COMUNIONE DEI SANTI. – Article of the Apostles’ Creed.
SUMMARY:
I. Formula of the Creed
II. Nature of the C. dei S. –III. Subject
IV. Object
V. Errors.I. FORMULA OF THE CREED
The clause “sanctorum communionem” was inserted into the Apostolic Creed around the fifth century; whether this occurred first in Gaul or elsewhere cannot be established with certainty. In the East the addition was never accepted. The principal sources for the history of this insertion are: Niceta of Remesiana (east of Nisch, in Serbia), who died after 414 and wrote Explanatio Symboli habita ad competentes (PL 52, 871); and Faustus of Riez (in Provence), who died after 485 and was the author of Duae homiliae de Symbolo (Aug. and G. L. Hahn, Bibliothek der Symbole und Glaubensregeln der alten Kirche, 3rd ed., Breslau 1897, § 61).An examination of these documents and of those from the fifth and sixth centuries shows that the word sanctorum is ordinarily masculine in gender, not neuter: that is, it does not mean holy things, namely the Sacraments, but the saints in the specific sense of the saints in heaven, in addition to those on earth, that is, Christians, whom s. Paul calls saints (cf. O. Procksch, s. V. ἄγιος, in G. Kittel, Theologisches Wörterbuch, I, Stuttgart 1932, pp. 109–10) and as does the ecclesiastical literature of the first centuries. The introduction of this formula into the Creed does not seem to have been a reaction against the doctrines of Novatian, Vigilantius, or the Donatists (cf. A. D’Alès, Saints, in DFC, IV, cols. 1152–56; J. De Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen-âge, I, Les recherches sur les origines du Symbole des Apôtres, Brussels 1946, p. 100).
II. NATURE OF THE COMMUNION OF THE SAINTS
“The communion of the saints means that all the faithful, forming one body in Jesus Christ, share in all the good that exists and is accomplished in that body itself, namely, in the universal Church, provided that they are not prevented from doing so by attachment to sin.” This definition is answer 122 of the catechism that goes under the name of Pius X. At other times this source will be cited. The communion of the saints, therefore, is expressed in the law of solidarity, by which the goods of one become the goods of all who belong to the Church.The Church Christ (v.). From its unity flows solidarity.
1. Scriptural Data
Solidarity already appears in the Old Testament: the salvation of Sodom depends upon ten just men (Gen. 18, 23-33); the victory of the Jewish people over the Amalekites at Rephidim is related to the supplicating hands raised by Moses (Ex. 17, 8-16); original sin itself is an indication of the solidarity of all human beings with Adam, since in him all sinned (Rom. 5, 12).In the New Testament, the Synoptics especially (cf. Mt. 3, 2; 4, 23; 9, 35; 13, 1-53; 21, 43; Mk. 1, 14; Lk. 1, 32, 33; 16, 16) describe for us the kingdom founded by Christ, the kingdom foretold by the prophets (cf. Is. 9, 6, 7; Dan. 2, 44; 7, 14), to which all human beings must belong, where solidarity is cemented by charity, implored by Jesus in his priestly prayer (Jn. 17, 21-24), and extended, in the springtime of the Church, even to the sharing of material goods (Acts 4, 32-37). But the hagiographer who, more than any other, emphasized solidarity is St. Paul. The Church, as he often teaches (e.g., Eph. 1, 23; Col. 1, 24), is the body of Christ; the faithful put on Christ, are incorporated into Christ; “in Christ Jesus” is his preferred, characteristic expression, repeated no fewer than 164 times (F. Prat, La théologie de St Paul, II, 28th ed., Paris 1941, pp. 476-77). In this body, though endowed with a manifold variety of gifts, ministries, and operations, unity shines forth, brought about by the Spirit (I Cor. 12, 4-12). From this unity springs solidarity: “There are therefore many members, but one body. The eye cannot say to the hand: I have no need of you; nor likewise the head to the feet: You are not necessary to me... And if one member suffers, all the members suffer together; and if one member rejoices, all the members rejoice together” (ibid., 12, 20-22, 26). “The ear,” comments St. Augustine, “sees through the eye, the eye hears through the ear... Thus when the ear says: the eye sees for me, the eye says: the ear hears for me, the eyes and the ears say: the hands work for us” (In Ps. 130, n. 6: PL 37, 1707).
