ANTISEMITISM. - Aversion to the Jewish people, occurring in ancient and modern times, based on social rather than religious motives. The term is highly improper (it should be called "anti-Judaism"), also because Jews are traditionally hated by the largest modern Semitic people, the Arabs; it was coined—apparently—by W. Marr in 1880 and spread in Germany and Austria on the basis of ethnic-social antagonisms, and today it usually signifies hostility toward Jews, deriving from any motive. "The word is new, but the thing is old... It designates a state of mind, a sociological theory (conflict of races and class struggle), a political party, and principally a legislation" (S. Deploige, p. 6).
SUMMARY:
1. Antisemitism in the ancient world
2. Antisemitism in the Christian world
3. Antisemitism in the modern world
4. Antisemitism and Catholic morality.4. ANTISEMITISM IN THE ANCIENT WORLD
The phenomenon of antisemitism spread wherever Jews established communities among other peoples. "Judaism and hatred of Jews have traversed history for centuries as inseparable companions" (L. Pinsker, p. 29). With the Jewish diaspora, from the 5th century B.C., begins the "ever-present question" (D. Goldstein).The first known episode of antisemitism is narrated in Esther, under Ahasuerus (Xerxes I). At the end of the same century, a popular anti-Jewish uprising led to the sacking and subsequent destruction of the temple of Elephantine (from approximately 412 to 404 B.C.), in Upper Egypt, and the killing of the Jewish colony along with the high priest Jedonia. The Hellenistic world opposed the Jews for the reason already expressed in Esth. 3:8, "when it saw that this strange race spread across the entire inhabited earth, yet without merging with the various environments" (G. Ricciotti, p. 231). The texts of Greek and Roman writers (collected by Th. Reinach) about the Jews reveal an antipathy dominated by contempt and distrust toward a people that appeared too different. "Antisemitism corresponds to Jewish exclusivism" (E. Zolli, p. 32).
From the 3rd to the 1st century B.C., the Hellenistic writers Manetho, Mnaseas of Patara, Posidonius of Apamea, and Apollonius Molon fought against the Jews. The latter were reproached for their exclusivism (ἀμιξία), both religious (Hecataeus of Abdera, Strabo, Varro, Dio Cassius, Petronius, Martial; Pliny, Hist. nat., XIII, 4, 46: "gens contumelia numinum insignis"; Tacitus, Hist., V, 4-8; Juvenal, Satire 6, 542-47; 14, 96-106) and social and national (Posidonius, Pompeius Trogus, Seneca, Persius, Tacitus), for which they were deemed "contrarii ceteris mortalibus, inimici generis humani" (Tacitus), "perniciosa ceteris gens" (Quintilian, Inst. Orat., III, 7, 21). Thus, calumnious legends about the Jews' immoral and atrocious practices formed; in the time of Caligula, the Alexandrians Chaeremon, Lysimachus, Apion (v.) spread them, and Philo had to refute these accusations of inhumanity (ἀπανθρωπία). Economic rivalry was already emerging: Pompeius Trogus denounced their wealth. Against the closed and impenetrable islands of these Orientals, who clashed with the classical and patriotic sensibility of the civilized world of the time, unpopularity grew; already for Cicero (Pro Flacco, 28), "Jew" was equivalent to "troublemaker," almost to "seditious"; it was remembered that in 139 B.C. the praetor Hispalus had expelled "Judaeos, qui Sabazii (= Sabaoth) Jovis cultu Romanos inficere mores conati sunt" (Valerius Maximus, I, 3, 2). "The pride of race inspired in the Jews sentiments and attitudes of hatred, contempt, and separation, of which the pagans keenly felt the injury and to which they responded with a fairly general anti-Judaism" (J. Bonsirven, Le Judaïsme palestinien, I, Paris 1934, p. 104).
Julius Caesar was a friend of the Jews, who, upon his death, honored him with funeral laments for several nights. The official attitude in the Empire was generally benevolent toward them, also because many wealthy Jews were influential at court. But the people abhorred them, also for the privileges they enjoyed, including exemption from military service and certain taxes, and for their proselytism among high-ranking individuals.
