Jephte is made ruler of the people of Galaad: he first pleads their cause against the Ammonites; then making a vow obtains a signal victory; he performs his vow.
Iephte reiected by his brethrens, is intreated by the ancientes of Galaad to returne and fight for them against the Ammonites. 12. with whom he first pleadeth the cause of Israel by iust reasons, 26. and long prescription. But they persisting obstinate, he (30. inconsideratly vowing) 32. ouerthroweth them, 34. and sacrificeth his onlie daughter.
1There was at that time Jephte, the Galaadite, a most valiant man, and a warrior, the son of a woman that was a harlot, and his father was Galaad.Era in quel tempo Jephte di Galaad uomo valorosissimo nel mestiero dell'armi, figliuolo di Galaad, e di una donna meretrice.THERE was at that time Iephte the Galaadite a most valiant man and a warrier, the sonne of a woman that was an harlot, who was borne of Galaad.Fuit illo tempore Jephte Galaadites vir fortissimus atque pugnator, filius mulieris meretricis, qui natus est de Galaad. 2Now Galaad had a wife of whom he had sons: who, after they were grown up, thrust out Jephte, saying: Thou canst not inherit in the house of our father, because thou art born of another mother.Or Galaad avea moglie, e da lei ebbe de' figliuoli, i quali cresciuti in età cacciarono Jephte dicendo: Tu non puoi esser erede nella casa del padre nostro, perchè se' nato di un'altra donna.And Galaad had a wife of whom he had sonnes: who after they were growen, cast out Iepthte, saying: Thou canst not be heyre in the house of our father, because thou art borne of an other mother.Habuit autem Galaad uxorem, de qua suscepit filios: qui postquam creverant, ejecerunt Jephte, dicentes: Hæres in domo patris nostri esse non poteris, quia de altera matre natus es. 3Then he fled and avoided them, and dwelt in the land of Tob: and there were gathered to him needy men and robbers, and they followed him as their prince.Ed egli fuggendo, e nascondendosi a loro, abitò nella terra di Tob: e si adunarono presso di lui degli uomini miserabili che viveano di preda, e lo seguitavano come loro principe.Whom he fleeing and auoyding, dwelt in the Land of Tob: and there were gathered to him needie men, and theeui•h, and folowed him as their prince.Quos ille fugiens atque devitans, habitavit in terra Tob: congregatique sunt ad eum viri inopes, et latrocinantes, et quasi principem sequebantur. 4In those days the children of Ammon made war against Israel.In que' giorni combattevano i figliuoli di Ammon contro Israele.In those dayes the children of Ammon fought against Israel.In illis diebus pugnabant filii Ammon contra Israël. 5And as they pressed hard upon them, the ancients of Galaad went to fetch Jephte out of the land of Tob to help them:E avendolo quelli ridotto in grandi strettezze, andarono i seniori di Galaad a prendere dalla terra di Tob Jephte per loro soccorso,who pressing sore vpon them, the ancientes of Galaad went to take Iephte out of the Land of Tob to helpe them:Quibus acriter instantibus perrexerunt majores natu de Galaad, ut tollerent in auxilium sui Jephte de terra Tob:
6And they said to him: Come thou, and be our prince, and fight against the children of Ammon.E dissero a lui: Vieni, e sii nostro principe, e combatti contro i figliuoli di Ammon.and they saied to him: Come and be our prince, and fight against the children of Ammon.dixeruntque ad eum: Veni et esto princeps noster, et pugna contra filios Ammon. 7And he answered them: Are not you the men that hated me, and cast me out of my father’s house, and now you are come to me, constrained by necessity?Ma egli rispose loro: Non siete voi quegli che mi odiate, e mi avete scacciato dalla casa del padre mio? E adesso stretti dalla necessità ricorrete a me.To whom he answered: Are not you they that hated me, and cast me out of my fathers house, and now are come to me forced by necessitie.Quibus ille respondit: Nonne vos estis, qui odistis me, et ejecistis de domo patris mei ? et nunc venistis ad me necessitate compulsi. 8And the princes of Galaad said to Jephte: For this cause we are now come to thee, that thou mayst go with us, and fight against the children of Ammon, and be head over all the inhabitants of Galaad.E i principi di Galaad dissero a Jephte: Per questo appunto siamo ora venuti da te; affinchè tu venga con noi, e combatta contro i figliuoli di Ammon, e sii condottiero di tutti quelli che abitano in Galaad.And the princes of Galaad said to Iephte: For this cause be we now come to thee, that thou goe forth with vs, and fight against the children of Ammon, and be the captaine of al that dwell in Galaad.Dixeruntque principes Galaad ad Jephte: Ob hanc igitur causam nunc ad te venimus, ut proficiscaris nobiscum, et pugnes contra filios Ammon, sisque dux omnium qui habitant in Galaad. 9Jephte also said to them: If you be come to me sincerely, that I should fight for you against the children of Ammon, and the Lord shall deliver them into my hand, shall I be your prince?Ma Jephte rispose loro: Se veramente siete venuti a trovarmi, affinchè io combatta per voi contro i figliuoli di Ammon, quando egli avvenga che il Signore li dia in mio potere, sarò il vostro principe?Iephte also said to them: If you be come to me sincerly, that I should fight for you against the children of Ammon, and if our Lord deliuer them into my handes, shal I be your prince?Jephte quoque dixit eis: Si vere venistis ad me, ut pugnem pro vobis contra filios Ammon, tradideritque eos Dominus in manus meas, ego ero vester princeps ? 10They answered him: The Lord, who heareth these things, he himself is mediator and witness that we will do as we have promised.E quelli risposero a lui: Il Signore che ascolta queste cose, egli è mezzano, e testimone, come noi adempiremo le nostre promesse.Who answered him: Our Lord which heareth these thinges, him selfe is mediatour and witnes that we wil doe as we haue promised.Qui responderunt ei: Dominus, qui hæc audit, ipse mediator ac testis est quod nostra promissa faciemus.
11Jephte therefore went with the princes of Galaad, and all the people made him their prince. And Jephte spoke all his words before the Lord in Maspha.Andò adunque Jephte co' principi di Galaad, e tutto il popolo lo creò suo principe. E parlò Jephte di tutte le cose sue dinanzi al Signore in Maspha.Iephte therfore went with the princes of Galaad, and al the people made him their prince. And Iephte spake al his wordes before our Lord in Maspha.Abiit itaque Jephte cum principibus Galaad, fecitque eum omnis populus principem sui. Locutusque est Jephte omnes sermones suos coram Domino in Maspha. 12And he sent messengers to the king of the children of Ammon, to say in his name: What hast thou to do with me, that thou art come against me, to waste my land?E mandò ambasciadori al re de' figliuoli di Ammon, i quali a suo nome dicessero: Che hai da fare con me tu, che ti se' mosso contro di me e dai il guasto al mio paese?And he sent messengers to the king of the children of Ammon, which should say in his person: What is betwen me and thee, that thou art come against me, to wast my Land?Et misit nuntios ad regem filiorum Ammon, qui ex persona sua dicerent: Quid mihi et tibi est, quia venisti contra me, ut vastares terram meam ? 13And he answered them: Because Israel took away my land, when he came up out of Egypt, from the confines of the Arnon unto the Jaboc and the Jordan: now, therefore, restore the same peaceably to me.Ma quegli rispose loro: Israele occupò il mio paese in venendo dall'Egitto da' confini di Arnon sino a Jaboc, e al Giordano: ora adunque rendilo a me colle buone.To whom he answered: Because Israel tooke my land, when he ascended out of Aegypt, from the coasts of Arnon vnto Iaboc and Iordan now therfore with peace restore the same to me.Quibus ille respondit: Quia tulit Israël terram meam, quando ascendit de Ægypto, a finibus Arnon usque Jaboc atque Jordanem: nunc ergo cum pace redde mihi eam. 14And Jephte again sent word by them, and commanded them to say to the king of Ammon:Jephte pe' medesimi uomini diede risposta, e comandò loro di dire al re di Ammon:By whom Iephte againe sent word, and commanded them that they should say to the king of Ammon:Per quos rursum mandavit Jephte, et imperavit eis ut dicerent regi Ammon: 15Thus saith Jephte: Israel did not take away the land of Moab, nor the land of the children of Ammon:Queste cose dice Jephte: Israele non si prese la terra di Moab, nè la terra de' figliuoli di Ammon;Thus sayth Iephte: Israel did not take the Land of Moab, nor the Land of the children of Ammon:Hæc dicit Jephte: Non tulit Israël terram Moab, nec terram filiorum Ammon:
16But when they came up out of Egypt, he walked through the desert to the Red Sea, and came into Cades.Ma allorché uscirono dall'Egitto, camminarono pel deserto fino al mar Rosso, e giunti a Cades,but when they ascended out of Aegypt, he walked through the desert vnto the Readsea, and came into Cades.sed quando de Ægypto conscenderunt, ambulavit per solitudinem usque ad mare Rubrum, et venit in Cades. 17And he sent messengers to the king of Edom, saying: Suffer me to pass through thy land. But he would not condescend to his request. He sent also to the king of Moab, who, likewise, refused to give him passage. He abode, therefore, in Cades,Mandarono ambasciadori al re di Edom, dicendo: Permettici di passare per la tua terra. Ma egli non volle esaudire queste preghiere. Mandarono anche al re di Moab, il quale negò anch'egli con disprezzo di concedere il transito; ond'essi si fermaron in Cades.And he sent messengers to the king of Edom, saying: Suffer me that I may passe through thy land. Who would not condescend to his requestes. He sent also to the king of Moab, who also him selfe contemned to geue passage. He abode therfore in Cades,Misitque nuntios ad regem Edom, dicens: Dimitte me ut transeam per terram tuam. Qui noluit acquiescere precibus ejus. Misit quoque ad regem Moab, qui et ipse transitum præbere contempsit. Mansit itaque in Cades, 18And went round the land of Edom at the side, and the land of Moab: and came over against the east coast of the land of Moab, and camped on the other side of the Arnon: and he would not enter the bounds of Moab.E costeggiò la terra di Edom, e la terra di Moab, e arrivò verso la parte orientale della terra di Moab, e pose il campo di là da Arnon, e non volle mettere il piede dentro i confini di Moab; perocché Arnon è il confine della terra di Moab.and compassed the Land of Edom at the side, and the land of Moab: and came against the East quarter of the Land of Moab, and camped beyond Arnon: neither would he enter the boundes of Moab: for Arnon is the border of the Land of Moab.et circuivit ex latere terram Edom et terram Moab: venitque contra orientalem plagam terræ Moab, et castrametatus est trans Arnon: nec voluit intrare terminos Moab. (Arnon quippe confinium est terræ Moab.) 19So Israel sent messengers to Sehon, king of the Amorrhites, who dwelt in Hesebon, and they said to him: Suffer me to pass through thy land to the river.Mandò adunque Israele ambasciadori a Sehon re degli Amorrhei che abitava in Hesebon, i quali gli dissero: Permettici di passare pel tuo paese sino al fiume.Israel therfore sent messengers to Sehon the king of the Ammorrheites, who dwelt in Hesebon, and they said to him Suffer me to passe through thy land vnto the riuer.Misit itaque Israël nuntios ad Sehon regem Amorrhæorum, qui habitabat in Hesebon, et dixerunt ei: Dimitte ut transeam per terram tuam usque ad fluvium.
20But he, also despising the words of Israel, suffered him not to pass through his borders: but gathering an infinite multitude, went out against him to Jasa, and made strong opposition.Ma egli pure disprezzando le parole d'Israele non gli permise di passare dentro i suoi confini, ma, radunata una immensa moltitudine, si mosse contro di lui fino a Jasa, e si opponeva a lui con gran forza.Who also him selfe despising the wordes of Israel, suffered him not to passe through his borders: but gathering an infinite multitude went forth against him into Iasa, and resisted strongly.Qui et ipse Israël verba despiciens, non dimisit eum transire per terminos suos: sed infinita multitudine congregata, egressus est contra eum in Jasa, et fortiter resistebat. 21And the Lord delivered him, with all his army, into the hands of Israel, and he slew him, and possessed all the land of the Amorrhite, the inhabitant of that country,Ma il Signore diede lui, e tutto il suo esercito in potere d'Israele, il quale lo sconfisse, e divenne padrone di tutta la terra degli Amorrhei che abitavano in quella regione,And our Lord deliuered him into the handes of Israel with al his armie, and he stroke him, and possessed al the Land of the Ammorrheite the inhabiter of that countrie,Tradiditque eum Dominus in manus Israël cum omni exercitu suo: qui percussit eum, et possedit omnem terram Amorrhæi habitatoris regionis illius, 22And all the coasts thereof from the Arnon to the Jaboc, and from the wilderness to the Jordan.E di tutto quello che era compreso dentro i loro confini dall'Arnon sino a Jaboc, e dalla solitudine sino al Giordano.and al the coastes therof from Arnon vnto Iaboc, & from the wildernes vnto Iordan.et universos fines ejus, de Arnon usque Jaboc, et de solitudine usque ad Jordanem. 23So the Lord, the God of Israel, destroyed the Amorrhite, his people of Israel fighting against him, and wilt thou now possess his land?Avendo adunque il Signore Dio cacciati gli Amorrhei per mezzo d'Israele suo popolo che fece guerra contro di essi, tu vuoi adesso esser padrone della lor terra?Our Lord therfore the God of Israel subuerted the Amorrheite, his people of Israel fighting against him, and wilt thou now possesse his land?Dominus ergo Deus Israël subvertit Amorrhæum, pugnante contra illum populo suo Israël, et tu nunc vis possidere terram ejus ? 24Are not those things which thy god Chamos possesseth, due to thee by right? But what the Lord our God hath obtained by conquest, shall be our possession:Non è egli vero che è di tua ragione tutto quello che appartiene al tuo dio Chamos? Sarà adunque di nostra proprietà tutto quello che il Signore Dio nostro acquistò colla vittoria:Are not those thinges which Chamos thy God possessed, dew to thee by right? But the thinges that our Lord God hath obteyned conquerour, shal come to our possession:nonne ea quæ possidet Chamos deus tuus, tibi jure debentur ? quæ autem Dominus Deus noster victor obtinuit, in nostram cedent possessionem:
25Unless, perhaps, thou art better than Balac, the son of Sephor, king of Moab: or canst shew that he strove against Israel, and fought against him,Se pure tu forse non sei qualche cosa di più che Balac figliuolo di Sephor re di Moab; ovvero hai da far vedere che questi abbia mosso querela ad Israele, e abbia impugnate le armi contro di lui,vnlesse perhaps thou be better then Balac the sonne of Sephor the king of Moab: or canst shew, that he wrangled against Israel, and fought against him,nisi forte melior es Balac filio Sephor rege Moab; aut docere potes, quod jurgatus sit contra Israël, et pugnaverit contra eum, 26Whereas he hath dwelt in Hesebon, and the villages thereof, and in Aroer, and its villages, and in all the cities near the Jordan, for three hundred years. Why have you for so long a time attempted nothing about this claim?Per tutto il tempo che questi ha abitato in Hesebon, e ne' suoi villaggi, e in Aroer, e ne' suoi villaggi, e in tutte quante le città vicine al Giordano, cioè per trecento anni. Per qual ragione in si lungo spazio di tempo nulla tentaste, e nulla aveste da ripetere?when he dwelt in Hesebon, and the litle to w•es therof, and in Aroer, and the townes therof, or in al the cities nere Iordan, for three hundred yeares. Wherfore haue you so long attempted nothing for reclaime?quando habitavit in Hesebon et viculis ejus, et in Aroër et villis illius, vel in cunctis civitatibus juxta Jordanem, per trecentos annos. Quare tanto tempore nihil super hac repetitione tentastis ? 27Therefore I do not trespass against thee, but thou wrongest me by declaring an unjust war against me. The Lord be judge, and decide this day, between Israel and the children of Ammon.Non fo adunque io torto a te, ma tu male ti porti contro di me, intimandomi una guerra non giusta. Giudichi il Signore arbitro in questo dì tra Israele, e i figliuoli di Ammon.Therfore I doe not sinne against thee, but thou doest euil against me, denouncing me vniust warres. Our Lord be iudge the arbiter of this day betwen Israel, and betwen the children of Ammon.Igitur non ego pecco in te, sed tu contra me male agis, indicens mihi bella non justa. Judicet Dominus arbiter hujus diei inter Israël, et inter filios Ammon. 28And the king of the children of Ammon would not hearken to the words of Jephte, which he sent him by the messengers.Ma il re de' figliuoli di Ammon non volle restar appagato delle parole di Jephte riferite a lui dagli ambasciadori.And the king of the children of Ammon would not harken to the wordes of Iephte, which he sent him by the messengers.Noluitque acquiescere rex filiorum Ammon verbis Jephte, quæ per nuntios mandaverat.