The applications that the Apostle makes of this solidarity within the Church are numerous: he becomes weak if anyone is weak and burns with anger and grief if anyone is scandalized (II Cor. 11, 29); the Christian husband sanctifies his unbelieving wife, and the believing wife sanctifies her pagan husband (I Cor. 7, 14); almsgiving in some way removes the inequality existing among the disciples, as the rich give the poor the surplus of their temporal goods, while the poor repay the rich with goods of a higher order (II Cor. 8, 13-15); the Apostle asks the prayers of his correspondents for himself and for all the saints (that is, the faithful) (Rom. 15, 30; Eph. 6, 18-19), indeed “for all men, for kings and for all who are in high positions, that we may lead a quiet and peaceful life in all piety and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour, who wishes all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth” (I Tim. 2, 1-5). The prayer of the faithful is useful not only to the living, but also benefits the dead: therefore the Apostle, grateful for the benefits received from the deceased Onesiphorus, a Christian from Ephesus, prays for him “that the Lord may grant him to find mercy with the Lord on that day” (II Tim. 1, 18). St. James likewise recommends mutual prayer: “Pray for one another, that you may be saved; the fervent prayer of the righteous has great power” (5, 16).
2. Data from Tradition
There is perhaps no doctrine more widespread in patristic literature than that of the mystical body of Christ. It was so popular that the Fathers spoke of it in homilies and, rather than explain it, assumed it was already known and made practical applications of II. The immediate consequence of this doctrine was unity, the union of the brethren, the “communio,” which was manifested in participation in the Eucharist and in epistolary exchange; excommunication, on the other hand, was the rupture of these relationships, whether of a member of the community with the other members and the bishop, or of bishops among themselves. The center of this “communio” is the Church of Rome (cf. L. Hertling, Communio und Primat, in Miscellanea historiae pontificiae, VII, Rome 1943, pp. 1-48).a) Apostolic Fathers. — Traces of the bonds that united the faithful of the Church are found in the letter of St. Clement of Rome to the Corinthians, in the Shepherd of Hermas, in the letter of St. Polycarp to the Philippians, in the Epistle of Barnabas, in the teaching of the Twelve Apostles, but especially in the letters of St. Ignatius M. For him the Church is fraternity, charity, the agape, ἡ ἀγάπη (cf. Ad Trall., 13, 1; Ad Philadelph., 11, 2; F. X. Funk, Patres Apostolici, I, Tübingen 1901, pp. 250, 274); and the Church of Rome presides over charity, over fraternity (Ad Rom., inscr.; F. X. Funk, ibid., p. 252), and is “she who presides over the agape” (cf. I. Schuster, “She Who Presides over the Agape” in a Priscillian fresco of the second century, in La Scuola Cattolica, 77 [1949], pp. 130-32). This fraternity is nourished by a network of mutual prayers among the Churches (Eph., 21, 2; Magn., 14; Rom. 9, 1; F. X. Funk, ibid., pp. 230, 240, 262), and the fruits received by the Church of Antioch bear witness to this fecundity (Smyrn., XI, 1, 3; Polyc., VII, 1; F. X. Funk, ibid., pp. 284, 292). On various occasions Ignatius commends himself to the prayers of the faithful (e.g., Rom. 4, 2; F. X. Funk, ibid., p. 256) and offers himself as a victim for the Ephesians (Eph. 8, 1; F. X. Funk, ibid., p. 220). Nor does he forget to ask prayers for heretics and for all men (Smyrn., 4, 1; Eph., X, 1; F. X. Funk, ibid., pp. 278, 320).