In Alexandria, they were often mistreated and harassed, especially under the governor of Egypt A. Avillius Flaccus (32-37/38 A.D.; Philo, Contra Flaccum), and Philo (Legatio ad Caium) led the Jewish embassy to Caligula (winter 38/39). Claudius sent the letter (discovered in 1924) to the Alexandrians (41 A.D.) to restore calm. In Rome, they were expelled (4,000 deported to Sardinia) under Tiberius (19 A.D.), whose minister Sejanus, who hated them, left Pontius Pilate in charge of Judea for ten years. Claudius, who ERODE AGRIPPA I (v.), was favorable to them, but could not prevent a new expulsion from Rome (Act. 18:1-2) of the Jews (who had returned under Caligula) "assidue tumultuantis" (Suetonius, Claud., 25, 4). Nero protected them; Vespasian and Titus, after suppressing the Jewish revolt (66-70), did not act cruelly, but the last Flavian, Domitian, who, along with his successors Trajan and Hadrian, remained in execration in rabbinic books as a persecutor.
Anti-Jewish hostility was thus widespread in the world long before the Crucifixion. The pagans remained anti-Jewish, from Justin and Plutarch (De superstitionis) to Ammianus Marcellinus and Rutilius Namatianus (4th century); the latter reproaches Pompey and Titus for having conquered Judea and concludes: "Latius excisae pestis contagia serpunt-Victoresque suos natio victa premit" (Itinerarium, V, 385 ff.).
5. ANTISEMITISM IN THE CHRISTIAN WORLD
Christians, mindful of the precept of charity, harbored no social prejudice of nation or race toward the Jews; on the contrary, they opposed their particularism with the evangelical-Pauline universalism. But after Calvary, Jewish hatred against Christians was very active, as attested, besides the sacred books of the New Testament (I Thess. 2:15-16; B. Allo, L'Apocalypse, Paris 1921, p. IV: "Les ennemis les plus actuels sont encore les Juifs"),the Martyrium Polycarpi 12, 2; 13, 1; 17, 18; Ad Diognetum 5, 17; Justin, I Apol., 31, 36; C. Tryph. 16, 95, 110 ("you leave no Christian alive"), 133; hence Tertullian, Scorpiace, 10 (cf. Apol. 7), calls Jewish synagogues "fontes persecutionum." In the 2nd century, "Judaism maintained its ancient attitude of enmity, while on the other hand its doctrine and customs penetrated here and there into the Christian sphere, making defensive and clarifying activity necessary" (B. Altaner, Patrologia, Italian trans., Turin 1940, p. 66). Therefore, from the 1st century onward, the divine reprobation of Israel was emphasized (Epist. Barnabae 4:6-8; 14:1-4; etc.). Around 200, the Clementine Homilies IV, 6: PG 2, 161, praise the Alexandrian Apion for having defended Hellenic culture against "Jewish impiety." The anti-Jewish polemic of the Fathers (well expounded by F. Vernet and A. L. Williams) was continuous, from St. Justin to the priest Evagrius in Gaul (430).
Origene, St. Ephrem, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. John Chrysostom, and St. Jerome (In Isaia 2, 8) lament the persecutions and outrages suffered at the hands of the Jews. In the time of St. Ambrose, "the wealth and proselytism of the Jews provoked antisemitic reprisals almost everywhere" (A. Paredi, S. Ambrogio, Milan 1940, p. 377); when the people burned the synagogue of Callinicum on the Euphrates, Theodosius I ordered the bishop of Callinicum to rebuild it, but Ambrose (Epist. 40-41 to Theodosius, to Marcellina) compelled the emperor to grant impunity to all. The synagogue of Rome was burned around 595. Augustine accuses them (Sermo 62, 17-18) of inciting pagans and heretics against Catholics and frequently speaks of Christians' distrust toward the Jews (e.g., Contra adversarios legis et prophetarum: PL 42, 600 ff.). In 415, Patriarch St. Cyril did not oppose their expulsion from Alexandria. Theodosius II suppressed the Palestinian rabbinical schools (425). Under the Goths, the atrocities of Theodoric's final years were attributed to the Jews (A. Amelli, Cassiodoro e la Volgata, Grottaferrata 1917, p. 14 ff.). In 521, persecutions against the Jews flared up again in Rome, and they appealed to Allger, Theodoric's legate.