29Therefore the spirit of the Lord came upon Jephte, and going round Galaad, and Manasses, and Maspha of Galaad, and passing over from thence to the children of Ammon,Entrò adunque in Jephte io spirito del Signore, ed egli andò in giro per tutto il paese di Galaad, e di Manasse, e di Maspha di Galaad, e di là si avanzò verso i figliuoli di Ammon.Therfore the spirite of our Lord came vpon Iephte, and circuiting Galaad, and Manasses. Maspha also of Galaad, and thence passing to the children of Ammon,Factus est ergo super Jephte spiritus Domini, et circuiens Galaad et Manasse, Maspha quoque Galaad, et inde transiens ad filios Ammon, 30He made a vow to the Lord, saying: If thou wilt deliver the children of Ammon into my hands,E fece voto al Signore, e disse: Se tu darai in mio potere i figliuoli di Ammon,he vowed a vow to our Lord, saying: If thou wilt deliuer the children of Ammon into my handes,votum vovit Domino, dicens: Si tradideris filios Ammon in manus meas, 31Whosoever shall first come forth out of the doors of my house, and shall meet me, when I return in peace from the children of Ammon, the same will I offer a holocaust to the Lord.Il primo, chiunque egli sia, che uscirà dalle porte di casa mia, e verrà incontro a me nel ritornar che farò vincitore de' figliuoli di Ammon, l'offerirò in olocausto al Signore.whosoeuer shal first come forth out of the doores of my house, and shal meete me returning with peace from the children of Ammon, him wil I offer an holocauste to our Lord.quicumque primus fuerit egressus de foribus domus meæ, mihique occurrerit revertenti cum pace a filiis Ammon, eum holocaustum offeram Domino. 32And Jephte passed over to the children of Ammon to fight against them: and the Lord delivered them into his hands.E Jephte andò contro i figliuoli di Ammon per combatterli: e il Signore li diede nelle sue mani.And Iephte passed to the children of Ammon, to fight against them: whom our Lord deliuered into his handes.Transivitque Jephte ad filios Ammon, ut pugnaret contra eos: quos tradidit Dominus in manus ejus. 33And he smote them from Aroer till you come to Mennith, twenty cities, and as far as Abel, which is set with vineyards, with a very great slaughter: and the children of Ammon were humbled by the children of Israel.Ed espugnò venti città da Aroer sino a Mennith, e sino ad Abel che è circondata di vigne, sconfitta grande oltre modo colla quale furono abbattuti i figliuoli di Ammon da' figliuoli d'Israele.and he stroke from Aroer til thou come to Mennith, twentie cities, and as farre as Abel, which is sette with vineyardes, with a very great plague. and the children of Ammon were humbled by the children of Israel.Percussitque ab Aroër usque dum venias in Mennith, viginti civitates, et usque ad Abel, quæ est vineis consita, plaga magna nimis: humiliatique sunt filii Ammon a filiis Israël.
34And when Jephte returned into Maspha, to his house, his only daughter met him with timbrels and with dances: for he had no other children.Ma nel ritornar che faceva Jephte a casa sua in Maspha, gli andò incontro la sua unica figlia (imperocché non avea egli altri figliuoli) menando carole al suono di timpani.But Iephte returning into Maspha to his house, his onlie begotten daughter mette him with tymbrels and daunces. for he had not other children.Revertente autem Jephte in Maspha domum suam, occurrit ei unigenita filia sua cum tympanis et choris: non enim habebat alios liberos. 35And when he saw her, he rent his garments, and said: Alas! my daughter, thou hast deceived me, and thou thyself art deceived: for I have opened my mouth to the Lord, and I can do no other thing.E com'ei l'ebbe veduta, stracciò le sue vesti, e disse: Ahi, figliuola mia! Tu mi hai ingannato, e ti se' ingannata anche tu: perocché io ho data parola al Signore, e non potrò fare altra cosa.Whom when he saw, he rent his gatmentes, and said: Wo is me my daughter thou hast deceiued me, and thy self art deceiued: for I haue opened my mouth to our Lord, and I can doe no other thing.Qua visa, scidit vestimenta sua, et ait: Heu me, filia mea ! decepisti me, et ipsa decepta es: aperui enim os meum ad Dominum, et aliud facere non potero. 36And she answered him: My father, if thou hast opened thy mouth to the Lord, do unto me whatsoever thou hast promised, since the victory hath been granted to thee, and revenge of thy enemies.Rispose ella a lui: Padre mio, se tu hai data parola al Signore, fa di me quello che hai promesso, essendo stato a te conceduto di far vendetta dei tuoi nemici, e di vincerli.To whom she answered: My father, if thou hast opened thy mouth to our Lord, do vnto me whatsoeuer thou hast promised, the reuenge and victorie of thyne enemies being granted to thee.Cui illa respondit: Pater mi, si aperuisti os tuum ad Dominum, fac mihi quodcumque pollicitus es, concessa tibi ultione atque victoria de hostibus tuis. 37And she said to her father: Grant me only this, which I desire: Let me go, that I may go about the mountains for two months, and may bewail my virginity with my companions.E disse di poi al padre: Questo solo concedimi, di che ti prego. Lasciami andar per due mesi girando attorno pe' monti colle mie compagne a piangere la mia verginità.And she said to her father: This only graunt me which I desire: Suffer me that two monethes I may goe about the mountaines, and bewayle my virginitie with my felowes.Dixitque ad patrem: Hoc solum mihi præsta quod deprecor: dimitte me ut duobus mensibus circumeam montes, et plangam virginitatem meam cum sodalibus meis.
38And he answered her: Go. And he sent her away for two months. And when she was gone with her comrades and companions, she mourned her virginity in the mountains.Ed ei rispose: Va pure. E lasciolla andare per due mesi: ed ella partì colle sue compagne, e amiche, e piangeva su' monti la sua verginità.To whom he answered: Goe. And he dismissed her two monethes. And when she was gone with her felowes and companions, she mourned her virginitie in the mountaines.Cui ille respondit: Vade. Et dimisit eam duobus mensibus. Cumque abiisset cum sociis ac sodalibus suis, flebat virginitatem suam in montibus. 39And the two months being expired, she returned to her father, and he did to her as he had vowed, and she knew no man. From thence came a fashion in Israel, and a custom has been kept:E finiti i due mesi se ne tornò al padre, ed egli fece di lei quel che avea promesso con voto, ed ella non conobbe uomo. E quindi venne in Israele il costume, e si è conservata questa consuetudine,And the two monethes being expired, she returned to her father, and he did to her as he had vowed, who knew not man. Thence forth a fashion in Israel, and a custome was kept:Expletisque duobus mensibus, reversa est ad patrem suum, et fecit ei sicut voverat, quæ ignorabat virum. Exinde mos increbruit in Israël, et consuetudo servata est, 40That, from year to year, the daughters of Israel assemble together, and lament the daughter of Jephte the Galaadite, for four days.Che una volta l'anno si radunino insieme le fanciulle d'Israele a piangere la figliuola di Jephte di Galaad per quattro giorni.that after the compasse of a yeare the daughters of Israel assemble together, and mourne the daughter of Iephte the Galaadite foure dayes.ut post anni circulum conveniant in unum filiæ Israël, et plangant filiam Jephte Galaaditæ diebus quatuor.
11:1
Haydock
Harlot. Hebrew Zona, Josue 2:1. It is uncertain whether she was properly a concubine, or a wife of inferior dignity. She lived with her son in the house of Galaad; (Calmet) at least the latter was in his father's house. (Haydock)
Grotius
Hence Jephte complains that he had been expelled, not that he was debarred from enjoying his father's inheritance, and consequently the law was not observed in his regard. Moses makes no provision for illegitimate children, but he excludes the son of a mamzer from the church of God, Deuteronomy 23:2. Some think that the mother of Jephte was of a nation with whom it was not lawful to marry. (Josephus, [Antiquities?] 5:9.) Said. (Grotius)
Menochius
Seratius believes that his father was already married, when he had to do with this harlot. (Menochius)
Drusius
But he might have first taken her to wife, without the usual formalities. (Drusius; Cornelius a Lapide)
Haydock
It is equally uncertain whether Jephte was of the tribe of Gad or of Manasses, as both occupied the country of Galaad. Interpreters generally conclude that he was of one of these tribes, and most probably of the latter; his father also was called Galaad. (Haydock)
11:2
Haydock
Sons. Grabe's Septuagint determines the number to be "two." (Haydock)
Menochius
They caused the magistrates to declare that Jephte should not partake in the inheritance, ver. 7. (Menochius)
11:3
Josephus
Tob, to the north of Galaad, of which it is a part. (Josephus)
It is called Tubim, 1 Machabees 5:13. See 2 Kings 10:6.
St. Augustine
And robbers. This is a farther explication of rekim, poor, vain fellows, chap 9:4. They did not infest the Israelites, but made war on their enemies around; latro, in Latin, often signifies a soldier, particularly such as lived on plunder, as we read in Plautus. (Mil. glorios.) Latrocinatus annos decem, mercedem accipio. Some have imagined that Jephte was at the head of some banditti. (St. Augustine, q. 43.)
Calmet
But David's followers were of the same description (1 Kings 22:2,) as those of Jephte, men of determined resolution and valour. (Calmet)
Haydock
Such a man as Jephte, was therefore a valuable acquisition to the dispirited Israelites; and Providence had inured him to labour, and endued him with extraordinary prudence, notwithstanding his want of education, ver. 12. Necessity has often supplied every deficiency, and produced the most consummate generals. Prince. Hebrew and Septuagint, "and there were gathered unto Jephte vain men, and they went out with him." (Haydock)
11:5
Haydock
Hard. Hebrew, "and when the Ammonites made war." As both armies were encamped near Maspha, they could hardly avoid having some skirmishes. But the Israelites durst not come to a pitched battle till they had Jephte at their head. (Haydock)
Calmet
The Ammonites infested them every year with similar incursions, ver. 12. (Calmet)
11:7
Haydock
House. Perhaps he saw some of his brothers among them: though he might speak thus to the magistrates, because they had not prevented this injustice, (Calmet) as it was their duty to do. (Haydock)
11:8
Haydock
Cause to make some reparation for our offence, though we must acknowledge that our present distress caused us to think of doing so. (Haydock)
Calmet
Hebrew, "therefore we turn again to thee," etc. (Calmet)
Menochius
Galaad. They only engage that the tribes of Gad and Manasses, who inhabited that country, should submit to his authority. (Menochius)
Menochius
But as they were the most in danger, they first make head against the enemy, not doubting but their brethren in other parts would come to their assistance, Judges 12:1. God ratified their choice, ver. 11, 29; (Haydock) and he was acknowledged, after his victory, judge of all Israel. (Menochius)
11:11
Year of the World 2817, Year before Christ 1187.
Calmet
Prince. Hebrew, "head or captain," (Haydock) to carry on the war, with a promise that he should be the judge of all the people, if he succeeded. (Calmet)
Haydock
Words. Plans, explaining how he would first send a message to the king of Ammon, and if he would not accede to reasonable terms, he would collect all the forces of Galaad, and invite all their brethren on the other side of the river to make a joint attack upon him. (Haydock)
Menochius
The Lord was considered as present in their public assemblies, Deuteronomy vi., and xx. (Menochius)
Haydock
He had also been taken by the people to witness their engagement; and Jephte promises, in like manner, to perform his part with fidelity. (Haydock)
Calmet
They promise on oath to be constant to each other. (Calmet)
11:12
Calmet
Land. Jephte acts with a prudence and moderation which could not have been expected from one who had been brought up amid the noise of arms. (Calmet)
Haydock
He gives notice that he has been recognized by the lawful proprietors of the land for their head; and therefore begs that the Ammonites would desist from their unjust warfare. If words prove ineffectual, he must then try the fortune of a battle. (Haydock)
11:13
Calmet
To me. The king falsely asserts, that all the country between the Arnon and the Jaboc belonged to him when Moses took it. The Amorrhites had possession when the Israelites arrived, and it had formerly been occupied by Moab, and not by Ammon, Deuteronomy 2:19., and 37; (Menochius) unless both might claim different parts. (Calmet)
11:15
Calmet
Moab. After the death of Eglon, the Ammonites had probably seized upon his dominions, (ver. 25,) as we find no farther mention of the Moabites among the enemies of Israel, nor any king of that nation till the reign of David. Hence, as the king of Ammon laid claim to all the country, and had many of the Moabites in his army, Jephte answers at once, that the land under dispute belonged to neither of these nations. (Calmet)
Haydock
They had entirely lost it when Israel attacked Sehon, and took it from him, as was plain from the history of Moses and of the Amorrhites, Numbers 21:27. (Haydock)
Calmet
Jephte refers to facts universally known. (Calmet)
11:16
Red Sea, as Asiongaber, many years after they left Egypt.
11:17
Calmet
Moab. This is not specified by Moses, but he sufficiently insinuates that he had done it, Deuteronomy 2:8, 9. (Calmet)
11:23
Haydock
His land, which the Amorrhite had first conquered, and which God took from him to give to Israel. It was clear that this country was not then considered as the property of the sons of Lot, since God expressly forbad his people to molest them. (Haydock)
Grotius
Jephte produces the right of conquest, the grant of God, and the possession of 300 years, to prove that the country belonged to the Israelites. All acknowledge that the right of conquest, in a just war, give a good title. (Grotius, Jur. 3:6, 7.)
Calmet
The children of Lot had lost all hopes of recovering what Sehon had taken from them. (Calmet)
Haydock
He could not be proved to be a thief or an usurper, but was in peaceable possession when the war with Israel commenced, in which he lost all his dominions. (Haydock)
Caius. J. C
By the same right, David kept what he had taken from the Amalecite plunderers, (1 Kings 30:20,) and Abraham might have retained the spoils which had been carried off from Sodom, Genesis 14:21. The Roman and Grecian histories are full of such examples; and this right was admitted by all as the law of nations, Quae ex hostibus, jure gentium, statim capientium fiunt. (Caius. J. C.)
Calmet
The second argument of Jepthe is unanswerable, since God may undoubtedly transfer the property of one to another. But as the Ammonites might reply that they did not admit the God of Israel, he observes that the latter might at least have the same privilege as their Chamos, ver. 24. Prescription of so long a time, with good faith, was the third argument, as the Amorrhites being destroyed, and the Moabites disheartened, could not pretend to reclaim the conquered country. There would never be an end of disputes among men, if the undisturbed possession of a country for such a length of time did not confirm their right to it. These principles establish the tranquillity of families and of states. (Calmet; Grotius, Jur. 2:4.)
11:24
Challoner
Chamos. The idol of the Moabites and Ammonites. He argues from their opinion, who thought they had a just title to the countries which they imagined they had conquered by the help of their gods: how much more then had Israel an indisputable title to the countries which God, by visible miracles, had conquered for them. (Challoner)
Haydock
Hebrew, "And shall not we possess those (counties occupied by the people whom) the Lord our God has driven out from before us?" (Haydock)
Haydock
The Emim had been expelled by the people, Deuteronomy 2:10. Chamos was the peculiar deity of Moab, (Numbers 21:29., and Jeremias 48:46., etc.; Calmet) and signifies "as taking away." It is commonly supposed to be the sun. (Haydock)
11:25
Calmet
Him. Josue (xxiv. 9,) says that Balac fought against Israel. But it was not in a pitched battle, (Calmet) at least of which we have the particulars, (Haydock) nor to recover the territory which the Israelites had taken from Sehon, but only to defend his own dominions. He collected an army, and called the soothsayer to curse Israel, Numbers 22:4, etc. (Calmet)
11:26
He. Hebrew, "While Israel," etc.
Haydock
Years. He makes use of a round number. (Haydock)
Sa
Chronologists generally suppose that either more or fewer years had elapsed; (Menochius) and the Scripture only relates what Jephte said. (Sa)
Calmet
The Jews reckon 394. Some date from the coming out of Egypt 305. (Calmet)
Usher
Petau has 365. But as Jephte only speaks of the time during which the Israelites had occupied the land, the 40 years' sojournment must be deducted, and still Petau will have 25 years too many; (Haydock) whereas "those who adduce the title of prescription, are accustomed rather to increase than to diminish the length of time." (Usher, p. 74.)