b) Fathers of the Second and Third Centuries. — Very few references relating to our subject are found in the apologetic literature of the second century, which was engaged with other questions. The writers of the third century are richer in this regard: in the East, the two Alexandrian masters Clement and Origen; in the West, the two Africans Tertullian and St. Cyprian. In their works the social efficacy not only of prayer but also, in those times of persecution, of martyrdom is emphasized. Origen and Tertullian also present solidarity in evil (in lib. Jesu Nave, hom. V, n. 6: PG 12, 851 C; De paenit., c. X: PL 1, 1245 B). Clement accurately describes the Apostle St. John, ready to give his life in order to obtain the conversion of a bandit chief: “I shall answer for you to Christ. If necessary, I shall gladly endure death for you, as the Lord died for us. I shall give my life in your place” (Quis dives solvetur, 42: PG 9, 649 C).
c) Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries. — The golden age of patristic literature was also the period of complete maturity for the doctrine of the C. of the s., which received its formula in the Symbol around the fifth century. Its representatives in the East are the Cappadocians, s. Cyril of Jerusalem and s. Cyril of Alexandria, s. Epiphanius of Salamis, but above all, in its practical applications, s. John Chrysostom. An enthusiast of s. Paul and, following in his footsteps, a preacher of the mystical body of Christ, which he sees as a giant seated at Rome and knows the Indians to be one of its members (in Io. hom. 65: PG 59, 361), he could not remain indifferent to the close bond that unites the various members of this body. He therefore treats of almsgiving (cf. E. Mersch, Le corps mystique du Christ, I, Louvain 1933, pp. 406-13), of the various forms of apostolate, to which the laity too, men and women, are called (cf. S. Tromp, De corpore Christi mystico et actione catholica ad mentem s. Iohannis Chrysostomi, in Gregorianum, 13 [1932], pp. 321-72), and exhorts people to weep for the sinner: he has sinned, and shall I weep? Yes, «because we are united together like the body and its members; in the body, although the foot is wounded, we see the head hastening to the ground» (De poenitentia, hom. 1: PG 49, 280). Among the Western Fathers, s. Augustine stands out, even above s. Ambrose and s. Jerome. Indeed, no one is more steeped than he in the doctrine of the mystical body, which very frequently becomes the subject of his sermons and writings. Against the Pelagian system, which eliminates from Christianity two mysteries of solidarity, original sin and the Redemption, s. Augustine demonstrates
that everything in Christianity is reduced to two masses, two bodies, two men. There is solidarity in evil: all sinned in Adam; solidarity in good is in force: the mystical body of Christ (E. Mersch, op. cit., II, pp. 60-67). In this «total Christ», solidarity unites heaven with earth and the faithful on earth with one another: the martyrs in heaven, in fact, intercede for us (In ps. 85, n. 24: PL 37, 1099); we are the fruit of their labor (Serm., 280, In nat. mart. Perpetuae et Felicitatis, I, n. 6: PL 38, 1283); he who labors rests in him who leads a quiet life, and the latter leads an active life in him: «Unum enim corpus sub uno capite sumus, ut et vos in nobis negotios, et nos in vobis otiosi simus, quia si patitur unum membrum, compatiuntur omnia membra, et si glorificatur unum membrum, congaudent omnia membra» (Ad Eudoxium, ep. 48, 1: PL 33, 187). Other Latin Fathers follow in the Augustinian tradition.
d) Scholastic theologians. — The doctrinal tradition of the mystical body continues among the scholastics, although in another form and with less vigor than among the Fathers. This does not prevent them, however, from speaking of the solidarity founded on the unity of the mystical body, as do William of Auxerre, Alexander of Hales, s. Albert the Great, s. Bonaventure, and s. Thomas (cf. E. Mersch, op. cit., II, pp. 272-79). Dionysius the Carthusian (d. 1471), who collected medieval thought in his extensive works, treats of the mystical body of Christ and of the solidarity that unites its various members. He also speaks of the hierarchical theory handed down by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, in which the unity binding the heavenly hierarchy to the ecclesiastical hierarchy is acknowledged, together with a beneficial influence that descends from one into the other (cf. F. M. Bauduc, L'Illuminatrice nelle opere di Dionigi il Certosino, in Marianum, 10 [1948], pp. 191-210). The same hierarchical theory is also found extensively in s. Bonaventure (cf. L. Di Fonzo, Doctrina s. Bonaventurae de universali mediatione B. V. M., Rome 1938, pp. 198 ff.).
