dolori obsequi; quarto, credebat, inquit idem Augustinus, bonae virginis animam bene recipi seu coelum evolare, quae non seipsam voverat immolandam, sed voto et voluntati non restiterat patris, et Dei secuta fuerat judicium; quinto, boni communis publicaeque salutis erat peramans; ideoque verebatur ne, si votum non expleret, indignaretur Dominus, ac se populumque totum calamitate afficeret aliqua; sexto, valde ipsum movebat, quod tam nobilem de tam ferocibus ac superbis hostibus, statim post votum adeptus esset victoriam, ut sibi persuaderet suum Deo haud displicuisse votum, ideoque ipsi a se jam satisfaciendum. Hinc Jephte a nullo Propheta vel Pontifice legitur reprehensus, sed ab Apostolo et Ecclesiastico laudatus. Cur ergo nos eum damnemus? Porro S. Augustinus, Quaest. xcix ad Orthodoxos, ait diabolum fecisse ut filia cum cythara gratulans patri victoriam prima occurreret, hoc fine, ut Jephte filiae unicae amantissimus votum violaret. Jephte vero tentationem hanc vicisse, ac filiam votam immolasse ad testandam suam erga Deum pietatem, ideoque eum Catalogo Sanctorum esse adscriptum. Quocirca Patres in hac immolatione filiae Jephte magna agnoscunt mysteria. Nam primo, S. Augustinus, Quaest. xlix, ait per illam significatum fuisse humano sanguine litandum esse Deo Patri. Secundo, S. Chrysostomus, homilia De Jephte, tom. I, ait hic adumbratum fuisse, quod Christus filiam suam, id est Ecclesiam, quasi virginem Deo esset oblaturus in holocaustum, praesertim per immolationem martyrum tempore persecutionis. Audi S. Chrysostomum: «Jephte existimo esse Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum victorem mundi; qui obtulit filiam suam unicam ipsam Ecclesiam tempore persecutionis malis Pontificibus, non agnorum, sed luporum, dicente ipso: Ecce ego mitto vos sicut oves in medio luporum. Obtulit ergo Ecclesiam per immolationem martyrum tempore persecutionis, et victima unica oblata est Deo, ut sacrificium acceptabile esset Patri ex lucris Unigeniti. Offert unicus unam, sponsus sponsam, pater filiam. Quid enim inveniri potest fortius integritate et virginitate Ecclesiae, quae concipit in corruptione, creat in integritate? Virgo est ista quae virum non novit.» Anagogice S. Augustinus: Significabatur, inquit, nos per immolationem mortis transituros ad beatam immortalitatem, uti transiit filia Jephte. Tropologice, innuebatur quemque suam filiam, id est, animam debere Deo offerre per mortificationem cupiditatum et passionum, «occidendam in malis, vivificandam in bonis,» ait S. Chrysostomus et S. Augustinus.
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35. FILIA MEA, DECEPISTI ME, ET IPSA DECEPTA ES. — «Decepisti,» quia cum tu unica mihi sis proles et haeres, sperabam ex te posteritatem; at jam omnem ejus spem mihi tuo occursu sustulisti. «Decepisti ergo me,» quia meam spem fefellisti. «Decepta es,» quia putabas mihi laetitiam, tibi gloriam mihi victori occurrendo afferre; at jam mihi tristitiam, tibi mortem peperisti. Hebraeum est: incurvando incurvasti me, vel humiliando humiliasti me, et tu fuisti inter turbantes me. Est pulchra allusio per metathesin inter כרע cara, id est, humiliare, et עכר achar, id est, turbare, q. d. Turbasti me, quia me measque spes humiliasti et prostravisti. Septuaginta et Romana, perturbatione perturbasti me, et tu fuisti in perturbatione mea. Videntur Septuaginta utroque modo legisse עכר achar, id est, turbare; Complutensia vero et Regii habent: implevisti me, et scandalum facta es in oculis meis. S. Ambrosius, lib. I Offic. cap. xii, legit: «Hou! mea filia, impedisti mihi, in stimulum dolorum facta es mihi.» Idem, lib. De Virginitate: «Heu! mea filia, perdidisti me.» APERUI ENIM OS MEUM AD DOMINUM (vovendo me eum qui primo occurreret illi immolaturum), ET ALIUD FACERE NON POTERO, — q. d. Votum jam editum retractare nequeo, quare ex illo te, utpote primo occurrentem, Deo immolare debeo. Hinc patet Jephte non intendisse vovere solum animal immolabile, sed et hominem, imo filiam, si primo occurreret. Sic enim ipse illud hic interpretatur. Nemo autem melior est mentis et voti sui interpres, quam ipse vovens. Hinc et apte vocatur Jephte, id est aperiens, scilicet os ad vovendum, aperiens, inquam, nimis ample et improvide.
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36. CUI ILLA RESPONDIT: PATER MI, SI APERUISTI OS TUUM AD DOMINUM (id est, si vovisti me immolare Deo), FAC MIHI QUODCUMQUE POLLICITUS ES, CONCESSA TIBI ULTIONE ATQUE VICTORIA DE HOSTIBUS TUIS. — Vide et admirare in hac filia animos, obedientiam, religionem et amorem patriae, quibus se morti et immolationi generose et alacriter offert. Potuisset enim ipsa patri replicare: Ego non vovi me Deo immolare; nec tu, o pater, es vitae meae dominus, ut me invitam devovere et mactare possis. Nolo ergo adolescentula et illiberis mori, volo florem juventutis meae laeta peragere: volo stirpem meam et tuam propagare. Quare votum tuum irrito et dissolvo: atque ita se morte, patrem voto et moerore liberasset. Sed noluit, ut suam erga Deum religionem, erga patrem obedientiam, erga Rempublicam charitatem testaretur. Fecit ergo seipsam victimam, imo holocaustum Deo pro patre et patria. Timebat enim ne, si ipsa mortem recusaret, poena violati voti in patrem et patriam recideret, ac victoria accepta in cladem converteretur. Audi S. Ambrosium: «Quod in spectatis et eruditis viris plenum miraculi est, hoc in virgine multo magnificentius, multoque illustrius deprehenditur.» Et paulo post: «Nec fletus, inquit, aequalium movit puellam, nec dolor inflexit, nec gemitus retardavit, nec dies praeteriit, nec fefellit hora. Rediit ad patrem quasi ad votum rediret, et voluntate propria cunctantem impulit, facitque arbitratu spontaneo, ut quod erat impietatis fortuitum, fieret pietatis sacrificium.» Porro Deus id fieri permisit, ait Serarius, gra- vibus de causis. Prima est, ut mortis quam Christus Dominus causa nostra, non voluntate tantum ac desiderio, sed effectu etiam ac reipsa perlaturus erat, figura esset clarissima. Secunda, ut splendesceret magis Jephte fides, et summa erga Deum religio; a qua eum neque rei tam carae amissio, neque posteritatis amor, neque praesentis futurique temporis tam acerbum vulnus deducere potuissent. Tertia, ut similiter eximia tenerrimae virgunculae fides, erga Deum religio, erga patrem patriamque totam pietas et praecellens animi magnitudo, velut speculum, in quo orbis terrarum totus posset intueri, publice statueretur. Quarta, ut intelligeret mundus universus quam accurate, diligenter et immolate, quaecumque vel consilio bono, vel divino monitu ac instinctu vota essent, Deo reddi deberent, etiam si mille gravissimae occurrerent difficultates.