Proleg
Hence this author allows only 263 years. Houbigant comes rather nearer to the number of Jephte, and reckons 281, which the ambassadors might represent, in a round number, as 300. (Proleg.)
Haydock
Salien almost agrees with Usher dating 306 years from the exit, and 266 from the victory over Sehon. He observes, with Eusebius, that Hercules instituted the Olympic games in the first year of Jephte, in the year of the world 2849. But they were restored, and became a famous epoch only 400 years after. He place the first rape of Helen by Theseus at the same time, when she was about 12 years old. In her 24th, she was stolen again by Paris, and gave occasion to the famous siege of Troy. (Haydock)
11:27
Menochius
And decide. Literally, "the arbiter of this day." Jephte is so well convinced of the justice of his cause, that he is willing to abide by God's decision, (Haydock) to be manifested by the issue of the battle. (Menochius)
Calmet
At the same time, he threatens the Ammonites with God's judgments, if by their fault blood be shed unjustly, as he, like a good prince, had tried every means to prevent that misfortune, and to bring things to an amicable conclusion. (Calmet)
11:29
Haydock
Therefore. Hebrew, "then." Septuagint, "and." The refusal of the king of Ammon was not precisely the reason why God endued Jephte with shuch wisdom and courage, though we may say that it was the occasion. (Haydock)
Haydock
Jephte summoned the troops in Galaad, and in the two tribes of Manasses, to attend his standard. He also invited Ephraim, (chap. 12:2.; Calmet) and we may reasonably suppose the other tribes also, who were near enough to be ready for the day of battle. Having collected what force he could in so short a time, he returned to Maspha, and thence proceeded to attack the enemy. (Haydock)
11:30
Haydock
He. Hebrew and Septuagint, "And he vowed." A new sentence commences; (Cajetan) so that it is not clear that Jephte was moved to make this vow by the spirit of the Lord; else it could not be blamed. (Haydock)
11:31
Challoner
Whosoever, etc. Some are of opinion, that the meaning of this vow of Jephte, was to consecrate to God whatsoever should first meet him, according to the condition of the thing; so as to offer it up as a holocaust, if it were such a thing as might be so offered by the law; or to devote it otherwise to God, if it were not such as the law allowed to be offered in sacrifice. And therefore they think the daughter of Jephte was not slain by her father, but only consecrated to perpetual virginity. But the common opinion followed by the generality of the holy fathers and divines is, that she was offered as a holocaust, in consequence of her father's vow: and that Jephte did not sin, at least not mortally, neither in making nor in keeping his vow; since he is no ways blamed for it in scripture; and was even inspired by God himself to make the vow, (as appears from ver. 29, 30.) in consequence of which he obtained the victory; and therefore he reasonably concluded that God, who is the master of life and death, was pleased, on this occasion, to dispense with his own law; and that it was the divine will he should fulfil his vow. (Challoner)
Calmet
St. Thomas [Aquinas] (2. 2. q. 88. a. 2.) acknowledges that Jephte was inspired to make a vow, and his devotion herein is praised by the apostle, Hebrews 11:32. But he afterwards followed his own spirit, in delivering himself, without mature deliberation, and in executing what he had so ill engaged himself to perform. This decision seems to be the most agreeable to the Scripture, and to the holy fathers. St. Jerome (in Jer. vii.) says, non sacrificium placet, sed animus offerentis. "If Jephte offered his virgin daughter, it was not the sacrifice, but the good will of the offerer which deserves applause." Almost all the ancients seem to agree that the virgin was really burnt to death; and the versions have whosoever, which intimates that Jephte intended to offer a human victim; particularly as he could not expect a beast fit for such a purpose, would come out of the doors of his house to meet him. (Calmet)
Pagnin. etc
Yet many of the moderns, considering how much such things are forbidden by God, cannot persuade themselves that Jephte should be so ignorant of the law, or that the priests and people of Israel should suffer him to transgress it. The original may be rendered as well, "whatsoever proceedeth....shall surely be the Lord's, and (Protestants) or I will offer it up for a holocaust." (Pagnin. etc.)
The version of Houbigant is very favourable to this opinion. See Hook's Principia.
It is supposed that the sacrifice of Iphigenia, which took place about this time, (Aulis. 5:26,) was only in imitation of this of Jephte's daughter. But the poets say, that Diana saved her life, and substituted a doe in her place; (Ovid, Met. xii.) which, if true, would make the conformity more striking, if we admit that the sacrifice of Jephte's daughter was not carried into effect. Iphigenia was made a priestess of Diana, to whom human victims were immolated. The daughter of Jephte, whom the false Philo calls Seila, was consecrated to the Lord, and shut up (Haydock) to lead a kind of monastic life; as the wives of David, (2 Kings 20:3.; Grotius) after they had been dishonoured, were obliged to live in a state of continency. Although (Haydock) forced chastity be not a virtue, (Calmet) yet Jephte had no reason to believe that his daughter would not enter into the spirit of his vow, and embrace that state for God's honour and service. We know that she gave her entire consent to whatever might be the nature of his vow; and surely she would be as ready to refrain from marriage, however desirable at that time, as to be burnt alive, which would effectually prevent her from becoming a mother, ver. 37. To require this of her, was not, at least, more cruel in her father than to offer her in sacrifice. The Chaldean paraphrast says, "Jephte did not consult Phinees, the priest, or he might have redeemed her;" and Kimchi gives us a very mean idea, both of Jephte and of the high priest, the great Phinees, whom the Rabbins foolishly suppose was still living, and of course above 300 years old, ver. 26.
"Phinees said, He wants me, let him come to me. But Jephte, the head of the princes of Israel, shall I go to him? During this contest the girl perished." To such straits are those reduced who wish to account for the neglect of Jephte in redeeming his daughter, as the Targum observes, was lawful for a sum of money, Leviticus 27:2, 3, 28.
Calmet
But (Haydock) his vow was of the nature of the cherom, which allowed of no redemption, and required death. (Calmet)
Haydock
On this point, however, interpreters are not agreed, and this manner of devoting to death, probably, regarded only the enemies of God, or such things as were under a person's absolute dominion. (Haydock)
Amama
If a dog had first come out to meet Jephte, could he have offered it up for a holocaust? Certainly not, (Grotius) because it was prohibited, (Deuteronomy 23:18,) to offer even its price, (Haydock) and only oxen, sheep, goats, turtles and doves, were the proper victims. If, therefore, a person made a vow, of a man, he was to be consecrated to the Lord, (Grotius) like Samuel, and he might marry. But a woman could not, as she was already declared the servant of the Lord, and was not at liberty to follow her husband. (Amama)
St. Augustine
We need not herein labour to defend the conduct of Jephte. The Scripture does not canonize him on this account. If he did wrong, his repentance, and other heroic acts of virtue, might justly entitle him to be ranked among the saints of the old law. (St. Augustine, q. 49)
St. Ambrose
"Shew me the man who has not fallen into sin....Jephte returned victorious from the enemy, but in the midst of his triumph, he was overcome by his own vow, so that he thought it proper to requite the piety of his daughter, who came out to meet him, by parricide. In the first place, what need was there of making a vow so hastily, to promise things uncertain, the event of which he knew not, instead of what was certain? Then why did he perform so sorrowful a vow to the Lord God, by shedding blood?" (St. Ambrose, Apol. Dav. 1:4.)
Worthington
This saint adopts the common opinion that Jephte really immolated his daughter. But he is far from thinking that he was influenced by the holy spirit to make the vow, otherwise he would never represent it in such odious colours. If God had required the life of Jephte's daughter, as he did formerly command Abraham to sacrifice his son, the obedience and faith of the former would have been equally applauded, as the good will of the latter. But most of those who embrace the opinion that Jephte sacrificed his daughter, are forced to excuse or to condemn the action. They suppose that he was permitted to fulfil his vow, that others might be deterred from making similar promises, without the divine authority. (St. Chrysostom, hom. xiv. ad pop. Ant.; St. Jerome, contra Jov. I.) "I shall never, says St. Ambrose (Off. 3:12,) be induced to believe that Jephte, the prince, did not promise incautiously that he would immolate whatever should meet him,...since he repented of his vow," etc. We may observe that this great Doctor supposes, that Jepthe promised to sacrifice the first thing that should meet him "at the door of his own house;" whence he seems to take whosoever in the same latitude as we have given in the Hebrew. He concludes, "I cannot accuse the man who was obliged to fulfil his vow," etc. We may imitate his moderation, (Haydock) rather than adopt the bold language of one who has written notes on the Protestant Bible, (1603) who says, without scruple, that by this rash vow and wicked performance, his victory was defaced; and again, that he was overcome with blind zeal, not considering whether the vow was lawful or not. (Worthington).
If Jephte was under the immediate influence of the Holy Ghost in what he did, as Salien believes, and the context by no means disproves, we ought to admire the faith of this victorious judge, though he gave way to the feelings of human nature, ver. 35. We should praise his fidelity either in sacrificing or in consecrating his daughter to God's service in perpetual virginity: but if he followed his own spirit, we cannot think that he was so ill-informed or so barbarous as to murder his daughter, nor that she would consent to an impiety which so often disgraced the pagan superstition, though she might very well agree to embrace that better part, which her father and God himself, by a glorious victory, seemed to have marked out for her. Amid the variety of opinions which have divided the learned on this subject, infidels can derive no advantage or solid proof against the divine authority of the Scripture, and of our holy religion. The fact is simply recorded. People are at liberty to form what judgment of it they think most rational. If they decide that Jepthe was guilty of an oversight, or of a downright impiety, it will in the first place be difficult for them to prove it to the general satisfaction; and when they have done so, they will only evince that he was once a sinner, and under this idea the word of God gives him no praise. But if he did wrong in promising, as many of the Fathers believe, he might be justified in fulfilling his vow, as God might intimate to him both interiorly, and by granting him the victory, that he dispensed with his own law, and required this sort of victim in order to foreshew the bloody sacrifice of Jesus Christ for our sins, (Serarius and Salien, in the year of the world 2850) or the state of virginity which his blessed Mother and so many nuns and others in the Christian Church embrace with fervour.
Peace, with victory.
Haydock
Same. Hebrew, "it shall be the Lord's, and (or) I will make it ascend a whole burnt-offering." (Haydock)
Amama
The particle ve often signifies or as well as and, and it is explained in this sense here by the two Kimchis, by Junius, etc. See Exodus 21:17. Piscator says, the first part of the sentence determines that whatever the thing was it should be consecrated to the Lord, with the privilege of being redeemed, (Leviticus 27:11,) and the second shews that it should be immolated, if it were a suitable victim. (Amama)
11:33
Aroer, upon the Arnon, belonged to the tribe of Gad. Mennith was four miles from Hesebon, towards Rabbath.
Haydock
Abel was noted for its vineyards, 12 miles east of Gadara, so that Jephte pursued the enemy, as they fled towards the north for about 60 miles, and during the course of the war destroyed 20 of their cities, (Calmet) to punish them for their unjust revenges and usurpation of another's property. (Haydock)
11:34
Haydock
Daughter. It seems the vow had been kept secret, as no precautions were taken to prevent the affliction of the general; (Calmet) and indeed to have done so, would have been injurious to God's providence, and childish in Jephte, as he meant to offer whatever should come to meet him. It would have been very mean, and contrary to the meaning of the vow, for him to procure something for which he had no great value, to present itself. (Haydock)
Dances, as it was customary on such occasions, 1 Kings 18:6.
11:35
Salien
Alas. These indications of grief are the effects of nature. (Salien)
Haydock
St. Ambrose considers them as the marks of repentance; (ver. 31,) and we might hence infer that the vow was not dictated by the holy spirit, who would have endued Jepthe with fortitude, as he did Abraham, though all may not possess the virtue of that great father of believers, Genesis xxii. (Haydock)
Deceived. We mutually expected comfort from each other's presence: but we must both experience the reverse. Hebrew may signify, "depressed, terrified," etc.
Haydock
Thing. Hebrew, "I cannot recede." (Haydock)
Haydock
It appears that he could not redeem what he had promised, (Calmet) as the condition had been fulfilled on the part of God. He might consider that he as no longer at liberty to use the privilege which the law allowed, when no condition had been specified, Leviticus 27:4. (Haydock)
11:37
Bewail my virginity. The bearing of children was much coveted under the Old Testament, when women might hope that from some child of theirs the Saviour of the world might one day spring. But under the New Testament virginity is preferred, 1 Corinthians 7:35.
11:38
Calmet
Mountains. Such places were frequented in times of mourning, Jeremias 31:15., and Isaias 15:2. (Calmet)
Grotius
Jepthe allowed his daughter this short respite, without any offence, (Deuteronomy 23:21,) before he immolated her, (Menochius) or before he debarred her from the society of men. (Grotius, etc.)
11:39
Haydock
Father. Her fortitude is commended by St. Ambrose (Off. 3:12,) as more worthy of admiration than that of the two Pythagorean friends, one of whom, being sentenced to die, procured the other to stand bond for his return; and, at the time appointed, came freely to deliver himself up; an instance of generosity which made the tyrant who had sentenced him to die, beg that they would admit him into the society of their friendship. (Haydock)
Reeves
Whatever we may think of Jephte, "we cannot sufficiently admire the dutiful behaviour, and amiable simplicity of the daughter, who voluntarily submitted to her parent's will, and exhorted him to do as he had vowed. To die to sin, to resign the pomps of a licentious world, to renounce those pleasures and incentives to vice, which are inconsistent with a clean heart, is a sacrifice truly meritorious, and acceptable to God; it is a sacrifice which was solemnly begun at the font of baptism." (Reeves, in the year of the world 2817.)
No man. It is remarked by those who believe that she was not slain, that this observation would be very unnecessary in the contrary opinion. No mention of death is made. The virgin only deplores, with pious resignation, that she cannot be the happy mother of the Messias.
11:40
Haydock
Lament. Hebrew Lethanoth. On this term the solution of this question greatly depends. (Haydock)
Calmet
Kimchi translates, "to talk with," or "to comfort the daughter of Jephte" as he supposes that the custom subsisted during her life, while she was shut up either near the tabernacle, or in her father's house. (Calmet)
Montanus renders "to speak to." Junius and the Tigurin version, "to discourse with."
Amama
Thanan certainly is used for "he related," etc. Judges 5:11., yethannu narrentur, or rather narrent; and the construction here seems to require this sense. (Amama)
Amama
If this be admitted, the bloody sacrifice is at an end, since the daughters of Israel could not meet to comfort the virgin every year, if she was immolated at the expiration of two months. But if we follow the translation of the Vulgate, Septuagint, and Chaldean, as the Protestants have done, the lamentation might still be viewed in the same light, as tending to condole with the lady, rather than bewail her untimely death, (Haydock) as, for the latter purpose, it would not have been necessary for them to assemble together. (Amama)
Haydock
They might well enter into her sentiments, when she mourned her virginity, (ver. 38,) and strive to yield her some comfort in her secluded state, by coming in such numbers, and with the permission of the priests of God, continuing with her four days. (Haydock)
Haydock
Some translate "to publish," or sound forth the praises (Calmet) of this heroic virgin, which may be true, whether she was slain, or only consecrated to the Lord. (Haydock)
Calmet
St. Epiphanius (haer. 55., and 78,) informs us that "at Sichem an annual sacrifice was still offered up in the name of the virgin, and that she was revered as a goddess by the people in the vicinity." The vow of Jephte seems to have given rise to what we read in profane authors, of that which Idomeneus, king of Crete, made in the midst of a storm at sea: "He vowed that he would sacrifice to the gods whatever met him first. It happened that his son was the person, whom, when he had immolated, or, as others say, had wished to do it, and afterwards a pestilence had ensued, his subjects drove him from his kingdom." (Servius in Aeneid iii., and xi.) (Calmet)
St. Bonaventure
Aldrovandus (in Asino) relates a similar vow of Alexander the Great. Even the more sober pagans could not, it seems, approve of the unwarranted vows of parents to destroy the lives of their children. But of people consecrated to the Lord, by their parents, without first requiring their consent, we have many examples, in Samuel. (St. Bonaventure, July 14, etc.)