e) Ancient monuments. — The Church militant is regarded as a great spiritual family, whose members call one another and are «brothers», sharing a common origin, end, name, faith, Sacraments, worship, martyrs, and saints; they pray for and help one another; the martyrs and confessors who are in chains intercede for the penitents. This spiritual exchange also crosses the boundaries of earthly life: Abercius asks for prayers for himself in his epitaph. The living raise acclamations and prayers for their deceased brothers, as is read in many inscriptions: peace, in peace, peace to you, peace to your spirit, eternal peace, in the Lord and in peace, in peace with the saints, may your soul be in refreshment, eternal light to you, may you live in God, in Christ, in the Holy Spirit, in peace, forever, among the saints, with the martyrs, always in God, rise again in Christ (cf. R. S. Bour, Communion des saints d'après les monuments de l'antiquité chrétienne, in DThC, III, col. 462). At other times they are prayers properly so called, which the faithful address to God, the angels, and the martyrs for their dead; sometimes they bury them beside the remains of the martyrs; they offer the divine Sacrifice, visit the tombs while praying and performing good works in suffrage for their dead. And the dead take an interest in the living, who commend themselves to them in order to obtain favors. Nor is it thought that the blessed in heaven are strangers to the fate of the dead; rather, they take a lively and efficacious interest in II.
The blessed are also closely united with the faithful on earth and become patrons of individuals, especially at the time of death and Judgment, and of cities. The faithful hold in high esteem the mighty greatness of the saints, special friends of Christ. From this esteem arise various practices of veneration and worship: devotional medals are worn, images are reproduced, vows are made, inscriptions, mosaics, altars, chapels, and churches are dedicated, feasts are established, their anniversary is solemnly celebrated, and the liturgy is offered in their sanctuaries. The angels also have a part in this worship.
There is also a whole flowering of prayers addressed to the saints, imploring a safe voyage, remembrance before God, the granting of one’s prayers, assistance at the time of Judgment, and Paradise for oneself and for others (cf. R. S. Bour, ibid., cols. 454-80).
f) The liturgy and indulgences provide excellent confirmation.
III. SUBJECT
All the parts of the body are mutually united and in communication with one another. The Church is the mystical body, of which Christ is the head. There is therefore solidarity and intercommunication between the head (v. CORPO MISTICO) and the members.“Those who are outside the Church are outside the C. of the s., namely, the damned, unbelievers, Jews, heretics, apostates, schismatics, and those who have been excommunicated” (Catechism of Pius X, no. 124). On the other hand, all who are in the Church militant, triumphant, or suffering are in the C. of the s. Therefore sinners are not excluded from the C. of the s., although they do not participate fully in it (cf. Catechism. Trident., part 1, ch. 10, no. 26; P. Gasparri, Catechism for Adults, Brescia 1934, p. 79). “The blessed in Paradise and the souls in Purgatory are also in the C. of the s., because, united among themselves and with us by charity, the former receive our prayers and the latter our suffrages, and all repay us with their intercession before God” (Catechism of Pius X, no. 123).