The restrictive laws issued by Theodosius II (between 425 and 439) and Justinian (Novella no. 146 of 553; Codex I, 8: De inducis et coelicolis) remained in force in Christian nations until modern times.
In the Middle Ages, as always, the Church, concerned only with moral and religious principles, openly protected Jews against persecution but prohibited them from exercising influence in Christian society; "it prevented, as much as it could, violence against them; it prevented, as much as it could, trust in them" (M. Landrieux, p. 86). The Third Council of Toledo (589) forbade them from holding public office and owning Christian slaves, decreeing the confiscation of the goods of converts who returned to Judaism; the Sixth Council of Toledo (633), presided over by St. Isidore of Seville, confirmed this but reproved King Sisebut for forcing Jews to convert; the Tenth (656) and Seventeenth (694) Councils increased the severity. Paulus Alvarus (d. 861) remained within this line.
In the East, St. Maximus the Confessor (580-662) and St. John Damascene (679-749), and in the West, St. Gregory of Tours (520-93) and Ratherius of Verona (896-974), denounced grave dangers emanating from the Jews. The bishops of Lyon, Amulo (Contra Judaeae ad Carolum regem: PL 116, 141-184, in 846, asked Charles the Bald to enforce the laws of the Council of Meaux of 845) and especially his predecessor Agobard (d. 840), opposed the growing Jewish influence; the latter sent Emperor Louis the Pious four learned writings to this effect (the De Iudaicis superstitionibus was drafted with other bishops) and to Nebridius, bishop of Narbonne, the De casendo consciu et societate iudaica (PL 104, 9-353). But after various grave crimes against the Jews (during the First Crusade [1096], massacres of Jews in Cologne, Speyer, and Mainz; in 1147, the monk Radulf incited the people of Mainz to massacre the Jews, and they were killed by departing crusaders in Carentan and elsewhere), St. Bernard (Epist. 333 to Archbishop Henry of Mainz, Epist. 363 ad clerum et populum Galliae orientalis) intervened, condemning these cruel methods and recommending the conversion of Jews but not their killing.
Unfortunately, the cruelties continued, and Innocent IV issued two bulls (to the archbishop of Vienne in France, 28 May 1247; to the archbishops and bishops of Germany, 5 July 1247) to prohibit violence against Jews not personally guilty of crimes. Meanwhile, in Paris (1244), Toulouse (1248), and elsewhere, Talmudic books were burned.
Canon Law prohibited (Decretals of Gregory IX, bk. V, tit. VI, chaps. 1-18) Jews from holding public offices, keeping Christian servants, or building new synagogues; it required them to wear special clothing or a distinctive mark. But it also prescribed: "Principes saeculares excommunicari debent, qui Iudacos baptizatos suis bonis spoliare praesumunt" (chap. 5) and: "Iudaci inviti non sunt baptizandi, nec ad hoc cogendi, vel in suis festivitatibus molestandi, nec ipsorum coemeteria violanda" (chap. 9).
From the 12th century onward, anti-Jewish legislation progressively worsened. According to civil public law, Jews were "perpetuae servituti addicti."
In France, St. Louis IX (Ordonnance of Melun, Dec. 1230, art. 2) sanctioned the provisions of Philip Augustus and Louis VIII: Jews were considered serfs of the glebe and could not move. St. Thomas, De regimine Iudaeorum ad comitissam Flandriae (or ad Ducissam Brabantiae), around 1270, accepted these laws but interpreted them in the most benign manner.
Passions and self-interest, however, prevailed. Edward I expelled the Jews from England (1290), where they could return only with difficulty and in isolation under Cromwell (1653). Chronicles of the time record mass killings of Jews in Fulda, Mainz, Munich, Oberwesel, Boppard, Coblenz, and Thuringia (MGII, Scriptores, XV, 31; XVII, 77, 255; XVIII, 415; XXV, 717); similar massacres were frequent in Spain from 1390 to 1473. Thomas of Cantimpré, then Peter of Ilinis (Contra perfidos Iudaeos), Berthold of Regensburg, and St. Vincent Ferrer presented to the people the dangers of Jewish coexistence. The populace defended itself against sects it felt threatened by (e.g., the Cathars) through lynching, considering them a social danger all the more grave as they were closed, secretive, and elusive; this barbaric practice (Lex Visigothorum, nov. tit. II) was energetically reproved by the Church. Nicholas V (Bull of 2 Nov. 1447) condemned the anti-Jewish riots in Spain; Paul III (Bull of 12 May 1540) those in Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland.