Haydock
If we explain the vow of Jephte in the same sense, every difficulty will be removed, and infidels will not allege this example to prove that human victims are pleasing to God. (Haydock)
11:24
Chamos.... The idol of the Moabites and Ammonites. He argues from their opinion, who thought they had a just title to the countries which they imagined they had conquered by the help of their gods: how much more then had Israel in indisputable title to the countries which God, by visible miracles, had conquered for them.
11:31
Whosoever, etc.... Some are of opinion, that the meaning of this vow of Jephte, was to consecrate to God whatsoever should first meet him, according to the condition of the thing; so as to offer it up as a holocaust, if it were such a thing as might be offered by the law; or to devote it otherwise to God, if it were not such as the law allowed to be offered in sacrifice. And therefore they think the daughter of Jephte was not slain by her father, but only consecrated to perpetual virginity. But the common opinion followed by the generality of the holy fathers and divines is, that she was offered as a holocaust, in consequence of her father’s vow: and that Jephte did not sin, at least not mortally, neither in making, nor in keeping, his vow: since he is no ways blamed for it in scripture; and was even inspired by God himself to make the vow (as appears from ver. 29, 30) in consequence of which he obtained the victory; and therefore he reasonably concluded that God, who is the master of life and death, was pleased on this occasion to dispense with his own law; and that it was the divine will he should fulfil his vow.
11:37
Bewail my virginity.... The bearing of children was much coveted under the Old Testament, when women might hope that from some child of theirs, the Saviour of the world might one day spring. But under the New Testament virginity is preferred. 1 Cor. 7.35.
11:1
•9. Did to her as he had vovved. ] VVhether Iephte did wel or no in sacrificing his daughter, hauing vowed to offer in sacrifice whosoeuer (or whatsoeuer) should first mete him returning with victorie, as it hapened she did, is a great and hard question, saieth S. Augustin (q. 49. in lib. Iudic) and not easily decided, the holie Iephte offended in vowing vndiscretly. But not in performing his vow as ancient fathers thinke more probable. scripture neither approuing nor reprouing his fact. Neuertheles by conference of other scriptures and discourse of reason, he iudgeth it most probablo that Iephte offended in vowing without special warrant from God, to sacrifice, that which by the law was not sacrificable; yet sinned not in performing his vow, but rather pacified God therby, whose wil it semed to be, that for punishment of his sinne he should sacrifice his daughter, because by his diuine prouidence she first mette him: and the omission might rather haue benne for his natural loue towards his onlie childe, then for the vnlawfulnes of the sacrifice: seing it once pleased God to command Abraham to immolate his sonno Isaac, though when it came to execution. he forbade the same, appointing an other hoste in place of the childe, which here he did not. Neither was it iniurious to the daughter, seing she, as al mankinde, must once die when God appointeth. Yea further S. Augustin. she offered her self freely (which semed to be by Gods instinct) willing her father to do to her whatsoeuer he had promised to God. This is the summe of S. Augustins large discourse. Likewise S. Ambrose (li. 3. de Officiis c. 12.) supposeth assuredly that this prince Iephte offended in vowing vn•duisedly, for S. Ambrose. it also repented him, when his daughter first mette him: yet that with godlie feare and dreade he performed to his owne bitter paine that which he had promised: inst•••ting an anniuersarie lamentation of his daughter, for a warning to posteritie of more circumspection in making vowes. S. Hierom also (li. 1. aduers. Io•i••••.) approueth their opinion that say: It was Gods ordinance Iephte S. Hierom. should se••e the errour of his vnaduised vow, by the death of his daughter, for a document to others. The very same teacheth S. Chrisostom, ( •o. 14. ad pop. Antioch.) that God would haue this errour to be thus punished, that others S. Chrysostom. might be warned from vowing the like. S. Gregoire Naziazen (orat. de •achab••• ) preferring the martyrdome of the seuen brothers and their mother, befor this sacrifice of Iephte as more aduised, and more honorable, yet condemneth S. Gregorie Nazianzen. not this, but recounteth it amongst other commendable actes. Theodoret (q. 19. in Iudic.) and al the afore said fathers do highly commend the daughters Theodoret. promptnes in offering her self to be sacrificed, which either much extenuated he• fathers fault, or wholly iustified his fact. Thus the ancient fathers moderate their censures. Yet a new glosser of the English Bible without scruple Bible •603. Protestants censure. sayeth, that by his •ash vow, and vvicked performance his victorie vvas defaced; and againe, that he was ouercome vvith blinde Zele, not considering whether the vow was lawful or no.
The hebrew word Z•nah signifieth also •n •n keeper.
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If they had not concurred to his expulsion, it might haue sufficed to haue sent for him, but in this case the ancientes iudged it meete to goe in person, and to in treat him. So Christ was reiected by the Iewes, and returneth not to them til in the end of the world they shal seeke vnto him. •. Aug. q. 49. in Iudic. post•e•iū.
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Concordance Num. 20
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In the opinion of infidels, it semed that they possessed countries by the helpe of false goddes, and so they thought them selues to haue iust title. Much more iust is the title when God almighty geueth victorie of conquest. S. Aug. q. 48. in Iudie.
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He argueth vpon prescription of 300. yeares being nere so much. for there wanted scarce thirtie: being from the conquest made by Moyses (Num. 21.) til the time of Iephte about 270. yeares.
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This vow was vnlawful, for the law forbiddeth to offer man or woman in sacrifice Exo. 34. v. 20. Deut. 12. v. 31.
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In the old testament mariage was ordinarily preferred before single life but in the new, it is better to kepe virginity 1. Cor. •. •. 38.
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St Jerome † AD 420 The Letters of St. Jerome 60.8
… Nor will I boast of his family, that is of the good points belonging not to him but to others; for even those holy men Abraham and Isaac had for sons the sinners Ishmael and Esau. And on the other hand Jephthah who is reckoned by the apostle in the roll of the righteous is the son of a harlot.
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Aphrahat † AD 346 Aphrahat: Select Demonstrations 21.7
… They were made to serve in Egypt two hundred and twenty-five years. And the Midianites made Israel serve in the days of Barak and Deborah. The Moabites ruled over them in the days of Ehud; the Ammonites in the days of Jephthah;
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St Cyril of Jerusalem † AD 386 The Catechetical Lectures of S. Cyril 16.28
28. In the might of this Spirit, as we have it in the Book of Judges, Othniel judged ; Gideon waxed strong; Jephtha conquered
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St Ambrose of Milan † AD 397 On the Duties of the Clergy 1.50
264. It is also sometimes contrary to duty to fulfil a promise, or to keep an oath. As was the case with Herod, who swore that whatever was asked he would give to the daughter of Herodias, and so allowed the death of John, that he might not break his word. And what shall I say of Jephthah,
St Jerome † AD 420 Against Jovinianus 1.23
… And whereas he prefers the fidelity of the father Jephthah to the tears of the virgin daughter, that makes for us. For we are not commending virgins of the world so much as those who are virgins for Christ’s sake, and most Hebrews blame the father for the rash vow he made,
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 The Homilies on the Statues to the People of Antioch 14.7
… and was in haste to divide nature against her own self. and what he had done aforetime in the case of Jephthah, that he hoped now again to accomplish. For he likewise, when he had promised that the first thing that met him, after a victorious battle, he would sacrifice,
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St Athanasius of Alexandria † AD 373 On the Symbols 'Of the Essence' And 'Coessential.' 1
… but though alone, he must be coessential with him that begat him. For what shall we say about Jephtha’s daughter; because she was only-begotten, and ‘he had not,’ says Scripture, ‘other child’ (
St Jerome † AD 420 The Letters of St. Jerome 118.5
… It was a great triumph of faith, true. But how much greater was that won by Abraham who was content to slay his only son, of whom he had been told that he was to inherit the world, yet did not cease to hope that after death Isaac would live again. Jephthah too offered up his virgin daughter, and for this is placed by the apostle in the roll of the saints.
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Origen † AD 254 Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John 6.36
… Jephthah’s sacrifice of his daughter should receive attention; it was by vowing it that he conquered the children of Ammon, and the victim approved his vow, for when her father said,
St Ambrose of Milan † AD 397 On the Duties of the Clergy 3.12
… For he repented of his vow, as afterwards his daughter came to meet him. He rent his clothes and said: “Alas, my daughter, thou hast entangled me, thou art become a source of trouble unto me.”
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St Ambrose of Milan † AD 397 On the Duties of the Clergy 3.12
81. What, then, in the case of esteemed and learned men is full of marvel, that in the case of a virgin is found to be far more splendid, far more glorious, as she says to her sorrowing father: “Do to me according to that which hath proceeded out of thy mouth.”
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St John Chrysostom † AD 407 The Homilies on the Statues to the People of Antioch 14.7
… For if after that vow and promise He had forbidden the sacrifice, many also who were subsequent to Jephthah, in the expectation that God would not receive their vows, would have increased the number of such vows, and proceeding on their way would have fallen into child-murder. But now, by suffering this vow to be actually fulfilled,
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St Ambrose of Milan † AD 397 On the Duties of the Clergy 3.12
… It was a hard vow, but far more bitter was its fulfilment, whilst he who carried it out had the greatest cause to mourn. Thus it became a rule and a law in Israel from year to year, as it says: “that the daughters of Israel went to lament the daughter of Jephtha the Gileadite four days in a year.”
St John Chrysostom † AD 407 The Homilies on the Statues to the People of Antioch 14.7
… And to shew that this is true, after Jephthah’s daughter had been slain, in order that the calamity might be always remembered, and that her fate might not be consigned to oblivion, it became a law among the Jews, that the virgins assembling at the same season should bewail during forty
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1. NOW AT THAT TIME JEPHTE THE GALAADITE (and therefore of the tribe of Manasse, not Gad, as Cajetan wishes. For the Manassites are commonly called Galaadites, not Gadites, although they themselves also occupied part of the region of Galaad) WAS A MIGHTY MAN. — In Hebrew גבור חיל gibbor chail, that is, a man of virtue, or strength, or prowess. SON OF A WOMAN THAT WAS AN HARLOT, — not publicly exposed, but a private concubine. The Hebrew is זונה zona, which word signifies both a harlot, as the Septuagint and our version translate it, and a tavern-keeper, as the Chaldean translates it here. Jephte was therefore spurious, such as are now barred by laws from principality, equally as from the priesthood, on account of infamy and morals sometimes less honourable, because they are reared neglectfully. But Jephte abolished all these things by his strength and virtue, wherefore God dispensing with the law in Deut. xxiii, 2, which ordains that a mamzer, that is a spurious one, shall not be admitted into the Church of God to the rights of the people of Israel, Jephte was admitted and made leader of the people. Similar examples of spurious ones raised to principalities are recounted by Plutarch, Athenaeus and Serarius here. WHO WAS BORN OF GALAAD. — Therefore Jephte's father was called Galaad. Thus the Septuagint, and this is evident from the following verse. HIS BRETHREN CAST HIM OUT, SAYING: THOU SHALT NOT BE HEIR IN THE HOUSE OF OUR FATHER, BECAUSE THOU ART BORN OF ANOTHER MOTHER, — that is, who was of another tribe, namely different from his, says Matthew Galenus, Chancellor of Douai, writing on chapter xi to the Hebrews. For no one, he says, could honourably take a wife not of his own tribe: if anyone, however, enticed by beauty, attempted this, the woman was called zona. Whence the Septuagint call her ἑταίραν, that is a companion; but when the husband died, she without dowry and inheritance returned to her own tribe; yet if a son was born to her in the father's tribe, he shared the inheritance, which now Jephte's brothers denied, as he himself reproaches them verse 7, not daring to open his mouth, if he had been born of a harlot. Thus Galenus. But it is false that Israelite women could not marry in another tribe without note and infamy. For the princes of Juda often took daughters of priests from the tribe of Levi, and they considered this an honour to themselves, as Aaron took Elizabeth daughter of Aminadab, prince of the tribe of Juda. Exod. vi, 23. And Zacharias took Elizabeth, kinswoman of the Blessed Virgin, who was of the tribe of Juda, Luke I. Moreover, another woman here is not understood as one who is of another tribe, but as one who is other than a lawful wife, that is, who is a harlot and concubine, whom the Septuagint honourably call ἑταίραν, as we call a companion: or who is the wife of another man, and therefore an adulteress, such a mother Josephus insinuates Jephte to have had. They cast him out, — unjustly; for to a spurious child from his father and house are due sustenance by common law, not however inheritance, as Sylvester and other Doctors of Cases teach.
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3. HE DWELT IN THE LAND OF TOB, — which was situated in the land of Gilead, says Josephus and Adrichomius. Serarius thinks it to be Tubin; concerning which I Maccabees v, 13. Moreover "Tob" signifies good; certainly this land was good to Jephte eminently, that is, excellent, because it received and sustained him fleeing kindly. AND THERE GATHERED UNTO HIM NEEDY MEN AND ROBBERS. — The robbers is not in the Hebrew, Greek and Chaldean, wherefore it seems to have crept from the margin into the text, inserted by someone wishing to explain the needy; for needy soldiers often live by plunder and robbery. Moreover these plunders are just, if they are taken from the enemy in a just war; unjust, if from friends, or from enemies in an unjust war. Wherefore these robbers, over whom Jephte presided, were soldiers and plunderers, who perhaps previously unjustly plundered the property of others; but after they followed Jephte, they carried out nothing but just plunders, namely from the Ammonites and Philistines, as those did who followed David fleeing from Saul, I Kings xxii, 2. For in ancient times a robber was the same as a soldier, who was called a robber as it were from the side, because he adhered to the side of the Leader and attended him; or from lurking, because he rushed forth to plunder secretly and from ambushes. Thus Varro, Festus, Nonius, Marcellus and others.
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8. AND HE WAS LEADER OF ALL WHO DWELL IN GILEAD. — The sense: after the victory over the Ammonites the other tribes also accepted Jephte as their leader.
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11. AND JEPHTE SPOKE ALL HIS WORDS BEFORE THE LORD IN MASPHA. — First, "before," that is publicly, in a public assembly and with the people hearing, in whose midst God was reckoned to be, says Vatablus. Second, "before the Lord," that is invoking God as witness of the covenant, which he was making with the envoys concerning the leadership. Thus the Abulensian. Third, "before the Lord," that is before the High Priest, the Ephod and the Rational, in which were the Urim and Thummim, clothed: for he represented God, and consulting for the prince he received oracles. Fourth, "before the Lord," that is before the altar, which they seem to have erected there, so that they might sanctify this covenant holily. Moreover the words which Jephte spoke there was a promise, by which he promised to the envoys that he would faithfully and strenuously administer the war of the people, and in turn they promised that they would constantly follow his command and orders as it were of their Leader. And for this he invoked God, both as witness and as aid, so that he might prosper this his leadership and war, as Joshua, Judas Maccabaeus, Constantine, Theodosius and other Leaders did, who accordingly obtained victory over enemies by the aid of God and triumphed.
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13. BECAUSE ISRAEL TOOK MY LAND, WHEN HE CAME UP FROM EGYPT, FROM THE BORDERS OF ARNON UNTO JABOC AND THE JORDAN. — The case is this: Sehon king by war occupied certain cities of Moab and Ammon; but Moses and the Hebrews killed King Sehon, and occupied all that was his. Therefore now the king of Ammon complains of the injury done to him, and demands and seeks back his land which was occupied by Sehon, which the Hebrews, who wrested it from Sehon by war, took for themselves. Took (namely unjustly by force and unjust war) MY LAND; — for Sehon king of the Amorites invaded and occupied this unjustly; but you, O Hebrews, invading and killing Sehon, usurped for yourselves all that he occupied both justly and unjustly, excluding me, who am also the first and just heir, to whom therefore it ought to be returned, not for you to claim it for yourselves. The history is narrated in Numbers xxi, 25 and seq., and although there only the lands of the Moabites subdued by Sehon, and occupied by the Jews after he was killed, is mentioned; nevertheless it is clear from this passage that a part of the Ammonite territory was also occupied by them at that time. Or certainly it must be said with Lyran, Cajetan, Dionysius and others that the same was formerly, or then king of the Moabites and Ammonites: for the Moabites were joined with the Ammonites, as being descended from two brothers Moab and Ammon from Lot, Genesis xix. Therefore the king of Ammon acts on behalf of the Moabites, either as subjects, or as allies and confederates, who seek their right from the Hebrews through him.