IV. OBJECT
The communicable spiritual treasury is constituted by the contribution of the Head and of the members of the mystical body.a) Contribution of the Head. — Christ the Redeemer made satisfaction for all our sins with a satisfaction that was condign, superabundant, and infinite; he merited for us justification and all supernatural gifts; he prayed (Io. 17, 6-26) and continues to pray for us (Rom. 8, 34; Hebr. 7, 25; I Io. 2, 1); he left to the Church, instituted by him, as means of holiness and eternal salvation: the true faith, the sacrifice, the Sacraments; he gave us (which is a new title for us) his very mother (Io. 19, 26-27). This interpretation « perpetuo sensit Ecclesia » (Leo XIII in the encyclical « Adiutricem populi » in Acta S. Sedis, 28 [1895-1896], p. 130; cf. J. Leal, B. V. Io. 19, 26-27, in Verbum Domini, 27 [1949], pp. 65-73).
b) Contribution of the members. — The mystical members of Christ the Redeemer are also, in their own way, redeemers, and in their flesh complete « what is lacking in the sufferings of Christ for the sake of his body, which is the Church » (Col. 1, 24). This contribution is supplied by their works and prayers.
In the good works of the just, a threefold value may be distinguished: satisfactory, condignly meritorious (« de condigno »), and congruently meritorious (« de congruo »): V. MERITO.
Now: 1) the satisfactory value can be communicated to others, both deceased (e.g., through « the heroic act of charity » [v.]) and living (e.g., a confessor may permit another to perform part of the satisfaction instead of and for the benefit of the penitent). There is also an application of this doctrine in indulgences, because they are « remission before God of temporal punishment due for sins already remitted as regards guilt, which ecclesiastical authority grants from the treasury of the Church, for the living by way of absolution, and for the dead by way of suffrage » (CIC, can. 911). By the will of the Church, « no one who gains indulgences can apply them to other living persons; whereas all indulgences granted by the Roman pontiff are applicable to the souls in Purgatory, provided that the contrary is not established » (CIC, can. 930); 2) the condignly meritorious value is strictly personal and incommunicable; the sole exception is the merit of Christ, head of the Church; 3) the congruently meritorious value: a) that of the just is communicable; indeed, according to Suárez, the just person can merit « de congruo » for another as much as he can merit for himself, and something more. This something more is first grace, which no one can merit for himself (De gratia, L. 12, c. 38, n. 21); b) that the congruently meritorious value of the sinner is communicable is by no means improbable (cf. H. Quilliet, Congruo [de], in DThC, III, coll. 1144-45). The act of constriction (infallible congruent merit) must, however, be excluded, since, belonging to justification, it can only be personal and incommunicable.
Special consideration must be given to prayer, understood here in the specific sense of petition, which consists in asking and entreating God. Like any good work, it can possess the threefold value of which we have spoken; but if it is considered in its characteristic aspect as petition, it possesses, when performed under the proper conditions, an infallible efficacy founded on the divine promises (Lc. 11, 9; Io. 16, 23). Leaving aside the question debated among theologians as to whether this infallibility of prayer applies only to the one who prays and not in favor of others for whom one may pray, it is certain that prayer for others is always most useful (cf. I Tim. 2, 1-5; Iac. 3, 16).
The sacramentals confirm the communicable efficacy of the Church’s prayer. Finally, the apostolate, to which all the faithful are called in some measure by the very solidarity of the mystical body, is nothing other than a communication, an irradiation of good; from the first apostolate, when Jesus sent the Eleven to evangelize the world (Mt. 28, 19-20), to the apostolate in its various forms, accessible to all: the apostolate of prayer, of action (Catholic Action, the good press, good example, etc.), and of suffering.
Good works exert a beneficial altruistic influence even without an explicit altruistic intention on the part of the one performing them. « This Catholic force of expansion in the works of Christians is not an accidental addition; it requires neither an explicit intention nor a new intervention of Grace. It proceeds, in the work itself, from that very thing which makes the work possible, because that very thing which makes the member live makes it live in the unity of all the members. Whatever they do, they are inwardly joined with all the other members; I communicate through the root, according to the magnificent expression of St. Thomas » (E. Mersch, op. cit., II, p. 275). « Even without thinking of it, the saints have made expiation for the whole Church. For, as Caetano notes, Christ’s intention was to suffer for the whole Church in general, since Christ’s Passion is a universal cause of salvation. Therefore the intention of the saints was to suffer beyond their own expiation, for the whole Church. The passion of the saints, in fact, and that of the Savior are both, in the same way, something common and for all, because the passion of the saints is the completion of Christ’s Passion » (ibid., p. 273). This does not mean that the explicit offering for others is useless: it is always useful, since it is an act of exquisite charity; at times it is also necessary, when the altruistic intention is directed toward particular persons or purposes (cf. A. Taverna, Sull'efficacia che l'offerta delle opere buone dà alle nostre preghiere, in Messaggero del S. Cuore, 56 [1920], pp. 271-73).