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37. DIMITTE ME UT DUOBUS MENSIBUS CIRCUMEAM MONTES, ET PLANGAM VIRGINITATEM MEAM CUM SODALIBUS MEIS, — quod scilicet virgo sine prole et haerede moriar; hoc enim illo aevo erat triste ac dedecorosum, jam autem per Christum virginitas summae laudi et gloriae ducitur, quasi caelestis conversatio et imitatio vitae Angelicae. Flevit ergo haec filia virginitatem suam, id est, aetatem suam virginalem nuptiis opportunam, sed sterilitate ex voto patris damnatam. Hujusmodi denicales feriae (ita a nece appellatae) fuere quoque apud Romanos, inquit Arias. Formulam planctus, sive threnum filiae Jephte Philo Biblicus asserit hunc fuisse: «Audite, montes, threnum meum, et intendite, colles, lacrymas oculorum meorum, et testes estote, petrae, in planctu animae meae. Ecce quomodo accusor, sed non in vano recipiatur anima mea. Proficiscantur verba mea in coelis, et scribantur lacrymae meae ante conspectum firmamenti, ut pater non expugnet filiam quam devovit sacrificare, ut princeps illius unigenitam audiat in sacrificio promissam. Ego autem non sum saturata thalamo meo, nec repleta sum coronis nuptiarum mearum.» Et post nonnulla: «Inclinate, arbores, ramos vestros, et plangite juventutem meam; venite, ferae sylvarum, et conculcate supra virginitatem meam, quoniam abscissi sunt anni mei, et tempus vitae meae in tenebris inveteravit,» etc. Haec ipse more suo. Porro Jephte imitati sunt Gentiles. Ita enim Erichtheus bellum contra Eumolphum gerens, doctus victorem se fore, si filiam victimae loco immolasset, re cum uxore communicata, filiam hostiae in mortem mactavit. Ita Plutarchus in Parallelis. Idem ibidem, sub finem: «Pestilentia, inquit, Lacedaemonem urgente, divinitus significatum est cessaturam luem, si pro more generosam immolarent virginem. Helena autem cum esset aliquando sorte ducta, et ornata produceretur, aquila devolans gladium abripuit, et in armentum deferens buculae imposuit, quo factum est ut caede virginis abstineretur.» Idem prorsus contigit Valeriae Lupercae, quae arae destinata, cum aquila gladium rapuisset, et buculae cuidam injecisset, Valeria, bucula mactata, rem sacram fecit, inquit Plutarchus. Quaeritur, cur cupit circumire montes in hoc suo planctu? Causas tres dat Arias. Prima est, «ut clamor et lamentatio in sublimi loco edita longius ac latius ad circumvicinorum aures pertingeret. Namque haec est vocis natura et vis.» Jeremiae xxxi: «Vox in Rama audita est, ploratus atque ululatus multus.» Secunda, «ut longius montium prospectus monumentum rei tam incolis, quam hospitibus et viatoribus frequentius repraesentaret.» Tertia, «ut e solitariis a se visis et peragratis locis pluribus, unum aliquem ubi intra claustri parietes inclusa vitam perageret solitariam, optaret;» sed hanc causam superius confutavi et mox plenius confutabo. Causa litteralis et proxima fuit, quod tota illa regio montosa sit. Habitabat enim in Maspha, id est, in alta montis specula, ex qua in subjectos montes descenditur, ut habent Hebraea.
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39. ET FECIT EI SICUT VOVERAT. — Rabbini, et ex eis Lyranus, Pagninus, Vatablus tradunt scribas et sapientes Hebraeorum, intellecto hoc Jephte voto, consultos respondisse posse mortem filiae naturalem a patre voto promissam commutari in mortem civilem, videlicet in vitam religiosam et castam; itaque factum esse; quare filiam hanc non fuisse occisam a patre, sed fecisse se Nazaream, id est, religiosam et quasi monialem. Sicut S. Bernardus occurrens reis a Praetore ob delicta suspendendis, eos liberavit, monachosque effecit dicens: Vos brevi morte vultis eos occidere, ego longa morte mortificationis assidue in monasterio eos consumam et perimam. Verum haec sententia falsa est, et plane repugnat huic versui: «Fecit ei, inquit, sicut voverat.» Atqui voverat eam Deo non tantum mactare, sed et in holocaustum offerre, id est, jugulatam totam cremare et comburere in honorem Dei (hoc enim exigebat holocaustum); ergo revera eam jugulavit et cremavit. Hic est communis Patrum sensus, ut Theodoreti, S. Augustini, Bedae, Procopii, Ruperti, Abulensis, Hugonis Victorini, Dionysii, Serarii, Saliani, Tornielli hic, et S. Ambrosii, lib. I Offic. cap. ult., Tertulliani, lib. III Contra Marcionem, cap. iv, S. Hieronymi, epistola 34 ad Julianum, S. Chrysostomi, hom. De Jephte, Origenis, tom. IX in Joannem, Nazianzeni, orat. De Machabaeis, D. Thomae, II II, Quaest. lxxxviii, art. 2, ad 2, Suarez, Lessii, Azoris et aliorum passim. Denique Philo ait nomen hujus filiae fuisse Seilam, utique aeterna memoria dignum.