The papacy was an essentially moderating power, as seen from the Bull of Innocent III Licet perfidia iudaeorum (15 Sept. 1199: Bullarium Romanum, III, Turin 1858, pp. 330-31), and from various letters in which he recommended repressing their "insolentia" but prohibited their harassment merely for being Jews (PL 214, 864 ff.; 215, 501 ff., 617 ff., 694 ff.). Yet "secular society presented the most wretched spectacle of incomprehension, inconsistency, and inhumanity, with few and occasional exceptions... While brutal masses knew only to attack synagogues and ghettos, setting them ablaze when some greater provocation came from a Jewish center or when economic distress grew too acute, constituted powers, great and small, seigneurial or communal, wavered between mass expulsions—with complete unpreparedness of the economic environment from which the Jewish financial market was abruptly withdrawn—and the most improvident transactions with the ghetto, more master of the economic situation than ever. In all this lies the improvidence and impulsiveness proper to the barbarian" (U. Benigni, p. 108). "The Jewish policy of the medieval world, both of governments and masses, is sometimes a crime, almost always a colossal mistake... despite the insistence of ecclesiastical authority for a policy as prudent as it was humane" (id., p. 113).
BIBL.:
F. Vernet, V. ANTIGIUDISMO; A. L. Williams, Adversus Judaeos, Cambridge 1935; A. Paredi, S. Ambrogio, Milano 1940; A. Amelli, Cassiodoro e la Volgata, Grottaferrata 1917; M. Landrieux, L'Église et les Juifs, Paris 1910; U. Benigni, Storia sociale della Chiesa, V, Milano 1910; Bullarium Romanum, III, Torino 1858; PL 42, 214, 215; MGII, Scriptores, XV, XVII, XVIII, XXV; Decretales di Gregorio IX, l. V, tit. VI; Lex Visigothorum, nov. tit. II.
A. M. Vitti
« The Jewish question presented, in the Middle Ages, a highly significant economic aspect, due to the concentration of the money trade in the hands of Israel » (S. Deploige, pp. 34-48). Between Jews and non-Jews, there was a continuous seesaw of mutual reprisals. Philip the Fair and Louis X worsened the condition of the Jews in France, from where Charles VI definitively expelled them on 17 September 1394. The Middle Ages closed with the expulsion of the Jews from Spain (1492) and dependent territories (Sardinia), who had to surrender all their wealth. John II of Portugal welcomed them into his kingdom, from which Emanuel I later drove them out (1496). In 1510, they were expelled from the Kingdom of Naples; but the physician "Master Leone" (v. GIUDA) obtained from the viceroy that Fra Francesco de l'Agnelina no longer preach "against the Jews." Cosimo I de' Medici expelled them from Tuscany (October 1541), St. Pius V from the Papal States except for Rome and Ancona (1569); around 1650, they were expelled from Brazil.
The Popes defended Christians against Jewish usury (Fourth Lateran Council, c. 67: « Brevi tempore christianorum exhauriunt facultates ») by encouraging the Monti di pietà, promoted in the 15th century by the Franciscans Blessed Bernardino da Feltre, St. Giacomo della Marca, and Michele da Milano. They recommended avoiding Jews but forbade mistreating them; indeed, they prohibited preachers from dwelling too much on them (Martin V, Bull of 3 February 1429). However, when Johann Reuchlin praised Jewish books, his Augenspiegel (1511) was condemned by Leo X as « dangerous, suspect, full of partiality for the Jews » (1520). Julius III ordered the Talmud to be burned (1554), and Paul IV (Bull of 14 July 1555) commanded its annihilation: in Cremona, the converted Jew Sisto da Siena destroyed a great number of copies, as did Salomone Romano (from 1552 to 1558) in Rome and the Marches. Clement VIII also adopted severe measures (1593).