Automatically, anyone who is in the Church participates in some way in these common goods (this is the consequence of solidarity, that is, of the unity of Christ’s mystical body), although to a different degree, depending on the dispositions of the recipient and on the laws of the divine economy.
The supernatural world, too, is traversed by waves of light, sound, and life, which souls transmit to one another, because, in this order of providence, they are saved socially. Therefore the doctrine of the C. dei s., while on the one hand it is a great consolation, on the other imposes no slight responsibilities. This doctrine can shed light on the problem of suffering, the importance of contemplative Orders (cf., for example, Lettere di s. Gemma Galgani, Rome 1941, letter 83ª: to Fr. Germano, pp. 215-20), the reparatory character of devotion to the S. Cuore, ascetics, sociology, and the theology (as it is called today) of history.
V. ERRORI
Prima del sec. XVI la dottrina della C. dei s. aveva avuto avversari solo quanto a qualche sua pratica applicazione, ad es., del culto dei santi (Vigilanzio); ma nell'individualismo protestantico essa ebbe l'opposizione al suo stesso principio dogmatico. È molto significativo a questo riguardo che il protestantesimo abbia avuto inizio proprio dalla lottacontro le indulgenze. Lutero, pur ritenendo la formola «sanctorum communionem», la svuota del suo contenuto più caratteristico, lasciandole il semplice significato di comunità cristiana. Calvino fu più generoso al riguardo e meno si allontanò dalla dottrina cattolica. La chiesa anglicana s'accostò in diverse circostanze ora alla dottrina luterana, ora a quella calvinista, ora alla cattolica (cf. P. Bernard, ibid., coll. 447-50, 430-31). I protestanti liberali e razionalisti moderni hanno sulla dottrina della C. d. s. apprezzamenti sconcertanti: essa appare loro un ritorno alle superstizioni pagane (M. Nicolas, Le Symbole des Apôtres, Parigi 1867, p. 249), un sistema puramente meccanico di giustificazione (A. Vigué, Communion des saints, in Encyclopédie des sciences religieuses, III, Parigi 1878, p. 286), persino una cosa immorale, abile miscela di pelagianesimo e di magia, d'incredulità e di superstizione (J. A. Dorner, Histoire de la théologie protestante, trad. A. Paumier, Parigi 1870, pp. 12, 28). «Questa pratica di ricorrere ai santi ed ai martiri, scrive A. Harnack, esisteva già da lungo tempo, ma Gregorio ha il merito di averla ridotta a sistema, e nel medesimo tempo di averla provveduta di abbondante materiale tanto coi suoi dialoghi quanto con altri suoi scritti. Una vera schiera di «mediatori» venne ad interporsi tra Dio e gli uomini: gli angeli, i santi ed il Cristo; e gli uomini cominciarono già fin d'allora a computare astutamente che cosa ciascuno di essi poteva fare per loro, quale di essi sarebbe stato per loro il migliore. L'incertezza intorno a Dio, l'umiltà monastica, perversa, il terrore dei cuori non riconciliati e quindi con tutto il peso dei loro peccati, tutto contribuì a gettare i cristiani in braccio di superstizioni prettamente pagane, introducendo i «mediatori» nella dommatica» (Manuale di storia del dogma, trad. it., V, Mendrisio 1914, p. 345).
L'esposizione fatta della tradizionale dottrina cattolica, è già una sufficiente confutazione di tali errati giudizi.
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