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40. ET PLANGANT FILIAM JEPHTE. — Hebr. לתנות letannot, quod Septuaginta vertunt, ad plorandum; Chaldaea, ad lamentandum filiam Jephte; alii, ad enarrandum; alii, ad donandum, scilicet laudem filiae Jephte. Porro Rabbini, Pagninus et Vatablus vertunt: ad alloquendum vel consolandum filiam Jephte, quod ex voto patris debeat manere innupta. Putant enim ipsi mortem naturalem in civilem, sive in celibatum fuisse commutatam. Unde quatuor diebus in anno patebat ad eam accessus, ait Vatablus, ut eam alloquerentur et solarentur, sicut ad moniales in claustro reclusas subinde in anno patet aditus; verum hoc jam refutavi. Denique S. Augustinus, Quaest. xlix, et ex eo Hugo Victorinus ostendit Jephte per omnia fuisse typum Christi. Nam primo, inquit, Jephte hebraice idem est quod janua quae aperitur. Et sic Christus ait: «Ego sum ostium,» Joan. x, per quod patet aditus ad coelum: «Ipse enim aperit, et nemo claudit,» Apocal. iii, 7. Secundo, fratres Jephte domo ejecerunt quasi filium fornicarie: sic Christum e Synagoga sua ejecerunt Scribae quasi violatorem legis, nec legitimum Synagogae filium. Tertio, Jephte exulans habitavit in terra Tob, id est bonitatis, hoc est optima: sic Christus, a Judaeis vita expulsus, ivit ad vitam beatam in coelum. Quarto, ad Jephte colligebantur inopes et latrones: sic ad Christum meretrices et publicani, ac inter eos latro in cruce, atque mystici praedones, qui sua poenitentia et virtute vim faciunt coelo, rapiuntque regnum coelorum. Quinto, Galaaditae requisierunt exulem Jephte ut eis esset dux belli contra Ammonitas: sic Gentiles requisierunt Christum a Judaeis spretum, ut a peccati et diaboli jugo liberarentur. Huc usque S. Augustinus. Sexto, Jephte ante praelium votum vovit Domino: sic Christus ante passionis et mortis duellum oravit in horto, seque hostiam Deo devovit dicens: «Non mea voluntas, sed tua fiat.» Septimo, Jephte immolavit filiam suam: Christus carnem et humanitatem suam. Octavo, Israelitae planxerunt quotannis mortem filiae Jephte. Sic Christiani quotannis in hebdomada sancta plangunt mortem Christi, eique threnos Jeremiae lamentando decantant: tum quoque Ecclesia quasi virgo plangit suorum fidelium peccata. Audi S. Augustinum, Quaest. xlix: «Per sex mundi aetates, tanquam per sexaginta dies, flevit sancta Virgo Ecclesia virginalia sua, quia licet virginalia, tamen fuerunt peccata deflenda, propter quae universa ipsa virgo toto orbe diffusa quotidie dicit: Dimitte nobis debita nostra. Eosdem autem sexaginta dies duos menses maluit appellare, quantum existimo, propter duos homines, unum per quem mors, alterum per quem resurrectio mortuorum, propter quos etiam duo testamenta dicuntur.»
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Suite de 1b. Les anciens commentateurs discutaient sur le droit des Hébreux par rapport aux enfants illégitimes; mais ce mot, dans la polygamie, ne pouvait avoir le même sens que dans le droit de la monogamie cf. Gen. 24 10.
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Jephté prend la fuite, ce qui suppose plus que la simple privation de l'hérédité. Il se peut que sa fuite ait été d'abord volontaire, à la suite d’un fait dans lequel on lui donna tort; cf. II Sam. 13 37 où la fuite d'Absalon est tout d'abord volontaire. Le pays de Tob était probablement au nord de Galaad (cf. 1[ Sam. 40 6.8 et 1 Macch. 5 13; 11 Macch. 42 17). D'après les P. LacnaxGr. — Les Juges. 13 Macch. le pays de Tubin serait entre Dera‘at ct Bosra, peut-être Taiyebé. Le Talmud nomme la région de Tob ,סוסיתא c'est-à-dire Hippos, auj. Sousiyé, dans Jer. Chebiith, V. 1, fol. 36, mais d’après quelle autorité? Les gens qui se rassemblent auprès de Jephté sont sans position comme lui, ils font ensemble de vraies expéditions; ils sortent, parce que le vol n’est honorable qu'aux dépens des tribus voisines. 4 5) Le v. 4 semble faire double emploi avec v. 58. Le G (B) supprime v. 4, le G (Lag.) au contraire v. ὅ8, la Vg.a combiné. Il est d'ailleurs certain que le v. # a un aspect plus primitif comme commençant ab ovo l'histoire des invasions des Ammonites. Le v. 5a est un remplaçant qui suppose l'histoire déjà commencée v. 17 et qui se sera glissé en doublet dans le texte. מימים «δὰ bout d'un an » (v. 40; 47 10) depuis son expulsion, d'après Budde etc., mais les exemples cités supposent une périodicité qui ne paraît pas ici. Le terme est très vague.
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ΤῊΣ indique un commandement militaire Jos. 40 24.
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Les anciens, peut-être les frères dans la rédaction de E. Jephté croit avoir le bon droit pour lui. Il reproche aux anciens de l'avoir chassé de sa maison paternelle par haine.
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לכן G(Bjôtx τοῦτο, « précisément » ; les anciens évitent la discussion des faits et reconnaissent implicitement leur tort ; en tous cas ils ont besoin de Jephté. Η est inutile de lire Ὶ3 לא avec α(δασ.. A). Jephté sera à ה[ tête de tous les habitants de Galaad, cf. 40 18, ce qui soude étroitement ces deux passages. 11. Omettre .העם
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Jephté répète la promesse pour obtenir un engagement plus solennel, tout en ajoutant qu'il ne l’accepte que pour le cas où il serait vainqueur. Il est toujours question d'être à la téle, comme v. 8.
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La formule du serment, spéciale à cet endroit, insiste sur la qualité de témoin donnée à Dieu, comme dans le traité entre Laban et Jacob (Gen. 31 49).
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113 est la conclusion des deux négociations : à cause de 11b qui se soude étroitement à 10, nous relions 118 à 6, לראש est rédactionnel. Supprimer העם avec G(M de Moore); Syr.-hex. sous astérisque. — Le מ 115 très difficile à expliquer dans ce contexte. Jephté n’a pas à répéter ce qu'il a dit pour donner plus de solennité au contrat, il devrait plutôt exiger que les anciens répètent leur serment devant Jahvé ; d’ailleurs il est déjà constitué chef dans la première partie du verset. 11 est incontestable que ces mots iraient admirablement après v. 31. Mais d'où serait venue l'idée de les déplacer? Nous les considérons simplement comme l'explication de v. 10. Les Anciens ont pu prendre IJahvé à témoin, parce que tout se passait devant lui à Mispah. Il ne peut être question ici que du Maspha de Galaad; il serait peu loyal de songer à Maspha de Benjamin pour se rapprocher de l'arche. Mais il n’est pas nécessaire non plus d'imaginer une idole de lahvé. Cependant comme le terme לפני יהוה suppose un sanctuaire, il s'agissait sans doute d'un autel de Jahvé.