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15. ISRAEL TOOK NOT THE LAND OF MOAB, NOR THE LAND OF THE CHILDREN OF AMMON, — which namely the Moabites and Ammonites then actually possessed; for God had forbidden the Hebrews, lest they invade them as being cognate to them from Lot and Abraham, Numbers xxi, and Deuteronomy ii and iii; but that part of the Moabite and Ammonite territory which Sehon king of the Amorites occupied by war either justly or unjustly (for this matter is uncertain and doubtful), the Hebrews occupied when he was overthrown by the command of God, as Jephte narrates in the following; because that was no longer of the Moabites, but of Sehon the king, enemy of the Hebrews, which the Moabites could not recover and reclaim by war from him; wherefore the Hebrews occupied it by right of war, with God assenting, as of Sehon, not as of the Moabites. This is the first reason by which Jephte proves that the king of the Ammonites falsely complains of his land occupied by the Hebrews under Moses, and therefore unjustly sent the Ammonites into Judea to oppress it. But this reason alone was not sufficient, nor did it satisfy the king of Ammon, hence Jephte adds other reasons, by which he corroborates it.
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24. DOES NOT THAT WHICH YOUR GOD CHAMOS POSSESSES BELONG TO YOU BY RIGHT? AND WHATEVER OUR LORD GOD, THE VICTOR, HAS OBTAINED, SHALL PASS INTO OUR POSSESSION. — This is the second reason, as if to say: You occupy those regions which your god Chamos gave to you; therefore by equal right we occupy the land of Sehon the king (in which there were some cities taken from the Moabites and Ammonites by him), which our God, fighting for us as victor, gave to us. This reason of Jephte is not altogether sound. For God gives victories to the Turks and other tyrants, and subjugates the regions of Christians; and yet the Turks and Tyrants unjustly invade and hold them from ambition and desire of dominion. For the opinion of Albericus Gentilis, lib. I De Jure belli, cap. xxii, is impious, that all things which he himself has taken from Christians are justly possessed by the Turk, because he himself does this from the will of God willing to chastise Christians: nor was it true that Chamos had given that land to the Moabites. Yet this reason was aptly suited to the man, as if to say: You, O king of Ammon, declare from whom and by what right you obtain all your regions and cities. Surely you will say and give nothing more splendid than the will of your god Chamos and his voluntary gift. But I likewise assert that our God has given to us that land, which you seek to recover, granted to us through his victory; and God is the Lord of all kingdoms, who therefore transfers kingdoms from one nation to another as it pleases him. But the true title of right of the Hebrews to occupy these regions was that they themselves by God's command had invaded the kingdoms of Sehon and Og, kings of the Amorites, and by the same command occupied and possessed all that had been subjected to them, as is clear from Num. xxi, and Deut. ii. This title Jephte insinuates, but does not expressly allege, because he could scarcely have proved it to a pagan king of Ammon. Thus Abulensis.
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25. UNLESS PERHAPS YOU ARE BETTER THAN BALAC SON OF SEPHOR KING OF MOAB, — as if to say: When the Hebrews, having slain Sehon, occupied his dominions, then Balac was king of Moab, and he was wise and powerful. Yet he at that time did not even with a word seek to recover these dominions from the Hebrews. Therefore neither should you, who are nearly three hundred years later than him, recover or be able to recover them. This is the third reason. The fourth follows.
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26. FOR THREE HUNDRED YEARS, — as if to say: For three hundred years we have occupied these regions, which you now seek to recover by postliminium. Therefore by the longest prescription of time we occupy them, especially since for so many years no one has sought to recover them from us. WHY HAVE YOU ATTEMPTED NOTHING CONCERNING THIS RECOVERY FOR SO LONG A TIME? — but you were silent, and by your silence you signified yourselves content, and tacitly consented that we should possess them? Note here that from Moses to Jephte there had not elapsed precisely three hundred years, but only 266; but Jephte, after the manner of the common people, increased the years to strengthen the prescription more, and used round and perfect numbers, namely centuries, as if to say: Now the third century of years is passing, the third age of prescription and possession is passing: therefore you labor in vain to disturb us from them so late. Moreover Melchior Canus and Serarius, who separate and count separately the years of the oppression of the Hebrews from the years of the Judges, compute from Moses to Jephte at least 340 years. Abulensis holds that in that age prescription through long time, even with bad faith, was valid by the law of nations, and confirmed the thing so long possessed to the possessor; otherwise, he says, the king of Ammon would have replied that this possession of the Hebrews was begun with bad faith, and therefore the time of prescription would not be valid here. But this would have had to be proved by him. For in doubt the condition of the possessor is better. And if the plaintiff wishes to disturb the possessor from his possession, the burden of proving bad faith falls upon him. For everyone is presumed to be good and a possessor in good faith, unless the contrary is proved. Thus recently Solyman, Emperor of the Turks, wanted all rights to be restored after a thousand years, which had once belonged to the great Constantine, as Jovius testifies, book xxx. This is Turkish. Moreover in a similar manner as Jephte, the Lacedaemonians once answered before Isocrates in Archid.: "We hold this land given to us from the posterity of Hercules, confirmed by the Delphic oracle, and with its inhabitants overcome in war. It is not unknown to you that possessions, whether private or public, are confirmed by prescription of long time. We held Messana for more than 400 years."
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27. LET THE LORD JUDGE, ARBITER OF THIS DAY, — that is, of this suit, which we conduct on this day. Thus day is taken for judgment, I Corinth. iv, 3, and Jerem. xvii, 16; it is a metonymy.
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29. THEREFORE THE SPIRIT OF THE LORD CAME UPON JEPHTE, — that is, God sent upon Jephte the Spirit of strength, ardor and zeal to undertake war against the wicked king of Ammon; and impelled by it he summoned to it the inhabitants of Galaad, and the tribe of Manasse, and "Maspha of Galaad," that is, Maspha, which is in the extreme borders of Galaad toward the mountains of Libanus and Hermon; for upon these especially and most nearly the neighboring enemies the Ammonites were pressing.
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30. JEPHTE VOWED A VOW TO THE LORD, SAYING: IF THOU WILT DELIVER THE CHILDREN OF AMMON INTO MY HANDS, WHOSOEVER SHALL FIRST COME OUT OF THE DOORS OF MY HOUSE AND SHALL MEET ME WHEN I RETURN VICTORIOUS FROM THE CHILDREN OF AMMON, I WILL OFFER HIM A HOLOCAUST TO THE LORD. — Something similar to this is what Aldrovandus writes in his work on the Ass: When a lot was cast for Alexander of Macedon, he says, that he should slay whoever first met him; when he saw a certain man leading a little ass before him, they relate that he immediately ordered a man to be seized from the oracle. But when he was about to be slain, having understood the reason for his death, he cried out that his servant, not himself, was sought by the response, since the ass had met him first, namely his own ass. You will ask first, what victim did Jephte vow here? First, some think that he vowed to immolate to God the first person from his house who would meet him. Thus St. Augustine. Second, the Rabbis and Abulensis think that he vowed to sacrifice to God the first sacrificeable animal that would meet him, whether it be an ox, or a calf, or a goat, or a ram; but afterwards Jephte doubted concerning the intention and matter of this vow of his, because his words were general: wherefore when his daughter first met him, he thought himself obliged to immolate her. Third and best, Jephte intended to slay to God the first living thing, or the first animal from his house that would meet him, hence from the Hebrew it can be translated in the neuter gender: whatever, namely animal, that first meets me from my house I will sacrifice. Thus the Chaldean, Vatablus, Pagninus and others. This is evident from the outcome: for when his daughter first came forth from his house to meet him, he thought himself bound and compelled by his vow to immolate her. You will ask second, whether this vow was licit or illicit? First, many think that it was impious, foolish and parricide. Thus St. Ambrose, book I of the Duties, final chapter, St. Augustine, Question xlix, Tertullian, book III Against Marcion, Gregory of Nazianzus, oration On the Maccabees, Theodoret and Procopius; here Chrysostom, homily On Jephte. And St. Thomas citing St. Jerome, II II, Question lxxxviii, article 2: "In making the vow," he says, "he was foolish, because he lacked discretion, and in fulfilling it impious." For it is impious to kill a daughter, impious to immolate men to God, and to make libation with human blood. Whence St. Jerome, book I Against Jovinian, before the middle: "The father of a rash vow is reproved, etc. For if," they say, "a dog or an ass had met him, what would he have done?" For by the law it was forbidden to offer a dog or an ass. St. Jerome continues: "From which the Hebrews wish it to have been done by God's dispensation, that he who had vowed unwisely might feel the error of his vows in the death of his daughter," so that the rashness of the one vowing might be punished, says St. Augustine, Question xlix. If you say that Jephte is praised by the Apostle, Hebrews xi, Abulensis responds that he is praised on account of the merit of faith; namely that he himself, trusting in God, exposed himself to the danger of death in battle fighting against so powerful Ammonites, not on account of the vow; but it is sufficiently clear that Jephte, and any of those men whom the Apostle placed in that catalogue of his faith, sinned gravely, says Abulensis. Whence also the Gentiles blamed and condemned those who immolated men to Saturn. Who does not find fault with Creon, says Serarius, because he immolated his son Menoeceus to Thebes, Erichtheus because he immolated his daughter Praxithea to Athens? Did not the Cretans expel their own king Idomeneus, because, returning from the Trojan war, like this Jephte of ours, he wished to place his son who met him on the altars of the gods from a vow? What much do the Poets say about Agamemnon's Iphigenia! and in the Suasoria Seneca: Were not the Scythians, Tauri, Pontics and Africans once infamous for this very reason? concerning whom Tertullian in the Scorpiaco, Minucius in the Octavius, Clement in the Protrepticus and Euripides speak. Wherefore Procopius says that this victory was granted to Jephte by God not on account of the vow, but in order that the injuries done to Israel by the Ammonites might be avenged and made manifest. Second, others on the contrary think that this vow of Jephte was pious and holy, because it was made from the impulse of the Holy Spirit. Thus St. Anselm, Ambrosiaster in chapter xi to the Hebrews, Serarius and Salianus here, and here St. Augustine and St. Jerome favor it, in his epistle to Julian, where he says that Jephte offered his virgin daughter, and for this reason is placed by the Apostle in the enumeration of the Saints. They prove first, because it is said here that the Spirit of God rushed upon him, which although it ought to be referred to the battle, yet also seems to be referred to the vow, which was the means, indeed the principle, of the battle and victory. Second, because Ecclesiasticus, chapter xlvi, and the Apostle, Hebrews xi, place Jephte in the Catalogue of Saints, wherefore he does not seem to have sinned here; or certainly if he sinned, he immediately repented. Third, because God through this vow seems to have granted him so great a victory. Therefore he held it as ratified and acceptable. Fourth, because his daughter, offering herself to be sacrificed in order to satisfy her father's vow, is wonderfully praised by the Fathers, and is compared to Isaac. Fifth, because this immolation of the daughter was a type of the immolation of the Son of God on the cross, as the Fathers teach: for no type and figure of that was more express than this daughter immolated by her father for the salvation of Israel. It appears therefore that God wished to give this type, which would prefigure and presignify the immolation of Christ. The third opinion is a middle one and more probable, namely that this vow was indeed in itself unlawful and impious, in that by it he would have sacrificed a human being, indeed his daughter, to God, which is forbidden by all natural, divine and human law. Yet Jephte is excused either wholly or in part by ignorance and zeal for religion, in that with a simple, candid and pious mind he thought himself bound by this vow to immolate his daughter, because she herself had first met him. For this was a rude age, and ignorant of cases of conscience. And Jephte was a military man; but soldiers think themselves bound by their oaths and vows, even those made wrongly, from the religion and reverence which they owe to God. Thus St. Jerome, in chapter seven of Jeremiah, near the end, excuses Jephte by invincible ignorance, in that the intention of the one offering was good, even if the offering was evil, because in that rude age there was not a prophet, indeed not even a high priest, says Abulensis here, Question xlviii, who would know how to resolve this case. Hear Serarius: The deed of Jephte is mitigated first, because when the worship of the true God had so often and so long collapsed, there had already obtained among the Israelites an opinion derived from the errors of the Gentiles, that such a sacrifice was pleasing to God; second, he looked to the example of Abraham, and thus thought he was imitating him rightly, and perhaps, as St. Augustine indicates, he hoped that if the sacrifice were not pleasing to God, it would be prevented, as in the case of Abraham, Genesis xxii; third, there was also great praise of faith in him, in that, as the same Augustine notes, however troublesome it was to him, he preferred to pay his vow rather than to indulge his own grief; fourth, he believed, says the same Augustine, that the soul of a good virgin would be well received or would fly to heaven, she who had not vowed herself to be immolated, but had not resisted the vow and will of her father, and had followed God's judgment; fifth, he was very much a lover of the common good and public safety; and therefore he feared lest, if he did not fulfill the vow, the Lord would be angered, and would afflict himself and the whole people with some calamity; sixth, he was greatly moved by the fact that he had obtained so noble a victory over such fierce and proud enemies immediately after the vow, so that he persuaded himself that his vow had not displeased God, and therefore he himself must now satisfy it. Hence Jephte is read to have been reproved by no Prophet or Pontiff, but is praised by the Apostle and the Ecclesiastical writer. Why therefore should we condemn him? Furthermore, St. Augustine, Question xcix to the Orthodox, says that the devil caused his daughter to come forth first with a harp, congratulating her father on the victory, for this purpose, that Jephte, who loved his only daughter most dearly, would violate the vow. But Jephte overcame this temptation, and immolated his daughter who was vowed, in order to testify his piety toward God, and therefore he is inscribed in the Catalogue of Saints. Wherefore the Fathers recognize great mysteries in this immolation of Jephte's daughter. For first, St. Augustine, Question xlix, says that by her was signified that God the Father must be worshipped with human blood. Second, St. Chrysostom, homily On Jephte, vol. I, says that it was here foreshadowed that Christ would offer his daughter, that is the Church, as it were a virgin to God in holocaust, especially through the immolation of martyrs in the time of persecution. Hear St. Chrysostom: "I consider Jephte to be our Lord Jesus Christ, the conqueror of the world; who offered his only daughter, the Church itself, in the time of persecution to evil Pontiffs, not of lambs, but of wolves, he himself saying: Behold I send you as sheep in the midst of wolves. He offered therefore the Church through the immolation of martyrs in the time of persecution, and a unique victim was offered to God, so that the sacrifice might be acceptable to the Father from the gains of the Only-begotten. The only one offers the one, the bridegroom the bride, the father the daughter. For what can be found stronger than the integrity and virginity of the Church, which conceives in corruption, creates in integrity? She is a virgin who has not known a man." Anagogically St. Augustine: It was signified, he says, that we through the immolation of death would pass to blessed immortality, as the daughter of Jephte passed. Tropologically, it was hinted that each one ought to offer his daughter, that is, his soul to God through the mortification of desires and passions, "to be slain in evils, to be made alive in goods," says St. Chrysostom and St. Augustine.
11:35
35. MY DAUGHTER, THOU HAST DECEIVED ME, AND THOU THYSELF ART DECEIVED. — "Thou hast deceived," because since thou art my only offspring and heir, I hoped for posterity from thee; but now thou hast taken away all hope of it from me by thy coming forth. "Thou hast deceived me therefore," because thou hast disappointed my hope. "Thou art deceived," because thou thoughtest to bring me joy, to thyself glory by coming forth to meet the victor; but now thou hast brought me sorrow, to thyself death. It is Hebrew: by bowing thou hast bowed me down, or by humbling thou hast humbled me, and thou wast among those troubling me. There is a beautiful allusion by metathesis between כרע cara, that is, to humble, and עכר achar, that is, to trouble, as if to say: Thou hast troubled me, because thou hast humbled and cast down me and my hopes. The Septuagint and the Roman version: thou hast troubled me with trouble, and thou wast in my trouble. The Septuagint appears to have read עכר achar, that is, to trouble, in both ways; but the Complutensian and the Royal editions have: thou hast filled me, and thou hast been a scandal in my eyes. St. Ambrose, book I of the Duties, chapter xii, reads: "Alas! my daughter, thou hast hindered me, thou hast become to me a goad of sorrows." The same, in the book On Virginity: "Alas! my daughter, thou hast destroyed me." FOR I HAVE OPENED MY MOUTH TO THE LORD (vowing myself to him who should first come forth to him to be sacrificed), AND I CANNOT DO OTHERWISE, — as if to say: I cannot retract a vow already made, wherefore I must sacrifice thee to God, as the first to come forth. Hence it is clear that Jephte did not intend to vow only a sacrificial animal, but also a man, indeed his daughter, if she should come forth first. For thus he himself interprets it here. But no one is a better interpreter of his own mind and vow than the one who made the vow himself. Hence also Jephte is aptly called, that is, opening, namely his mouth for vowing, opening, I say, too widely and rashly.