The Popes complained about the Jews, from Gregory IX, who deplored that, « ingrati gratiae ac beneficiorum obliti », they had become insufferable (Bull of 5 March 1233 to the German bishops: Bull. Romanum, III, Turin 1858, p. 479), to St. Pius V (Bull Hebraeorum gens 26 February 1569): « Cognitum satis et exploratum habemus quam indigne Christi nomen haec perversa progenies ferat, quam infesta sit omnibus qui hoc nomine censentur » (Bull. Romanum, VII, Turin 1862, p. 740). The dangers for Christians are enumerated by J. Balmes, Il protestantesimo paragonato col Cattolicismo nelle sue relazioni con la civiltà europea, trans. A. Orioli, 2nd ed., Naples 1849, I, pp. 217-20; II, pp. 231-42, 301-10. Cf. G. Fabiani, Gli Ebrei e il Monte di pietà in Ascoli Piceno, Ascoli 1942.
The compulsory ghetto, which began in 1412, spread; in Rome, it remained until 1870 (L. Wirth, The Ghetto, Chicago 1928). The laws prohibiting intimate relations between Jews and Christians were in the interest of both parties. Nevertheless, the Jew J. Darmesteter (Essais orientaux, Paris 1883, pp. 262-70) dared to assert: « The hatred of the people against the Jew is the work of the Church », and continued: « Yet only the Church in the Middle Ages protected the Jew... The fact is that it both needed the Jew and feared him » (cited by U. Benigni, p. 102, n. 1). This thesis, that the Church is responsible for the injustices suffered by the Jews, is widespread among modern Jews (H. Graetz, Th. Reinach, I. Loeb, Bernard-Lazare, up to A. Spire, Quelques Juifs et demi-Juifs, II, Paris 1928, p. 183), and Freemasonry denounces antisemitism as a « clerical maneuver » (P. Nourrisson, Le Club des Jacobins sous la 3me République, Paris 1900, p. 13). Yet they should remember that anti-Jewish hatred existed before the Church and exists outside the Church (D. Goldstein, p. XII: « The anti-Semitic spirit has never been absent where Jews abide »). Papal Rome was always hospitable to Jews, as was papal Avignon, as C. F. Heman well demonstrates in Realenc. für prot. Theol. u. Kirche, IX (1901), pp. 500-502, while the severe judgment of G. J. Hoogewerff, Felix Roma, Zutphen 1928, is unjust.
6. ANTISEMITISM IN THE MODERN WORLD
The civil emancipation of the Jews, initiated with the Edict of Tolerance by Joseph II (1782), was promulgated by the French Revolution. « Breaking with the policy of the entire Christian Middle Ages, the French Revolution resolved the Jewish question with freedom, that is, by practically denying its existence » (S. Deploige, p. 50). The abbé Grégoire, on 27 September 1791, had the Constituent Assembly vote for their full equality of civil rights. However, emancipation did not diminish anti-Jewish hatred. On the contrary, from H. Heine to I. Zangwill, to L. Pinsker and Th. Herzl, representative Jews have deplored the opposite. The cause was the sharpening of national sentiment in much of Europe and the reaction, among Catholics and Protestants, against liberalism and materialism. « Jewish emancipation amplified the propaganda of revolutionary theories » (R. Lambelin, in DFC, IV [1920], col. 1015); the grand rabbi J. Weill proclaims: « The Messiah is the triumph of Justice, the reign of Liberty and Fraternity. This reign began with the French Revolution » (cited by P. Loewengard, La splendeur catholique, Paris 1910, p. 99). « Antisemitism, moreover, is one of the ways in which the principle of nationality manifests itself » (Bernard-Lazare, L'Antisémitisme, II, p. 137). Antisemitism is indeed a product of the 19th century, as a doctrinal system aiming to scientifically justify, apart from religious considerations (which remained only among Islamic peoples and "Orthodox" Russians), traditional aversion. An antisemitic Weltanschauung arose in the Slavic and German worlds, where contacts with Jews were broader and social crises more frequent. International laws imposed civil equality between Jews and other citizens (Treaty of Berlin 1878, art. 44); but in practice, Russia, Romania, Hungary, and Poland applied them only partially.The dissident Russian Church, under the tsars, fomented a theological antisemitism: the Jewish people would embody evil, satanic powers, against which the blind and brutal pogrom (Russian: « devastation ») was unleashed, from 1882 until the fiercest in 1905. The rise of Pan-Slavism reinforced this antisemitism with political and social motives, considering Judaism the inspiration for anarchic democracy and mechanical capitalism and industrialism.