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Qu'y a-t-il entre nous, quelle question avons-nous à démêler ensemble; cf. 11 Reg. 3 13. C’est un procédé conciliateur comme ceux de Moïse dans E vis-à-vis d'Édom (Num. 20 14) et des Amorrhéens (Num. 13 5.) Le roi d'Ammon répond qu'en sortant d'Égypte Israël s'est emparé du pays situé entre l'Arnon et le 13200, en parfaite conformité avec Num. 24 24, mais il qualifie ce territoire de « mon pays .א Difficulté considérable l'Arnon est l'Ou. Modjib actuel, entre Dhibän et le dj. Chihän, le labboq 18. אותה ; TM אתהן elles. est la Zerqä qui prend sa source au sud d’Ammän, l’ancienne capitale des Ammonites. Dans son ensemble ce territoire était plutôt moabite qu'ammonite, cependant il ne peut pas non plus être considéré comme purement moabite, car la‘zer, aujourd'hui ou. Sir, formait la limite des Ammonites (Num.24 24 LXX). — Le plur. fém. s'entend des villes dont le roi d'Ammon demande la restitution légale et définitive; mieux vaut lire אותה avec Moore d’après quelques mss. grecs αὐτήν et Vg. eam.
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Jephté nie, et le territoire de Moab figure ici en première ligne. On peut dire que sa négation s'étend aussi loin que l'affirmation du roi ennemi; comme le territoire au nord de l’Arnon était ancien territoire moabite et que c’élait celui que les Israélites venant du sud avaient dû rencontrer le premier, il introduit en première ligne le pays de Moab. 1[ va maintenant exposer des faits, et comme Ammon ne jouait aucun rôle dans l'ancienne histoire, tout va rouler sur Moab et même sur Édom pour insister sur la correction diplomatique des Israélites.
11:16
Budde après Well. et Holz. voit ici une réminiscence de l'itinéraire direct des Hébreux, de la mer rouge à Cadès où aurait eu lieu la promulgation de la loi. Mais d’abord, ad hominem, cet itinéraire direct, à supposer que ce soit celui de J, ne peut être celui de l’auteur récent auquel ces critiques attribuent notre passage. Surtout Jephté ne peut vraiment pas remonter au déluge ; les faits du Sinaï n'avaient rien à faire ici : il mentionne la sortie d'Égypte par la mer rouge et arrive aussitôt à Cadès, point de départ des négociations (Num. 20 14 ss.). — Sur Cadès — ‘Ain Kdeis cf. ΗΒ. 1896, 440-451; sur l'itinéraire des Israélites, RB. 1900, 63-87 273-287 ; 443-449.
11:17
Les négociations avec le roi d'Édom comme Num. 20 14-21 (E). 11 n’est fait allusion nulle part dans le Pentateuque à des pourparlers avec 20. quo"; TM האמין δὴ et il n'eut pas confiance. Moab. Mais dans le fait nous voyons qu’on a évité son territoire (Num. 24 11); ils sont donc très vraisemblables en eux-mêmes et il y avait une raison particulière de les mentionner ici. On met le séjour à Cadès après ces pourparlers, tandis que dans la rédaction actuelle de Num. 20, le séjour à Cadès est marqué avant (Num. 20 1); notre verset indique probablement l'ordre primitif de E. Cela importe peu pour le fond. Les Israélites repoussés dans leur attaque directe, ne pouvant obtenir le passage, restent à Cadès, c'est l'ordre le plus naturel. Dans Num. 20, il a fallu sans doute compléter avec P qui arrivait à Cadès assez tard; il suffirait de placer Num. 20 1, après 20 22.
11:18
On tourne Édom, puis Moab, et on arrive à l'orient du pays de Moab; c'est-à-dire qu'on monte de l’‘Arabah en tournant la frontière sud de Moab pour arriver à sa frontière est ; en suivant à l'est du Chéra depuis l’‘Aqabah on n'eût pas tourné Moab. Quelques expressions ont selon nous été prises dans ce contexte excellent pour être placées Num. 24 11 (cf. ΗΒ. loc. laud.). 118 campent à l'est, de l'autre côté de l'Arnon ; il s'agit ici de l'Ou. Ledjoun qui court du sud au nord et qui est bien la branche principale de l'ouady Modjib. C’est de la sorte que l’Arnon constitue pour eux la limite de Moab, car une fois au nord de l'Arnon ils n'avaient pas à revenir sur leurs pas pour attaquer Moab chez lequel ils ne devaient pas s'installer. 19 s.) Allusion à Num. 24 21-23. La correction du v. 20 d’après G(A, Lag. etc.) et Num. 20 21 est nécessitée parce que la tournure de TM est insolite. TNOY étant changé en והאכזין la négation devait forcément s’introduire. La Vg. mêle le TM et le G: qui el ipse Israel verba despiciens, non dimisit eum. Pour 18086 ; cf. sur Num. 24 23. 21 5.) C'est encore une allusion aux faits racontés Num. 24 34. Jephté n'oppose rien de spécial aux Ammonites, il établit seulement le droit de conquête d'Israël, sans se préoccuper de savoir si les Amorrhéens avaient eux-mêmes conquis 16 pays sur d'autres. L'argument tiendrait même dans ce cas, car Moab était censé avoir perdu ses droits, mais Budde remarque bien que Jephté ne paraît pas viser cette hypothèse; il n'avait pas à insister sur ce qui pouvait fournir une prétention à ses adversaires. La capitale des Ammonites n’est pas nécessairement comprise dans ce territoire, elle’ était trop à l'est, les Num. ne mentionnent là que la conquête de 18 201, Num. 24 32 comme étant aux Amorrhéens. Le désert est donc dans un sens vague : d’ailleurs une ligne droite tirée du sud au nord à la frontière du désert de Moab laisserait Ammän à l'est. \ 23 s.) Le verbe ירש au gal signifie posséder ; à hiph. il a deux sens, faire posséder, mettre en possession de, οἱ chasser, déposséder. Il pourrait être pris dans le premier sens deux fois au v. 2. à condition de supprimer מפנינו avec G(A), il l’est dans le deuxième sens au v. 23. Si l’on veut admettre un seul sens à hiph. dans ce contexte, il faut conserver 13299 et effacer dans וורישך avec Vg., ce qui est d'autant plus facile que 2 suit. C'est la solution de Moore. Dans ce cas, ce qui est attribué à la divinité, c'est la victoire sur ses ennemis ; le rôle du dieu est surtout de chasser les précédents possesseurs, son peuple s’installe ensuite. Jephté ne fait aucune difficulté de raisonner selon les idées communes. Chacun a le droit de profiter des victoires de son dieu : Iahvé n'a pas combattu pour le compte des adversaires, ils n'ont pas le droit de profiter de la victoire. On n'est pas autorisé par le texte à dire avec les anciens commentateurs que Jephté parle à un sot selon sa sottise ; rien ne marque dans le texte qu'il sût que Camos n'était qu'une vaine idole qui ne pouvait rien posséder (contre Hum.); mais il n'est pas permis non plus d'affirmer que Jephté mettait dans sa pensée Camos sur le même rang que lahvé, parce que dans les relations internationales on part toujours de principes communément 24. Omettre 1 dans .