11:36
36. TO WHOM SHE ANSWERED: MY FATHER, IF THOU HAST OPENED THY MOUTH TO THE LORD (that is, if thou hast vowed to sacrifice me to God), DO TO ME WHATSOEVER THOU HAST PROMISED, SINCE THOU HAST OBTAINED VENGEANCE AND VICTORY OVER THY ENEMIES. — Behold and admire in this daughter the spirit, obedience, piety toward God, and love of country, by which she generously and cheerfully offers herself to death and sacrifice. For she could have replied to her father: I have not vowed myself to be sacrificed to God; nor art thou, O father, the master of my life, that thou canst vow and slay me against my will. I do not wish therefore to die as a young girl and in an unworthy manner; I wish to spend the flower of my youth happily: I wish to propagate my line and thine. Wherefore I annul and dissolve thy vow: and thus she would have freed herself from death, her father from his vow and sorrow. But she was unwilling to do so, in order to testify her piety toward God, her obedience toward her father, her charity toward the Commonwealth. She made herself therefore a victim, nay a holocaust to God for her father and country. For she feared lest, if she herself refused death, the penalty of the violated vow would fall upon her father and country, and the victory obtained would be turned into disaster. Hear St. Ambrose: "What in renowned and learned men is full of wonder, this in a virgin is found to be far more magnificent and far more illustrious." And a little later: "Neither the weeping of her equals moved the girl, nor sorrow bent her, nor groaning delayed her, nor did days pass, nor did the hour fail her. She returned to her father as if returning to his vow, and by her own will she urged on the hesitant, and by her voluntary choice she made it so that what was the chance outcome of impiety became the sacrifice of piety." Moreover, God permitted this to happen, says Serarius, for grave reasons. The first is, that it might be a most clear figure of the death which Christ the Lord was about to undergo for our sake, not by will and desire alone, but also in effect and in reality. The second, that the faith of Jephte might shine forth more brightly, and his supreme piety toward God; from which neither the loss of so dear a thing, nor the love of posterity, nor so bitter a wound of the present and future time could have drawn him away. The third, that likewise the extraordinary faith of the most tender virgin, her piety toward God, toward her father and country, and her outstanding greatness of soul, might be set forth publicly, as it were a mirror in which the whole world could behold itself. The fourth, that the whole world might understand how carefully, diligently, and devoutly whatever vows made either by good counsel or by divine admonition and instinct should be rendered to God, even if a thousand most grave difficulties should occur.
11:37
37. LET ME GO, THAT I MAY SPEND TWO MONTHS IN THE MOUNTAINS, AND BEWAIL MY VIRGINITY WITH MY COMPANIONS, — namely that I, a virgin without offspring and heir, shall die; for in that age this was sad and dishonorable, but now through Christ virginity is held to be of the highest praise and glory, as it were a heavenly conversation and imitation of the life of Angels. So this daughter bewailed her virginity, that is, her virginal age suitable for marriage, but condemned to sterility by her father's vow. Such funeral holidays (thus called from the death, as Arias says) were also among the Romans. Philo the Biblical scholar asserts that the formula of lamentation, or the dirge of Jephte's daughter, was this: "Hear, O mountains, my dirge, and attend, O hills, to the tears of my eyes, and be witnesses, O rocks, to the lamentation of my soul. Behold how I am accused, but let not my soul be received in vain. Let my words go forth into the heavens, and let my tears be written before the sight of the firmament, that the father may not overcome the daughter whom he devoted to be sacrificed, that her prince may hear his only-begotten in the sacrifice promised. But I am not satisfied with my marriage chamber, nor filled with the crowns of my nuptials." And after some things: "Bend down, O trees, your branches, and bewail my youth; come, beasts of the forests, and trample upon my virginity, because my years are cut off, and the time of my life has grown old in darkness," etc. This he himself in his manner. Moreover, the Gentiles imitated Jephte. For thus Erichtheus, waging war against Eumolphus, being taught that he would be victorious if he sacrificed his daughter in place of a victim, having communicated the matter with his wife, slew his daughter as a victim unto death. Thus Plutarch in the Parallels. The same author, at the end of that work: "When a pestilence was pressing upon Lacedaemon, it was divinely signified that the plague would cease if they should sacrifice a noble virgin after the custom. But when Helena was at some time drawn by lot and was being led forth adorned, an eagle flying down snatched away the sword, and bearing it to the herd placed it upon a heifer, by which it came to pass that they abstained from the slaughter of the virgin." The very same thing happened to Valeria Luperca, who was destined for the altar; when an eagle had snatched the sword and cast it upon a certain heifer, Valeria, the heifer being slain, made the sacred rite, as Plutarch says. It is asked, why does she desire to go around the mountains in this lamentation of hers? Arias gives three reasons. The first is, "that the cry and lamentation uttered in a high place might reach the ears of the surrounding people more widely and far. For such is the nature and power of the voice." Jeremiah xxxi: "A voice was heard in Rama, weeping and great lamentation." The second, "that the wider prospect of the mountains might more frequently present a monument of so great a matter to the inhabitants, as well as to guests and travelers." The third, "that from the solitary places seen and traversed by her, she might choose some one place where, enclosed within the walls of a cloister, she might spend a solitary life;" but I have refuted this reason above and shall refute it more fully presently. The literal and proximate cause was that the whole region is mountainous. For she dwelt in Maspha, that is, in a high lookout of the mountain, from which one descends into the mountains below, as the Hebrew texts have it.
11:39
39. AND HE DID TO HER AS HE HAD VOWED. — The Rabbis, and from them Lyra, Pagninus, Vatablus, relate that the scribes and wise men of the Hebrews, understanding this vow of Jephte, when consulted, answered that the death of the daughter naturally promised by the father in a vow could be commuted into civil death, namely into a religious and chaste life; and thus it came to pass; wherefore this daughter was not slain by her father, but made herself a Nazarite, that is, a religious woman and as it were a nun. Just as St. Bernard, meeting criminals condemned by the Praetor to be hanged for their crimes, freed them and made them monks, saying: You wish to kill them by a swift death, but I shall consume and destroy them by a long death of continual mortification in the monastery. But this opinion is false and plainly contradicts this verse: "He did to her," it says, "as he had vowed." But he had vowed to offer her to God not only to slay her, but also to offer her as a whole burnt offering, that is, to slit her throat and burn her entirely and consume her in honor of God (for this is what a whole burnt offering required); therefore he truly slew her and burned her. This is the common sense of the Fathers, such as Theodoret, St. Augustine, Bede, Procopius, Rupert, Abulensis, Hugh of St. Victor, Dionysius, Serarius, Salian, Tornielli here, and St. Ambrose, book I of the Duties, final chapter, Tertullian, book III Against Marcion, chapter iv, St. Jerome, epistle 34 to Julian, St. Chrysostom, homily On Jephte, Origen, tome IX on John, Gregory of Nazianzus, oration On the Maccabees, St. Thomas, II II, Question lxxxviii, article 2, ad 2, Suarez, Lessius, Azor and others throughout. Finally, Philo says the name of this daughter was Seila, certainly worthy of eternal memory.
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40. AND THEY LAMENTED THE DAUGHTER OF JEPHTE. — Hebrew לתנות letannot, which the Septuagint translates as "to weep"; the Chaldean, "to lament the daughter of Jephte"; others, "to recount"; others, "to give praise," namely praise to the daughter of Jephte. Moreover the Rabbis, Pagninus and Vatablus translate: "to speak to or console the daughter of Jephte," which from the vow of her father she ought to remain unmarried. For they think that natural death was commuted into civil death, or into celibacy. Whence for four days in the year access was open to her, says Vatablus, so that they might speak to her and console her, just as access to nuns enclosed in a cloister is sometimes open in the year; but I have already refuted this. Finally St. Augustine, Question xlix, and from him Hugo of St. Victor shows that Jephte was in all respects a type of Christ. For first, he says, Jephte in Hebrew is the same as door which is opened. And thus Christ says: "I am the door," John x, through which access is open to heaven: "He openeth, and no man shutteth," Apocalypse iii, 7. Secondly, the brothers of Jephte cast him out from the house as the son of a harlot: thus the Scribes cast out Christ from their Synagogue as a violator of the law, and not a legitimate son of the Synagogue. Thirdly, Jephte dwelling in exile inhabited the land of Tob, that is of goodness, that is the best: thus Christ, driven from life by the Jews, went to the blessed life in heaven. Fourthly, the poor and robbers gathered to Jephte: thus to Christ harlots and publicans, and among them the thief on the cross, and the mystical robbers, who by their penance and virtue do violence to heaven, and seize the kingdom of heaven. Fifthly, the Galaadites sought the exile Jephte to be their leader in war against the Ammonites: thus the Gentiles sought Christ, spurned by the Jews, that they might be freed from the yoke of sin and the devil. Thus far St. Augustine. Sixthly, Jephte before the battle made a vow to the Lord: thus Christ before the combat of passion and death prayed in the garden, and devoted himself as a victim to God saying: "Not my will, but thine be done." Seventhly, Jephte sacrificed his daughter: Christ his flesh and humanity. Eighthly, the Israelites wept every year for the death of the daughter of Jephte. Thus Christians every year in Holy Week weep for the death of Christ, and singing to him the lamentations of Jeremiah in mourning: then also the Church as a virgin weeps for the sins of her faithful. Hear St. Augustine, Question xlix: "Through six ages of the world, as through sixty days, the holy Virgin Church wept for her virginal things, because although they were virginal, yet they were sins to be wept for, on account of which the whole virgin Church spread throughout the whole world daily says: Forgive us our debts. But the same sixty days he preferred to call two months, as I think, on account of two men, one through whom came death, the other through whom came the resurrection of the dead, on account of whom also two testaments are said to be."
Machine translation from the Latin, not reviewed.
11:2
Suite de 1b. Les anciens commentateurs discutaient sur le droit des Hébreux par rapport aux enfants illégitimes; mais ce mot, dans la polygamie, ne pouvait avoir le même sens que dans le droit de la monogamie cf. Gen. 24 10.
11:3
Jephté prend la fuite, ce qui suppose plus que la simple privation de l'hérédité. Il se peut que sa fuite ait été d'abord volontaire, à la suite d’un fait dans lequel on lui donna tort; cf. II Sam. 13 37 où la fuite d'Absalon est tout d'abord volontaire. Le pays de Tob était probablement au nord de Galaad (cf. 1[ Sam. 40 6.8 et 1 Macch. 5 13; 11 Macch. 42 17). D'après les P. LacnaxGr. — Les Juges. 13 Macch. le pays de Tubin serait entre Dera‘at ct Bosra, peut-être Taiyebé. Le Talmud nomme la région de Tob ,סוסיתא c'est-à-dire Hippos, auj. Sousiyé, dans Jer. Chebiith, V. 1, fol. 36, mais d’après quelle autorité? Les gens qui se rassemblent auprès de Jephté sont sans position comme lui, ils font ensemble de vraies expéditions; ils sortent, parce que le vol n’est honorable qu'aux dépens des tribus voisines. 4 5) Le v. 4 semble faire double emploi avec v. 58. Le G (B) supprime v. 4, le G (Lag.) au contraire v. ὅ8, la Vg.a combiné. Il est d'ailleurs certain que le v. # a un aspect plus primitif comme commençant ab ovo l'histoire des invasions des Ammonites. Le v. 5a est un remplaçant qui suppose l'histoire déjà commencée v. 17 et qui se sera glissé en doublet dans le texte. מימים «δὰ bout d'un an » (v. 40; 47 10) depuis son expulsion, d'après Budde etc., mais les exemples cités supposent une périodicité qui ne paraît pas ici. Le terme est très vague.
11:6
ΤῊΣ indique un commandement militaire Jos. 40 24.
11:7
Les anciens, peut-être les frères dans la rédaction de E. Jephté croit avoir le bon droit pour lui. Il reproche aux anciens de l'avoir chassé de sa maison paternelle par haine.
11:8
לכן G(Bjôtx τοῦτο, « précisément » ; les anciens évitent la discussion des faits et reconnaissent implicitement leur tort ; en tous cas ils ont besoin de Jephté. Η est inutile de lire Ὶ3 לא avec α(δασ.. A). Jephté sera à ה[ tête de tous les habitants de Galaad, cf. 40 18, ce qui soude étroitement ces deux passages. 11. Omettre .העם
11:9
Jephté répète la promesse pour obtenir un engagement plus solennel, tout en ajoutant qu'il ne l’accepte que pour le cas où il serait vainqueur. Il est toujours question d'être à la téle, comme v. 8.
11:10
La formule du serment, spéciale à cet endroit, insiste sur la qualité de témoin donnée à Dieu, comme dans le traité entre Laban et Jacob (Gen. 31 49).
11:11
113 est la conclusion des deux négociations : à cause de 11b qui se soude étroitement à 10, nous relions 118 à 6, לראש est rédactionnel. Supprimer העם avec G(M de Moore); Syr.-hex. sous astérisque. — Le מ 115 très difficile à expliquer dans ce contexte. Jephté n’a pas à répéter ce qu'il a dit pour donner plus de solennité au contrat, il devrait plutôt exiger que les anciens répètent leur serment devant Jahvé ; d’ailleurs il est déjà constitué chef dans la première partie du verset. 11 est incontestable que ces mots iraient admirablement après v. 31. Mais d'où serait venue l'idée de les déplacer? Nous les considérons simplement comme l'explication de v. 10. Les Anciens ont pu prendre IJahvé à témoin, parce que tout se passait devant lui à Mispah. Il ne peut être question ici que du Maspha de Galaad; il serait peu loyal de songer à Maspha de Benjamin pour se rapprocher de l'arche. Mais il n’est pas nécessaire non plus d'imaginer une idole de lahvé. Cependant comme le terme לפני יהוה suppose un sanctuaire, il s'agissait sans doute d'un autel de Jahvé.
11:12
Qu'y a-t-il entre nous, quelle question avons-nous à démêler ensemble; cf. 11 Reg. 3 13. C’est un procédé conciliateur comme ceux de Moïse dans E vis-à-vis d'Édom (Num. 20 14) et des Amorrhéens (Num. 13 5.) Le roi d'Ammon répond qu'en sortant d'Égypte Israël s'est emparé du pays situé entre l'Arnon et le 13200, en parfaite conformité avec Num. 24 24, mais il qualifie ce territoire de « mon pays .א Difficulté considérable l'Arnon est l'Ou. Modjib actuel, entre Dhibän et le dj. Chihän, le labboq 18. אותה ; TM אתהן elles. est la Zerqä qui prend sa source au sud d’Ammän, l’ancienne capitale des Ammonites. Dans son ensemble ce territoire était plutôt moabite qu'ammonite, cependant il ne peut pas non plus être considéré comme purement moabite, car la‘zer, aujourd'hui ou. Sir, formait la limite des Ammonites (Num.24 24 LXX). — Le plur. fém. s'entend des villes dont le roi d'Ammon demande la restitution légale et définitive; mieux vaut lire אותה avec Moore d’après quelques mss. grecs αὐτήν et Vg. eam.
11:15
Jephté nie, et le territoire de Moab figure ici en première ligne. On peut dire que sa négation s'étend aussi loin que l'affirmation du roi ennemi; comme le territoire au nord de l’Arnon était ancien territoire moabite et que c’élait celui que les Israélites venant du sud avaient dû rencontrer le premier, il introduit en première ligne le pays de Moab. 1[ va maintenant exposer des faits, et comme Ammon ne jouait aucun rôle dans l'ancienne histoire, tout va rouler sur Moab et même sur Édom pour insister sur la correction diplomatique des Israélites.
11:16
Budde après Well. et Holz. voit ici une réminiscence de l'itinéraire direct des Hébreux, de la mer rouge à Cadès où aurait eu lieu la promulgation de la loi. Mais d’abord, ad hominem, cet itinéraire direct, à supposer que ce soit celui de J, ne peut être celui de l’auteur récent auquel ces critiques attribuent notre passage. Surtout Jephté ne peut vraiment pas remonter au déluge ; les faits du Sinaï n'avaient rien à faire ici : il mentionne la sortie d'Égypte par la mer rouge et arrive aussitôt à Cadès, point de départ des négociations (Num. 20 14 ss.). — Sur Cadès — ‘Ain Kdeis cf. ΗΒ. 1896, 440-451; sur l'itinéraire des Israélites, RB. 1900, 63-87 273-287 ; 443-449.