יווושך 25. Omettre .טוב reçus. Jephté ne pense pas sans doute que le pouvoir de Jahvé soit limité par celui de Camos; à l'occasion lahvé pourra aussi le chasser ; la question de savoir quel est le plus fort n'est pas agitée et ne pouvait pas l'être dans des négociations pacifiques. Le seul point est celui-ci : puisque les adversaires s'installent sans scrupule dans le pays que leur dieu met à leur disposition, Israël a pu user du même privilège. Camos ne peut être que le ‘dieu de Moab. Jusqu'à présent la situation pouvait s'accorder avec 16 roi des Ammonites; on leur appliquait les conclusions logiques d'événements historiques qui leur étaient communs avec Moab: Moab était nommé de préférence parce que l’ancienne histoire le mettail beaucoup plus en évidence. Mais ici c'est Moab qui est visé directement, à cause de Camos son dieu (1 Reg. 11 7.33 ; 11 Reg. 23 13; Jer. 48 7.13.46. οἱ l'inscription de Mésa). On ne peut pas dire que les Ammonites qui avaient pour dieu Milcom (1 Reg. 41 33; Jer. 49 1.3) adoraient aussi Camos car il s'agit ici du dieu national, propre à chaque peuple, qui triomphe avec lui (Moore). 11 faut choisir entre une grosse difficulté littéraire et une altération textuelle. Nous aimons mieux croire que Camos s’est glissé dans le texte au lieu de מלך ou ὩΣ plutôt que de considérer toute la négociation comme 25) La comparaison avec Balaq roi de Moab n'indique nullement que Jephté a affaire au roi de Moab {contre Budde etc.), mais plutôt le contraire, Balaq n'étant pas nommé son ancêtre ni son prédécesseur, mais roi de Moab, sans doute par opposition à lui-même. L'histoire de Balaq (Num.
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figurait dans E οἱ dans J.— Effacer 21% avec G(A, Lag. etc.) plutôt que de supposer que le premier 2% est un infin. abs.; il n'y a place ici que pour un adjectif. Jephté savait d’après les anciennes histoires que Balaq n'avait ni argumenté, ni combattu, mais avait eu plutôt recours à la ruse en faisant maudire Israël par Balaam. D'ailleurs comme Balaq était contemporain de la conquête, la pensée de Jephté développée au v. suivant 26. ביעזר ; TM בערוער dans ‘Aro'ër. — ירדן ; TM ארנון de l'Arnon. — Omettre est bien que c'était le moment de protester, et non lorsque la prescription a créé en faveur d'Israël un titre de plus (contre Moore).
11:26
Ce verset semble altéré de plusieurs manières. La date de trois cents ans ne concorde pas avec בעת ההיא qui s'entend du moment de la première occupation, quand Israël s'installa, ,בשבת car ces mots ne peuvent signifier > durant tout ce temps de trois cents ans », mais « à cette époque » (329; 44; 126; 444; 21 14.24). De plus le TM a ‘Aroër et l'Arnon, donc ‘Aroër près de l’Arnon, c'est-à-dire uniquement un pays moabite depuis Hésébon, qui n'a rien à faire cette fois avec la prétention actuelle des Ammonites. Le G(A) lit la'‘zer au lieu d'‘Aroer et tous les Grecs (avec Vg.) le Jourdain au lieu de l’Arnon. Il faut sans hésiter préférer ces lectures avec Moore (contre Budde). Elles sont seules en situation quand il s’agit des Ammonites et c’est pourquoi Budde les taxe d'harmonisation. Mais en tous cas cela remonterait à un original hébreu, car le grec n'aurait pas arrangé si habilement une difficulté topographique. Puis outre que le grec a pour lui la parfaite conformité avec l’ensemble du contexte, le TM a contre lui un point décisif : après avoir nommé ‘Aroër et ses filles il était absolument inutile d'ajouter : et toutes les villes qui sont au bord de l'Arnon; de plus ‘Aroër a pu pénétrer là par confusion avec l'‘Aroër des Ammonites; cf. v. 33. La partition du grec est excellente, Hésébon, la'zer et les villes des rives du Jourdain. C'était précisément le territoire contesté. Il faut maintenir la coupure du TM; le v. 26 commence une phrase. Lorsqu'Israël s'y est établi, après sa conquête sur les Amorrhéens dont la capitale était Hésébon, pourquoi n'avez-vous pas alors essayé de s'en emparer ? — Il faut naturellement rayer devant מודוע avec G(A, Lag.) et laisser הצלתם avec TM contre Moore qui lit הצַלתֶם avec G(B); il ne s’agit pas du contemporain de Jephté mais de vous autres Ammonites ; le verbe peut être dans un sens absolu, comme 1 Sam. 30 8. Le sens paraît bien être ici de recouvrer, et par conséquent Jephté suppose que l'occupation amorrhéenne avait dépouillé les Ammonites. C'était le moment de faire valoir leurs droits; non que ces droits fussent admis par Jephté, mais enfin alors on aurait pu discuter, tandis que maintenant tout est réglé depuis longtemps.
11:27
Pécher contre un homme dans Hexateuque seulement dans E Gen. 20 9; 40 1 ; 42 22; Ex. 5 19 (Budde\, mais Gen. 40 1 doit être de J. lahvé qualifié de juge Gen. 48 25. > Qu'il juge aujourd'hui, lui qui est juge plutôt que : « qu'il juge lui qui est aujourd'hui juge », Vg. arbiler hujus diei, quoique les deux sens soient possibles. Jephté parle ici au nom d'Israël, comme v. 13. Sa pensée à lui se révèle à ce moment. Il considère son dieu comme juge de la querelle. Iahvé ne combattra pas seulement pour son peuple, il sera le juge des deux nations. Ni Moore ni Budde ne soufflent mot de cette conception du rôle de Jahvé. C'est un dernier argument pour le cas prévu où les négociations seront inutiles.
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Jephté était déjà décidé à faire la guerre. Le don de l'Esprit n'est pas ici une inspiration pour faire telle ou telle chose, mais un surcroît de force et d'énergie. Il parcourt plusieurs pays, sans doute pour chercher des renforts, animer les courages. Calm. remarquait déjà ici d'après 44 3 qu'il avait aussi demandé le secours d'Éphraïm. Il est très vraisemblable qu'on devait lire ici Éphraïm au lieu de Galaad 1° loco (Budde) d'autant qu’ensuite Jephté arrive à Mispah de Galaad. Moore objecte que 108 Israélites y étaient déjà rassemblés (40 17), et que par conséquent ce verset n’est qu’un essai de souder au vieux fond les pourparlers avec les Ammonites (Moabites) qu'il considère comme plus récents. La conciliation n’est pas impossible. Jephté a pu juger que 165 Israélites n'étaient pas en force, ce qu'ils devaient bien sentir eux-mêmes en cherchant un chef, et chercher du renfort. N’en trouvant pas il a recours au vœu, moyen suprême et désespéré. Malgré tout il est difficile de prendre עבך dans le sens de chercher du renfort, et la phrase serait plus claire comme marquant le retour de Jephté du pays 29. בעבר : TM עבר il passa. de Tob; il parcourt rapidement le pays, traverse Mispah, fond sur les Ammonites. Cette rapidité vient de l'esprit de Jahvé. Mais dans ce cas il ne faudrait pas suppléer Éphraïm (ce que fait Budde qui donne cette solution d'après Holzinger-manuscril) mais une région intermédiaire entre Tob et Manassé oriental, peut-être Argob. Ce serait un doublet de 112, probablement d'après un autre document. — Lire avec G. 9222 au lieu עבר étonnant avec l’acc. dans le sens d'aller vers; l’auteur marque que par une manœuvre hardie, Jephté tourne les Ammonites, ce qui est conforme au v. 33. 30 8.) Le vœu n'est que trop clair. Jephté promet de donner à Iahvé et par mode d’holocauste, la personne qui sortira des portes de sa maison pour venir à sa rencontre. Cela s'entend évidemment de la première personne qu'il verra sortir : la personne qui sortira quand il viendra en vue de sa maison; le primus de la Vg. n'est nullement nécessaire. On a allégué que les animaux vivaient dans les maisons avec leurs maîtres, et cela est encore vrai, par exemple des chèvres, mais les animaux ne vont pas à la rencontre des gens. On remarque ici que Jephté a donc sa maison à Mispah, tandis que dans le début du chap. il en avait été chassé, et d'après le v. 29 il l'avait seulement traversée. — Il y a une grande ressemblance dans les termes et le mouvement de la phrase entre ce vœu et celui de Jacob (Gen. 28 20-22 (E). La précision est extrême, les termes soigneusement calculés.
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Les conditions du vœu sont remplies, lahvé lui livre 105 Ammonites.
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‘Aro'er ne peut être ici la cité moabite sur les bords de l'Arnon, mais ‘Aro'‘er-en face de Rabba, c'est-à-dire à l'est d'Ammaän (Jos. 43 25) cette ville n'est pas nommée ailleurs. על פכי signifie très probablement 34. n300 ; TM בומזנו en dehors de lui. l'est, comme la droite le midi, la gauche le nord, le derrière l'occident. On regarde lorient pour situer les points cardinaux d'après le corps humain (YWoore). Si Mispah est à Misib{a, il est très naturel que Jephté ait pris les Ammonites par derrière, quoique Budde trouve si étonnant ce point de départ à l'est d'Ammän. Minnith est placé par Eusèbe au quatrième mille d'Hésébon à Philadelphie (Ammän) (On. 440 3; 280 ++), ce qui convient parfaitement. Menjah existe très bien à une heure au nord-est de Mädaba, quoique Moore révoque son existence en doute d’après Tristram, mais serait trop au sud. La situation d'Eusèhe est à Oum el-Qenäfid. Entre ‘Aro'‘er οἱ Minnith, ces deux endroits compris, 16 texte place vingt villes on s’attendrait plutôt à un nouveau point de départ, d'est en ouest. Abel Keramim est d’après On. 96 10, 225 5 à six milles (ou sept) de Philadelphie, ce qui convient encore. Il faut naturellement rejeter l'identification de Tristram avec Karm Dhibän, près de l'Arnon. Budde très disposé à trouver du Moabite dans cette histoire affirme que Minnitb à quatre milles d'Hésébon était donc en territoire moabite, Abel Keramim à six milles de Philadelphie en territoire ammonite. Mais il n'y a que treize milles d'Hésébon à Philadelphie. Savons-nous donc si exactement où passait la frontière entre Armon et Moab? D'ailleurs il s'agit du point extrême d'une poursuite. Le G de B met ici ἄχρις ᾿Αρνών en doublet avec ἐν ἀριθμῷ (pour Minnith), mais il n’y a ג[ qu'une preuve de plus que tout ce qu'il y a de moabite dans notre histoire est de date récente, des gloses provenant de la confusion des deux ‘Aro‘er; A et Lag. n’ont pas ce doublet né de la difficulté d'écrire ἑὼς ἐλθεῖν ..«ἐν ἀριθμῷ | Le but de la poursuite est double comme 7 22, elle part d'un point donné mais se continue en éventail. — 33b est naturellement de RD., cf. 3 30 ; 4 23; 8 28.
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La fille de Jephté est déjà grande, ce qui ne paraît pas en parfaite harmonie avec v. 2 et 3, surtout si l'on interprète מימים d'une année; mais peut-être doit-on le prendre dans un sens vague. La fille de Jephté prend la tête du chœur, comme la sœur de Moïse Ex. 45 20 (E) ; de même dans ] Sam. 48 6. C’est donc la première personne sortie de sa maison qu'aperçoit Jephté. Lire ΠΣ, le suffixe féminin avec LXX. Il semble 35. עלוך ; TM om. qu’on doive se représenter des femmes s’avançant en cadence sur deux rangs, au son des tambourins dont elles accompagnent la mesure en battant des mains et en balançant le corps; c'est du moins la mode orientale actuelle.