11:17
Les négociations avec le roi d'Édom comme Num. 20 14-21 (E). 11 n’est fait allusion nulle part dans le Pentateuque à des pourparlers avec 20. quo"; TM האמין δὴ et il n'eut pas confiance. Moab. Mais dans le fait nous voyons qu’on a évité son territoire (Num. 24 11); ils sont donc très vraisemblables en eux-mêmes et il y avait une raison particulière de les mentionner ici. On met le séjour à Cadès après ces pourparlers, tandis que dans la rédaction actuelle de Num. 20, le séjour à Cadès est marqué avant (Num. 20 1); notre verset indique probablement l'ordre primitif de E. Cela importe peu pour le fond. Les Israélites repoussés dans leur attaque directe, ne pouvant obtenir le passage, restent à Cadès, c'est l'ordre le plus naturel. Dans Num. 20, il a fallu sans doute compléter avec P qui arrivait à Cadès assez tard; il suffirait de placer Num. 20 1, après 20 22.
11:18
On tourne Édom, puis Moab, et on arrive à l'orient du pays de Moab; c'est-à-dire qu'on monte de l’‘Arabah en tournant la frontière sud de Moab pour arriver à sa frontière est ; en suivant à l'est du Chéra depuis l’‘Aqabah on n'eût pas tourné Moab. Quelques expressions ont selon nous été prises dans ce contexte excellent pour être placées Num. 24 11 (cf. ΗΒ. loc. laud.). 118 campent à l'est, de l'autre côté de l'Arnon ; il s'agit ici de l'Ou. Ledjoun qui court du sud au nord et qui est bien la branche principale de l'ouady Modjib. C’est de la sorte que l’Arnon constitue pour eux la limite de Moab, car une fois au nord de l'Arnon ils n'avaient pas à revenir sur leurs pas pour attaquer Moab chez lequel ils ne devaient pas s'installer. 19 s.) Allusion à Num. 24 21-23. La correction du v. 20 d’après G(A, Lag. etc.) et Num. 20 21 est nécessitée parce que la tournure de TM est insolite. TNOY étant changé en והאכזין la négation devait forcément s’introduire. La Vg. mêle le TM et le G: qui el ipse Israel verba despiciens, non dimisit eum. Pour 18086 ; cf. sur Num. 24 23. 21 5.) C'est encore une allusion aux faits racontés Num. 24 34. Jephté n'oppose rien de spécial aux Ammonites, il établit seulement le droit de conquête d'Israël, sans se préoccuper de savoir si les Amorrhéens avaient eux-mêmes conquis 16 pays sur d'autres. L'argument tiendrait même dans ce cas, car Moab était censé avoir perdu ses droits, mais Budde remarque bien que Jephté ne paraît pas viser cette hypothèse; il n'avait pas à insister sur ce qui pouvait fournir une prétention à ses adversaires. La capitale des Ammonites n’est pas nécessairement comprise dans ce territoire, elle’ était trop à l'est, les Num. ne mentionnent là que la conquête de 18 201, Num. 24 32 comme étant aux Amorrhéens. Le désert est donc dans un sens vague : d’ailleurs une ligne droite tirée du sud au nord à la frontière du désert de Moab laisserait Ammän à l'est. \ 23 s.) Le verbe ירש au gal signifie posséder ; à hiph. il a deux sens, faire posséder, mettre en possession de, οἱ chasser, déposséder. Il pourrait être pris dans le premier sens deux fois au v. 2. à condition de supprimer מפנינו avec G(A), il l’est dans le deuxième sens au v. 23. Si l’on veut admettre un seul sens à hiph. dans ce contexte, il faut conserver 13299 et effacer dans וורישך avec Vg., ce qui est d'autant plus facile que 2 suit. C'est la solution de Moore. Dans ce cas, ce qui est attribué à la divinité, c'est la victoire sur ses ennemis ; le rôle du dieu est surtout de chasser les précédents possesseurs, son peuple s’installe ensuite. Jephté ne fait aucune difficulté de raisonner selon les idées communes. Chacun a le droit de profiter des victoires de son dieu : Iahvé n'a pas combattu pour le compte des adversaires, ils n'ont pas le droit de profiter de la victoire. On n'est pas autorisé par le texte à dire avec les anciens commentateurs que Jephté parle à un sot selon sa sottise ; rien ne marque dans le texte qu'il sût que Camos n'était qu'une vaine idole qui ne pouvait rien posséder (contre Hum.); mais il n'est pas permis non plus d'affirmer que Jephté mettait dans sa pensée Camos sur le même rang que lahvé, parce que dans les relations internationales on part toujours de principes communément 24. Omettre 1 dans .יווושך 25. Omettre .טוב reçus. Jephté ne pense pas sans doute que le pouvoir de Jahvé soit limité par celui de Camos; à l'occasion lahvé pourra aussi le chasser ; la question de savoir quel est le plus fort n'est pas agitée et ne pouvait pas l'être dans des négociations pacifiques. Le seul point est celui-ci : puisque les adversaires s'installent sans scrupule dans le pays que leur dieu met à leur disposition, Israël a pu user du même privilège. Camos ne peut être que le ‘dieu de Moab. Jusqu'à présent la situation pouvait s'accorder avec 16 roi des Ammonites; on leur appliquait les conclusions logiques d'événements historiques qui leur étaient communs avec Moab: Moab était nommé de préférence parce que l’ancienne histoire le mettail beaucoup plus en évidence. Mais ici c'est Moab qui est visé directement, à cause de Camos son dieu (1 Reg. 11 7.33 ; 11 Reg. 23 13; Jer. 48 7.13.46. οἱ l'inscription de Mésa). On ne peut pas dire que les Ammonites qui avaient pour dieu Milcom (1 Reg. 41 33; Jer. 49 1.3) adoraient aussi Camos car il s'agit ici du dieu national, propre à chaque peuple, qui triomphe avec lui (Moore). 11 faut choisir entre une grosse difficulté littéraire et une altération textuelle. Nous aimons mieux croire que Camos s’est glissé dans le texte au lieu de מלך ou ὩΣ plutôt que de considérer toute la négociation comme 25) La comparaison avec Balaq roi de Moab n'indique nullement que Jephté a affaire au roi de Moab {contre Budde etc.), mais plutôt le contraire, Balaq n'étant pas nommé son ancêtre ni son prédécesseur, mais roi de Moab, sans doute par opposition à lui-même. L'histoire de Balaq (Num.
11:22
figurait dans E οἱ dans J.— Effacer 21% avec G(A, Lag. etc.) plutôt que de supposer que le premier 2% est un infin. abs.; il n'y a place ici que pour un adjectif. Jephté savait d’après les anciennes histoires que Balaq n'avait ni argumenté, ni combattu, mais avait eu plutôt recours à la ruse en faisant maudire Israël par Balaam. D'ailleurs comme Balaq était contemporain de la conquête, la pensée de Jephté développée au v. suivant 26. ביעזר ; TM בערוער dans ‘Aro'ër. — ירדן ; TM ארנון de l'Arnon. — Omettre est bien que c'était le moment de protester, et non lorsque la prescription a créé en faveur d'Israël un titre de plus (contre Moore).
11:26
Ce verset semble altéré de plusieurs manières. La date de trois cents ans ne concorde pas avec בעת ההיא qui s'entend du moment de la première occupation, quand Israël s'installa, ,בשבת car ces mots ne peuvent signifier > durant tout ce temps de trois cents ans », mais « à cette époque » (329; 44; 126; 444; 21 14.24). De plus le TM a ‘Aroër et l'Arnon, donc ‘Aroër près de l’Arnon, c'est-à-dire uniquement un pays moabite depuis Hésébon, qui n'a rien à faire cette fois avec la prétention actuelle des Ammonites. Le G(A) lit la'‘zer au lieu d'‘Aroer et tous les Grecs (avec Vg.) le Jourdain au lieu de l’Arnon. Il faut sans hésiter préférer ces lectures avec Moore (contre Budde). Elles sont seules en situation quand il s’agit des Ammonites et c’est pourquoi Budde les taxe d'harmonisation. Mais en tous cas cela remonterait à un original hébreu, car le grec n'aurait pas arrangé si habilement une difficulté topographique. Puis outre que le grec a pour lui la parfaite conformité avec l’ensemble du contexte, le TM a contre lui un point décisif : après avoir nommé ‘Aroër et ses filles il était absolument inutile d'ajouter : et toutes les villes qui sont au bord de l'Arnon; de plus ‘Aroër a pu pénétrer là par confusion avec l'‘Aroër des Ammonites; cf. v. 33. La partition du grec est excellente, Hésébon, la'zer et les villes des rives du Jourdain. C'était précisément le territoire contesté. Il faut maintenir la coupure du TM; le v. 26 commence une phrase. Lorsqu'Israël s'y est établi, après sa conquête sur les Amorrhéens dont la capitale était Hésébon, pourquoi n'avez-vous pas alors essayé de s'en emparer ? — Il faut naturellement rayer devant מודוע avec G(A, Lag.) et laisser הצלתם avec TM contre Moore qui lit הצַלתֶם avec G(B); il ne s’agit pas du contemporain de Jephté mais de vous autres Ammonites ; le verbe peut être dans un sens absolu, comme 1 Sam. 30 8. Le sens paraît bien être ici de recouvrer, et par conséquent Jephté suppose que l'occupation amorrhéenne avait dépouillé les Ammonites. C'était le moment de faire valoir leurs droits; non que ces droits fussent admis par Jephté, mais enfin alors on aurait pu discuter, tandis que maintenant tout est réglé depuis longtemps.
11:27
Pécher contre un homme dans Hexateuque seulement dans E Gen. 20 9; 40 1 ; 42 22; Ex. 5 19 (Budde\, mais Gen. 40 1 doit être de J. lahvé qualifié de juge Gen. 48 25. > Qu'il juge aujourd'hui, lui qui est juge plutôt que : « qu'il juge lui qui est aujourd'hui juge », Vg. arbiler hujus diei, quoique les deux sens soient possibles. Jephté parle ici au nom d'Israël, comme v. 13. Sa pensée à lui se révèle à ce moment. Il considère son dieu comme juge de la querelle. Iahvé ne combattra pas seulement pour son peuple, il sera le juge des deux nations. Ni Moore ni Budde ne soufflent mot de cette conception du rôle de Jahvé. C'est un dernier argument pour le cas prévu où les négociations seront inutiles.
11:29
Jephté était déjà décidé à faire la guerre. Le don de l'Esprit n'est pas ici une inspiration pour faire telle ou telle chose, mais un surcroît de force et d'énergie. Il parcourt plusieurs pays, sans doute pour chercher des renforts, animer les courages. Calm. remarquait déjà ici d'après 44 3 qu'il avait aussi demandé le secours d'Éphraïm. Il est très vraisemblable qu'on devait lire ici Éphraïm au lieu de Galaad 1° loco (Budde) d'autant qu’ensuite Jephté arrive à Mispah de Galaad. Moore objecte que 108 Israélites y étaient déjà rassemblés (40 17), et que par conséquent ce verset n’est qu’un essai de souder au vieux fond les pourparlers avec les Ammonites (Moabites) qu'il considère comme plus récents. La conciliation n’est pas impossible. Jephté a pu juger que 165 Israélites n'étaient pas en force, ce qu'ils devaient bien sentir eux-mêmes en cherchant un chef, et chercher du renfort. N’en trouvant pas il a recours au vœu, moyen suprême et désespéré. Malgré tout il est difficile de prendre עבך dans le sens de chercher du renfort, et la phrase serait plus claire comme marquant le retour de Jephté du pays 29. בעבר : TM עבר il passa. de Tob; il parcourt rapidement le pays, traverse Mispah, fond sur les Ammonites. Cette rapidité vient de l'esprit de Jahvé. Mais dans ce cas il ne faudrait pas suppléer Éphraïm (ce que fait Budde qui donne cette solution d'après Holzinger-manuscril) mais une région intermédiaire entre Tob et Manassé oriental, peut-être Argob. Ce serait un doublet de 112, probablement d'après un autre document. — Lire avec G. 9222 au lieu עבר étonnant avec l’acc. dans le sens d'aller vers; l’auteur marque que par une manœuvre hardie, Jephté tourne les Ammonites, ce qui est conforme au v. 33. 30 8.) Le vœu n'est que trop clair. Jephté promet de donner à Iahvé et par mode d’holocauste, la personne qui sortira des portes de sa maison pour venir à sa rencontre. Cela s'entend évidemment de la première personne qu'il verra sortir : la personne qui sortira quand il viendra en vue de sa maison; le primus de la Vg. n'est nullement nécessaire. On a allégué que les animaux vivaient dans les maisons avec leurs maîtres, et cela est encore vrai, par exemple des chèvres, mais les animaux ne vont pas à la rencontre des gens. On remarque ici que Jephté a donc sa maison à Mispah, tandis que dans le début du chap. il en avait été chassé, et d'après le v. 29 il l'avait seulement traversée. — Il y a une grande ressemblance dans les termes et le mouvement de la phrase entre ce vœu et celui de Jacob (Gen. 28 20-22 (E). La précision est extrême, les termes soigneusement calculés.
11:32
Les conditions du vœu sont remplies, lahvé lui livre 105 Ammonites.
11:33
‘Aro'er ne peut être ici la cité moabite sur les bords de l'Arnon, mais ‘Aro'‘er-en face de Rabba, c'est-à-dire à l'est d'Ammaän (Jos. 43 25) cette ville n'est pas nommée ailleurs. על פכי signifie très probablement 34. n300 ; TM בומזנו en dehors de lui. l'est, comme la droite le midi, la gauche le nord, le derrière l'occident. On regarde lorient pour situer les points cardinaux d'après le corps humain (YWoore). Si Mispah est à Misib{a, il est très naturel que Jephté ait pris les Ammonites par derrière, quoique Budde trouve si étonnant ce point de départ à l'est d'Ammän. Minnith est placé par Eusèbe au quatrième mille d'Hésébon à Philadelphie (Ammän) (On. 440 3; 280 ++), ce qui convient parfaitement. Menjah existe très bien à une heure au nord-est de Mädaba, quoique Moore révoque son existence en doute d’après Tristram, mais serait trop au sud. La situation d'Eusèhe est à Oum el-Qenäfid. Entre ‘Aro'‘er οἱ Minnith, ces deux endroits compris, 16 texte place vingt villes on s’attendrait plutôt à un nouveau point de départ, d'est en ouest. Abel Keramim est d’après On. 96 10, 225 5 à six milles (ou sept) de Philadelphie, ce qui convient encore. Il faut naturellement rejeter l'identification de Tristram avec Karm Dhibän, près de l'Arnon. Budde très disposé à trouver du Moabite dans cette histoire affirme que Minnitb à quatre milles d'Hésébon était donc en territoire moabite, Abel Keramim à six milles de Philadelphie en territoire ammonite. Mais il n'y a que treize milles d'Hésébon à Philadelphie. Savons-nous donc si exactement où passait la frontière entre Armon et Moab? D'ailleurs il s'agit du point extrême d'une poursuite. Le G de B met ici ἄχρις ᾿Αρνών en doublet avec ἐν ἀριθμῷ (pour Minnith), mais il n’y a ג[ qu'une preuve de plus que tout ce qu'il y a de moabite dans notre histoire est de date récente, des gloses provenant de la confusion des deux ‘Aro‘er; A et Lag. n’ont pas ce doublet né de la difficulté d'écrire ἑὼς ἐλθεῖν ..«ἐν ἀριθμῷ | Le but de la poursuite est double comme 7 22, elle part d'un point donné mais se continue en éventail. — 33b est naturellement de RD., cf. 3 30 ; 4 23; 8 28.
11:34
La fille de Jephté est déjà grande, ce qui ne paraît pas en parfaite harmonie avec v. 2 et 3, surtout si l'on interprète מימים d'une année; mais peut-être doit-on le prendre dans un sens vague. La fille de Jephté prend la tête du chœur, comme la sœur de Moïse Ex. 45 20 (E) ; de même dans ] Sam. 48 6. C’est donc la première personne sortie de sa maison qu'aperçoit Jephté. Lire ΠΣ, le suffixe féminin avec LXX. Il semble 35. עלוך ; TM om. qu’on doive se représenter des femmes s’avançant en cadence sur deux rangs, au son des tambourins dont elles accompagnent la mesure en battant des mains et en balançant le corps; c'est du moins la mode orientale actuelle.
11:35
D’après TM בעכרי au plur. signifie : « tu es des personnes qui m'aflligent »; Moore et Budde lisent au singulier : « tu es dans la qualité de quelqu'un qui m'aflige; » ce qui serait très faible comme complément de la pensée après l'hiph. de ,כרע tu m'as renversé. Le G(B) et la Vg. ont eu le sentiment d’une opposition entre Jephté et sa fille : decepisti me et ipsa decepta es, mais sans conserver le jeu de deux mots différents, כרע et .עכר Au lieu du participe plur. on serait tenté avec Moore, Budde, de supposer un substantif sing., mais il n'existe pas dans la langue. Le G(A et Lag.) : tu as été une épine dans mes yeux. Noter pour la critique des LXX l'étrange leçon de A ἐμπεποδοστάτη xat σεμνοτάτη, corruption graphique grecque de : ἐμπεποδοστάτηχάς μοι (Lag.). La leçon mass. s'explique peut-' être par l’ensemble de la vie de Jephté; souvent en butte aux persécutions de ses proches, il mettait dans sa fille toute sa consolalion : c'est elle maintenant qui se joint à ceux qui l'ont affligé; fu quoque fili mi! L'ancienne version grecque : ἐμπεποδοστάτηχάς ue ne suppose pas un autre texte ou peut-être עכרתני (Moore); ce qu'elle ajoute est probablement authenthique : εἰς σχῶλον ἐγένου ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς μου, פצח — למכשול הוית בעיני ouvrir largement, d’après )0205.'% indiquerait une parole précipitée et folle Job 3516; Ps. 66 1%; mais il faut plutôt dire avec Moore et Budde qu'il s'agit au contraire d'une parole grave, solennelle cf. v. 36; qui d’ailleurs peut être, comme c’est le cas pour Job 35 16, d’une solennité disproportionnée avec sa valeur; il en a plein la bouche. Ajouter עלוך après ,פי qui paraît bien établi par la double recension du G περὶ σοῦ (A) κατὰ σοῦ (B) (Budde). — Jephté s’aflige de voir sa fille qu'il avait certainement comprise dans son vœu. 1| n'avait, avant l’action, mis aucune limite à sou sacrifice il se désole de voir qu'il a été pris au mot dans ce qu'il a de plus cher.
11:36
Mon père, cessez de vous troubler, vous n'êtes point trahi... L'héroïque 37. והרדתי ; TM וירדתי et Je descendrai. jeune fille songe que sa mort est la rançon du triomphe, comme l'Iphigénie d’Euripide. Comment a-t-elle si vite compris ἢ Budde suppose une lacune, mais Moore voit avec raison un effet de la inanière naïve de l'auteur -- et cependant aussi de son tact littéraire qui lui fait éviter une explication prosaïque. C'est d'ailleurs un des traits de l'Élohiste. Budde efface sans façon les fils d'Ammon dans E ou les remplace par les Moabites; le même voit dans la vengeance de Jephté quelque chose de personnel; mais dans toutes les négociations l’auteur l'identifie fortement avec Israël, v. 12 et v. 27. — Le G(A et Lag.) mettent ἐν ἐμοί avant ,פציתה mais outre que cette fois cetté indication est moins nécessaire pour le sens, elle ne se trouve pas dans B et Lag. omet אבי ; ce peut donc être un doublet אם בי pour ,אבי à moins qu'on ne préfère supprimer le touchant .אבי
11:37
Le Khetib רְעָיתִי de ,רעיה le Qré ‘ny de רַעָה qui vient au v. 38. Il serait étonnant qu fi y eût dans les deux versets deux formes différentes, donc préférer le Qré. La descente aux montagnes étonne tout le monde elle peut s'entendre à la rigueur si Mispah est à Misibta, c'est-à-dire sur le plateau. Les montagnes boisées et solitaires qui dominent la vallée du Jourdain sont en partie en contre-bas. Mais il vaut mieux lire 1h73 avec Perles (Analekten, p. 51) non comme lui dans le sens de se lamenter, mais dans son sens normal d’errer; la peinture est fort belle. Elle pleure sa virginité comme Antigone, gémissant de ne pas laisser de postérité, ce qui est un malheur et un déshonneur; cf. Is. 47 8 5.; 49 21,
11:39
11 exécute son vœu. Quelques-uns traduisent ce qui suit : en conséquence de quoi elle ne connut pas d'homme. Moore et Budde ont objecté que ce sens aurait dû être exprimé par ,ולא ידעה אוש et que והיא placé en tête donne à la phrase le cachet d'une circonstance additionnelle : « or elle n'avait pas connu d'homme. » Κη. (362 n) réplique par l'exemple d'Is. 4 2b, 92 בנים גדלתי והם פשעו où והם n'introduit pas une phrase de circonstance ; c'est après qu'ils ont été élevés qu'ils ont méprisé. Nous répondons que le sens d'Is. 4 20 οἱ de notre verset est plutôt une opposition : el cependant. le sacrifice est d'autant plus grand, l'auteur insiste sur la virginité. Donc והיא ne peut être considéré à cause de Is. 4 2Pcomme une conséquence. C'est encore une opposition dans Gen. 48 179. 18a.-Kœn. argue encore que la série se continue par l'impf. conséc. 3990; mais il faut rattacher ותה au v. suivant. Le père a sa part de sacrifice dans cette circonstance, car sa race est menacée 6060 64
11:40
ותהי v. précédent est impossible comme le note Budde ; mais plutôt que de lire ,ווהי il vaut mieux laisser le féminin comme neutre et lire avec G לחק au lieu de חק sujet. D'après Kœn. 323 h, le sujet est la fille elle devint une norme, une règle et non pas : « cela devint une coutume. » Cette fille devient une institution! .]קוחו תלכנה dans le sens du passé, comme verbe d'habitude selon la coutume qui se représente d'année en année 21 19 ; 1 Sam. 4 3 ; 2 19. תנה a été pris par les anciennes versions dans le sens de se lamenter, et leur autorité est suffisante ici, d'autant que le seul autre cas ὅ 11 est fort douteux. La meilleure correction 507816 celle de Klostermann ,לענות pour chanter à deux chœurs {Ex. 32 48) ל Kimchi, qui a, le premier semble-t-il, songé à une réclusion virginale de la fille de Jephté, suppose qu'on allait parler avec elle, la consoler. 12 1-6. Les Épunaïnires er Jepnré. — Ce morceau a été considéré par Well. (Compos., p. 229) comme sans valeur historique et une pure imitation de 8 1-3. C'est sacrifier très inutilement un trait d'une rare originalité. Les objections tendraient plutôt à prouver une certaine dualité dans l’histoire de Jephté. Celui-ci allègue qu'il a demandé du secours (42 2) ce qui n'est pas dit précédemment et a pu être supprimé par RJE s'il y a bien deux documents. On s'étonne aussi que la plainte des Éphraïmites se produise quand déjà Jephté est rentré dans sa maison et que deux mois se sont écoulés. 1} est vrai que l'auteur 8 pu vouloir terminer tout ce qui regardait le vœu, mais le v. 44 40 a bien l'air de la fin du récit concernant Jephté « de Galaad ». La prétention d'Éphraïm est en effet injustifiée, mais c’est 2. ענוני ; TM om. — אליכם ; TM אתכם vous. 3. אין ; TM אינך que lu n'étais pas là. un trait de caractère de cette tribu. Quoique l'unité soit à la rigueur possible, il semble plus probable que le morceau appartient à un autre document que l'histoire du vœu (E) et par conséquent à J comme d’après nous 8 1-3. Il est très naturel que le même auteur ait relevé deux fois les prétentions d'Éphraïim pour marquer qu'il n'a pas eu toujours à faire à la même trempe d'homme.
11:1
… And indeed in the time of the "judges" such isolationism manifested itself clearly (cf. Judg. 5:17); nevertheless for the most part the activity of Jephthah, called merely the Gileadite, took place in the tribe of G. (ibid. 11:1 ff.). …
2. Name of the son of Machir, descendant of Manasseh, and head of an Israelite house (Num. 26:29; Josh. 17:1). Name of the father of Jephthah (Judg. 11:1 ff.).
11:6
Evident, in such conjunctures, was the need for a leader, who was sought (cf. Judg. 10, 18; 11, 6.8), or accepted, offered by circumstances, that he might be the defender, the "liberator" (Judg. 3, 9; cf. Neh. 9, 27) of Israel.
11:11
Maspha (Heb. Mīspāh "Watchtower")
2. Village in Gilead, Jordan (Judg. 10:17; 11:11), which is sometimes identified, although not necessarily, with M. of Gilead (ibid. 11:29) and with Ramoth-Mizpeh (Josh. 13:26). Jephthah had his residence there (Judg. 11:34), and …
11:12
deed were considered envoys of Yahweh to settle, either by negotiations or, after refusal (cf. Judg. 11, 12-28), by war, the "dispute" that had arisen between the people of Israel and foreigners, or rather to re-establish "justice" in a national-Yahwistic sense. …
11:13
… The A. at first occupied the region northeast of the Dead Sea, more or less between the two rivers Jabbok and Arnon (Judg. 11:13, 26), previously inhabited by the giants Zamzummim, whom they exterminated (Deut. 2:19-21). But the strip adjoining the Jordan and the Dead Sea was taken from them by the Amorites, led …
… Jacob (v.), returning from Mesopotamia, with a mysterious figure (Yahweh or the angel of Yahweh?), who changed his name to that of "Israel" (Gen. 32:23-30; 33:17-20). It was near Mahanaim (v.) and divided Gilead into two equal parts (Josh. 12:2; Judg. 11:13-22). It marked the boundary between the Kingdom of Og (Bashan) and that of Sihon (Hesh-
11:15
… Even before their arrival from the desert to Canaan, the Israelites had conquered certain territories between the Jordan, the Jabbok and the Arnon, inhabited by Ammonites and Moabites (Num. 21:26-30; Judg. 11:15 ff.). …
11:17
EDOM (IDUMEA). - Name by which are called: 1) the adult Esau (Gen. 25, 30; 36, 19); 2) his descendants and their land (Ex. 15, 15; Num. 20, 14 ff.; Judg. 5, 4; 11, 17 f.; II Sam. 8, 14; I Kings 9, 26; 11, 14 ff.; II Kings 3, 8 f.; 8, 20-22, etc.). …
region (Num. 20:12, 21; Judg. 11:17).
The country of M., between Ammon to the north and Edom to the south, originally inhabited by the Emim, bordered to the east on the great Syro-Arabian desert by means of a large strip called "the desert of M." (Deut. 2:8, 13; Judg. 11:17), along which Israel went up, so as not to touch the country of M. The brook Zered (Wādi el-Hesā) clearly marked its southern boundary (Num. 21:11 ff.; 33:43 ff.); to the west, the …
11:19
… 2:19-21). But the strip adjoining the Jordan and the Dead Sea was taken from them by the Amorites, led by King Sihon, who drove them farther east, and then taken from the Amorites by the Israelites, who divided it among the tribes of Reuben and Gad (Judg. 11:19-22; Num. 21:25 ff.; Josh. 13:15-28).
11:24
… Milcom received the same name as C. (Judg. 11:24). Among the Moabites he enters, as Yahweh does among the Hebrews, into the composition of several proper names, e.g., Chemoshmelek, father of Mesha (Stele of Mesha).
… Abel, Géographie de la Palestine, II, Paris 1938, p. 276). The conception of the territorial god (Ruth 1, 15; 2, 11 ff.) is characteristic of ancient times: cf. Judg. 3, 20; 11, 24; certainly inexplicable after the exile (cf. R. Tamisier [v. bibl.], p. 312). The formula of solemn oath (Ruth 1, 17) is in use only in Samuel-Kings. …
11:25
BALAC. - Moabite king, son of Zippor, at the time when the Hebrews were about to take possession of Palestine (Num. 22-24; mentioned in Judg. 11:25; Mic. 6:5; Rev. 2:14).
11:26
2. A border city of the tribe of Gad, opposite Rabbah (Josh. 13:16, 25; Judg. 11:26, 33) of the Ammonites, present-day 'Ammān. …
… 410 years; but since according to 1 Kings 6, the whole time from the Exodus to the building of the Temple is only 480 years (cf. Acts 13:20: from the entry into Palestine to the kings, 450 years), only about 330 years would remain for the Judges (cf. Judg. 11:26: 300 years). …
11:29
… On the other hand, the descent of the Holy Spirit upon a person chosen by God for a particular mission does not of itself entail any divinization; it serves only to demonstrate a special impulse on God's part, as happened to Othniel (Judg. 3:10), Gideon (Judg. 6:34), Jephthah (Judg. 11:29), Samson (Judg. 13:25), Balaam (Num. 24:2), Saul (1 Sam. 10:6), etc.
Maspha (Heb. Mīspāh "Watchtower")
2. Village in Gilead, Jordan (Judg. 10:17; 11:11), which is sometimes identified, although not necessarily, with M. of Gilead (ibid. 11:29) and with Ramoth-Mizpeh (Josh. 13:26). Jephthah had his residence there (Judg. 11:34), and there his daughter, unaware of the vow rashly made by her father, was notified by him of …
11:30
… (tentavit); in fact at the opportune moment he prevented him from carrying the sacrifice to completion and had it replaced by that of a ram (Gen. 22). The example of Jephthah (v.), who sacrificed his daughter believing himself bound to fulfill a rash vow (Judg. 11:30 ff.), only demonstrates that this judge did not have an exact notion of the true worship owed to Jahweh: as for the morality of that act, the Bible does not pronounce. …
11:33
Abel (Hebrew 'Abhēl 'meadow'; possibly Aramaic from Canaanite 'Abil 'channel')
3. Abel-kéramim "A. of the vineyards." Village of the Ammonites (Judg. 11:33) situated, according to the Onomasticon of Eusebius (32, 14-16), 6 or 7 miles (about 10 km) from Philadelphia (v. RABBĀH); perhaps it is present-day Na'ur or, according to others, Abil ez-Zait.
… Besides Rabbāh, they had various cities (Judg. 11:33 "twenty"; 2 Sam. 12:31), among them Minnith (Vulg.: Mennith) and ʿAbēl-Kērāmim (v. ABEL, 5), whose name attests the fertility of the soil. …
11:34
… In Sacred Scripture, dance occurs as a collective manifestation of joy (Ex. 15, 20; Judg. 11, 34; I Sam. 18, 6), as an act of festivity (Judg. 21, 21) and as a sign of honor to God (Ps. 67, 26; 149, 3). In the episode of the golden calf, the Hebrews sin by dancing around it, and …
Maspha (Heb. Mīspāh "Watchtower")
2. Village in Gilead, Jordan (Judg. 10:17; 11:11), which is sometimes identified, although not necessarily, with M. of Gilead (ibid. 11:29) and with Ramoth-Mizpeh (Josh. 13:26). Jephthah had his residence there (Judg. 11:34), and there his daughter, unaware of the vow rashly made by her father, was notified by him of the death destined for her.
11:37
… (Prov. 5:15-20; 6:24-35; 23:26-28; Eccl. 9:1-13; Mal. 2:14 ff., etc.) or describe the ideal wife (Prov. 31:10-31; Eccl. 26:1-24) in opposition to the perverse one (Eccl. 25:17-36). For the preference of the married state over celibacy cf. Judg. 11:37.
11:40
… Piacenza 1909, pp. 107-109) sees in the descent of Jesus into the underworld the myth of the descent of T. and of the descent of Ishtar, who goes there to seek her dead spouse T. According to R. Dussaud (1921), the custom of weeping every year in Gilead for the daughter of Jephthah (Judg. 11:40) would be the survival of an Amorite cult of T.! T. Meek maintained that Cant. and various psalms were derived from the songs of the cult of T.; he is well refuted by H. H. Rowley.
Douay-Rheims (Challoner) · Vulgata Clementina · original Douay-Rheims (Douay 1609-10), transcription by EEBO-TCP (CC0) · La Sacra Bibbia, tradotta dalla Volgata da Antonio Martini (1769-1781) (LaParola (laparola.net), Martini OSIS text, Public domain (LaParola's electronic edition marks it 'Dominio pubblico')). Public domain.