11:35
D’après TM בעכרי au plur. signifie : « tu es des personnes qui m'aflligent »; Moore et Budde lisent au singulier : « tu es dans la qualité de quelqu'un qui m'aflige; » ce qui serait très faible comme complément de la pensée après l'hiph. de ,כרע tu m'as renversé. Le G(B) et la Vg. ont eu le sentiment d’une opposition entre Jephté et sa fille : decepisti me et ipsa decepta es, mais sans conserver le jeu de deux mots différents, כרע et .עכר Au lieu du participe plur. on serait tenté avec Moore, Budde, de supposer un substantif sing., mais il n'existe pas dans la langue. Le G(A et Lag.) : tu as été une épine dans mes yeux. Noter pour la critique des LXX l'étrange leçon de A ἐμπεποδοστάτη xat σεμνοτάτη, corruption graphique grecque de : ἐμπεποδοστάτηχάς μοι (Lag.). La leçon mass. s'explique peut-' être par l’ensemble de la vie de Jephté; souvent en butte aux persécutions de ses proches, il mettait dans sa fille toute sa consolalion : c'est elle maintenant qui se joint à ceux qui l'ont affligé; fu quoque fili mi! L'ancienne version grecque : ἐμπεποδοστάτηχάς ue ne suppose pas un autre texte ou peut-être עכרתני (Moore); ce qu'elle ajoute est probablement authenthique : εἰς σχῶλον ἐγένου ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς μου, פצח — למכשול הוית בעיני ouvrir largement, d’après )0205.'% indiquerait une parole précipitée et folle Job 3516; Ps. 66 1%; mais il faut plutôt dire avec Moore et Budde qu'il s'agit au contraire d'une parole grave, solennelle cf. v. 36; qui d’ailleurs peut être, comme c’est le cas pour Job 35 16, d’une solennité disproportionnée avec sa valeur; il en a plein la bouche. Ajouter עלוך après ,פי qui paraît bien établi par la double recension du G περὶ σοῦ (A) κατὰ σοῦ (B) (Budde). — Jephté s’aflige de voir sa fille qu'il avait certainement comprise dans son vœu. 1| n'avait, avant l’action, mis aucune limite à sou sacrifice il se désole de voir qu'il a été pris au mot dans ce qu'il a de plus cher.
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Mon père, cessez de vous troubler, vous n'êtes point trahi... L'héroïque 37. והרדתי ; TM וירדתי et Je descendrai. jeune fille songe que sa mort est la rançon du triomphe, comme l'Iphigénie d’Euripide. Comment a-t-elle si vite compris ἢ Budde suppose une lacune, mais Moore voit avec raison un effet de la inanière naïve de l'auteur -- et cependant aussi de son tact littéraire qui lui fait éviter une explication prosaïque. C'est d'ailleurs un des traits de l'Élohiste. Budde efface sans façon les fils d'Ammon dans E ou les remplace par les Moabites; le même voit dans la vengeance de Jephté quelque chose de personnel; mais dans toutes les négociations l’auteur l'identifie fortement avec Israël, v. 12 et v. 27. — Le G(A et Lag.) mettent ἐν ἐμοί avant ,פציתה mais outre que cette fois cetté indication est moins nécessaire pour le sens, elle ne se trouve pas dans B et Lag. omet אבי ; ce peut donc être un doublet אם בי pour ,אבי à moins qu'on ne préfère supprimer le touchant .אבי
11:37
Le Khetib רְעָיתִי de ,רעיה le Qré ‘ny de רַעָה qui vient au v. 38. Il serait étonnant qu fi y eût dans les deux versets deux formes différentes, donc préférer le Qré. La descente aux montagnes étonne tout le monde elle peut s'entendre à la rigueur si Mispah est à Misibta, c'est-à-dire sur le plateau. Les montagnes boisées et solitaires qui dominent la vallée du Jourdain sont en partie en contre-bas. Mais il vaut mieux lire 1h73 avec Perles (Analekten, p. 51) non comme lui dans le sens de se lamenter, mais dans son sens normal d’errer; la peinture est fort belle. Elle pleure sa virginité comme Antigone, gémissant de ne pas laisser de postérité, ce qui est un malheur et un déshonneur; cf. Is. 47 8 5.; 49 21,
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11 exécute son vœu. Quelques-uns traduisent ce qui suit : en conséquence de quoi elle ne connut pas d'homme. Moore et Budde ont objecté que ce sens aurait dû être exprimé par ,ולא ידעה אוש et que והיא placé en tête donne à la phrase le cachet d'une circonstance additionnelle : « or elle n'avait pas connu d'homme. » Κη. (362 n) réplique par l'exemple d'Is. 4 2b, 92 בנים גדלתי והם פשעו où והם n'introduit pas une phrase de circonstance ; c'est après qu'ils ont été élevés qu'ils ont méprisé. Nous répondons que le sens d'Is. 4 20 οἱ de notre verset est plutôt une opposition : el cependant. le sacrifice est d'autant plus grand, l'auteur insiste sur la virginité. Donc והיא ne peut être considéré à cause de Is. 4 2Pcomme une conséquence. C'est encore une opposition dans Gen. 48 179. 18a.-Kœn. argue encore que la série se continue par l'impf. conséc. 3990; mais il faut rattacher ותה au v. suivant. Le père a sa part de sacrifice dans cette circonstance, car sa race est menacée 6060 64
11:40
ותהי v. précédent est impossible comme le note Budde ; mais plutôt que de lire ,ווהי il vaut mieux laisser le féminin comme neutre et lire avec G לחק au lieu de חק sujet. D'après Kœn. 323 h, le sujet est la fille elle devint une norme, une règle et non pas : « cela devint une coutume. » Cette fille devient une institution! .]קוחו תלכנה dans le sens du passé, comme verbe d'habitude selon la coutume qui se représente d'année en année 21 19 ; 1 Sam. 4 3 ; 2 19. תנה a été pris par les anciennes versions dans le sens de se lamenter, et leur autorité est suffisante ici, d'autant que le seul autre cas ὅ 11 est fort douteux. La meilleure correction 507816 celle de Klostermann ,לענות pour chanter à deux chœurs {Ex. 32 48) ל Kimchi, qui a, le premier semble-t-il, songé à une réclusion virginale de la fille de Jephté, suppose qu'on allait parler avec elle, la consoler. 12 1-6. Les Épunaïnires er Jepnré. — Ce morceau a été considéré par Well. (Compos., p. 229) comme sans valeur historique et une pure imitation de 8 1-3. C'est sacrifier très inutilement un trait d'une rare originalité. Les objections tendraient plutôt à prouver une certaine dualité dans l’histoire de Jephté. Celui-ci allègue qu'il a demandé du secours (42 2) ce qui n'est pas dit précédemment et a pu être supprimé par RJE s'il y a bien deux documents. On s'étonne aussi que la plainte des Éphraïmites se produise quand déjà Jephté est rentré dans sa maison et que deux mois se sont écoulés. 1} est vrai que l'auteur 8 pu vouloir terminer tout ce qui regardait le vœu, mais le v. 44 40 a bien l'air de la fin du récit concernant Jephté « de Galaad ». La prétention d'Éphraïm est en effet injustifiée, mais c’est 2. ענוני ; TM om. — אליכם ; TM אתכם vous. 3. אין ; TM אינך que lu n'étais pas là. un trait de caractère de cette tribu. Quoique l'unité soit à la rigueur possible, il semble plus probable que le morceau appartient à un autre document que l'histoire du vœu (E) et par conséquent à J comme d’après nous 8 1-3. Il est très naturel que le même auteur ait relevé deux fois les prétentions d'Éphraïim pour marquer qu'il n'a pas eu toujours à faire à la même trempe d'homme.
11:6
Era evidente, in tali congiunture, il bisogno di un capo, che si cercava (cf. Iudc. 10, 18; 11, 6.8), o si accettava, offerto dalle circostanze, perché fosse il difensore, il «liberatore» (Iudc. 3, 9; cf. Nah. 9, 27) di Israele.
11:11
MASPHA (EBR. MĪSPĀH « VEDETTA »)
2. Villaggio in Galaad, Giordania (Iudc. 10, 17; 11, 11), che talvolta è identificato, sebbene non sia necessario, con M. di Galaad (ibid. 11, 29) e con Ramoth Masphe (Ios. 13, 26). Vi aveva la residenza Iephte (Iudc. 11, 34) e li sua figlia, …
11:12
fatti erano considerati mandatari di Jahweh per dirimere, o con trattative, o, dopo rifiuto (cf. Iudc. 11, 12-28), con la guerra, la «lite» sorta tra il popolo d'Israele e gli stranieri, o più ancora ristabilire la «giustizia» in senso nazionale-jahwistico. …
11:13
… Gli A. occupavano dapprima la regione a nord-est del Mar Morto, più o meno tra i due fiumi Jabboq e Amon (Iudc. 11,13,26), abitata prima dai giganti Zamzammim che essi sterminarono (Deut. 2, 19-21). Ma la striscia attigua al Giordano e al Mar Morto fu loro tolta dagli Amorriti, guidati dal re Sehon, …
… (v.), reduce dalla Mesopotamia, con un personaggio misterioso (Jahweh o l'angelo di Jahweh?), che gli cambiò il nome in quello di «Israele» (Gen. 32, 23-30; 33, 17-20). Era vicino a Mahanaim (v.) e divideva in due parti eguali il Galaad (Ios. 12, 2; Iudc. 11, 13-22). Segnava il confine tra il Regno di Og (Basan) e quello di Sehon (Hese-
11:15
… Già prima del loro arrivo dal deserto al Canaan, gli Israeliti avevano conquistato alcuni territori tra il Giordano, il Iaboc e l'Arnon, abitati da Ammoniti e Moabiti (Num. 21, 26-30; Iudc. 11, 15 sgg.). …
11:17
Il paese di M., tra Ammon a nord ed Edom a sud, originariamente abitato dagli Emim, confinava ad est con il gran deserto siro-arabico mediante una grossa striscia denominata « il deserto di M. » (Deut. 2, 8.13; Iudc. 11, 17), lungo la quale Israele salì, per non toccare il paese di M. Il torrente Zared (Wādi el-Hesā) lo delimitava nettamente a sud (Num. 21, 11 sg.; 33, 43 sg.); ad ovest, il Mar Morto …
11:19
… sterminarono (Deut. 2, 19-21). Ma la striscia attigua al Giordano e al Mar Morto fu loro tolta dagli Amorriti, guidati dal re Sehon, che li respinsero più verso est, e poi presa agli Amorriti dagli Israeliti, che la divisero fra le tribù di Ruben e Gad (Iudc. 11, 19-22; Num. 21, 25 sg.; Ios. 13, 15-28).
11:24
CHAMOS (ebr. Kéméf). - Dio nazionale e principale dei Moabiti (Iudc. 11, 24; I Reg. 11, 7, 33; II Reg. 23, 13), chiamati perciò « popolo di C. » (Num. 21, 29; Ier. 48, 46). Il re Mesa si chiama « figlio di C. », e a lui, come a dio della guerra, per …
11:25
BALAC. - Re moabita, figlio di Sephor, al tempo in cui gli Ebrei stavano per impadronirsi della Palestina (Num. 22-24; menzionato in Iudc. 11, 25; Mi. 6,5; Apoc., 2,14).
11:26
… 3]), risultano 410 anni; ma essendo secondo I Reg. 6, i tutto il tempo dall'esodo fino alla edificazione del Tempio di soli 480 anni (cf. Act. 13, 20: dall'ingresso in Palestina fin ai re 450 anni), per i Giudici rimarrebbero soltanto ca. 330 anni (cf. Iudc. 11, 26: 300 anni). …
11:29
MASPHA (EBR. MĪSPĀH « VEDETTA »)
2. Villaggio in Galaad, Giordania (Iudc. 10, 17; 11, 11), che talvolta è identificato, sebbene non sia necessario, con M. di Galaad (ibid. 11, 29) e con Ramoth Masphe (Ios. 13, 26). Vi aveva la residenza Iephte (Iudc. 11, 34) e li sua figlia, inconscia del voto fatto inconsideratamente dal padre, ebbe da questi notificata la morte destinatale.
11:33
ABEL (EBR. ABHÈL «PRATO»; FORSE PERÒ È ARAMAIZZAZIONE DAL CANANEO ABIL «CANALE»)
… Villaggio degli Ammoniti (Iudc. 11, 33) situato, secondo l'Onomastico di Eusebio (32, 14-16), a 6 o 7 miglia (ca. 10 km.) da Filadelfia (v. RABBĀH); forse è l'attuale Na'ur o, secondo altri, Abil ez-Zait.
… Oltre Rabbāh, avevano varie città (Iudc. 11, 33 «venti»; II Sam. 12, 31), tra cui Minnith (Volg.: Mennith) e 'Abēl-Kērāmim (v. ABEL, 5), il cui nome attesta l'ubertà del suolo. …
11:34
… Nella S. Scrittura, la d. ricorre come una manifestazione collettiva di gioia (Ex. 15, 20; Iudc. 11, 34; I Sam. 18, 6), come un atto di festa (Iudc. 21, 21) e come un segno di onore a Dio (Ps. 67, 26; 149, 3). Nell'episodio del vitello d'oro, gli Ebrei peccano danzando intorno ad esso, …
MASPHA (EBR. MĪSPĀH « VEDETTA »)
2. Villaggio in Galaad, Giordania (Iudc. 10, 17; 11, 11), che talvolta è identificato, sebbene non sia necessario, con M. di Galaad (ibid. 11, 29) e con Ramoth Masphe (Ios. 13, 26). Vi aveva la residenza Iephte (Iudc. 11, 34) e li sua figlia, inconscia del voto fatto inconsideratamente dal padre, ebbe da questi notificata la morte destinatale.
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · Douay-Rheims originale (Douai 1609-10), trascrizione EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Pubblico dominio.