In Germany, with the rise of German nationalism in contrast to revolutionary ideology, antisemitism was based on the concept of race, already with J. G. Fichte (cf. E. L. Schaub, Fichte und Anti-Semitism, in The Philosophical Review, 1940, pp. 37-52), with F. Rühs and J. F. Fries (Berlin 1816), then with H. H. E. Paulus (1830), K. Streckfuss (1843), Br. Bauer (Die Judenfrage, Braunschweig 1843), H. Wagener (1857); above all, E. Renan (Histoire générale et système des langages sémitiques, Paris 1855; Le Judaïsme comme race et comme religion, ibid. 1883) provided weapons for this racist "science." In the years of nationalistic enthusiasm following the victories of 1866-70, and during the severe economic crisis of 1873, antisemitism strengthened (O. Glagau, H. von Scharff-Scharffenstein, M. Busch, principally Wilhelm Marr, H. von Treitschke, Paul de Lagarde, Ad. Wahrmund). The theories of the Comte de Gobineau, H. St. Chamberlain, and O. Weininger, exalting the Aryan race, favored II. Antisemitism also spread widely in Austria (and Bohemia) between 1875 and 1900.
BIBL.:
U. Benigni, Storia sociale della Chiesa, V, Milan 1910; S. Deploige, Le conflit de la morale et de la sociologie, Louvain 1911; D. Goldstein, Jewish Self-Hatred, Baltimore 1986; H. Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, Leipzig 1853-76; Th. Reinach, Textes d'auteurs grecs et romains relatifs au Judaïsme, Paris 1895; I. Loeb, La situation des Israélites en Turquie, en Serbie et en Roumanie, Paris 1877; Bernard-Lazare, L'Antisémitisme, Paris 1894; A. Spire, Quelques Juifs et demi-Juifs, Paris 1928; P. Nourrisson, Le Club des Jacobins sous la 3me République, Paris 1900; J. Darmesteter, Essais orientaux, Paris 1883; C. F. Heman, in Realenc. für prot. Theol. u. Kirche, IX (1901); G. J. Hoogewerff, Felix Roma, Zutphen 1928; J. Balmes, Il protestantesimo paragonato col Cattolicismo, Naples 1849; G. Fabiani, Gli Ebrei e il Monte di pietà in Ascoli Piceno, Ascoli 1942; L. Wirth, The Ghetto, Chicago 1928; R. Lambelin, in DFC, IV (1920); P. Loewengard, La splendeur catholique, Paris 1910; E. L. Schaub, Fichte und Anti-Semitism, in The Philosophical Review, 1940; E. Renan, Histoire générale et système des langages sémitiques, Paris 1855; Le Judaïsme comme race et comme religion, Paris 1883.
A. MERCATI
Preceded by G. F. Daumer (d. 1875), the antisemitism of the "Christian Socials" developed: in Germany with the Catholic newspaper Germania and the Lutheran Ad. Stöcker (Das moderne Judenthum in Deutschland, besonders in Berlin, Berlin 1880; his follower E. Böhme, Berliner Briefe, Hagen 1902), court preacher in Berlin; in Austria with the Catholics G. von Schönerer (with the newspaper Deutsches Volksblatt), K. Lueger, mayor of Vienna, and Prince Alois of Liechtenstein. The exegete A. Rohling strengthened it with erudite anti-rabbinic writings, Der Talmudjude (Münster 1871, 7th ed. 1924, French trans. expanded by M. de Lamarque, Le Juif talmudiste, Paris 1888) and various others (last Das Judentum, 1903), engaging in polemics for over 30 years, even against Franz Delitzsch and H. L. Strack. After Bismarck's fall (1890), antisemitism grew further despite some official prohibitions (in Vienna, in July 1896, the seizure of Franz Deckert's pamphlets, Pater Noster and Credo). The Bielis trial for ritual murder (1913-14) fueled anti-Jewish hostility.
Meanwhile, a nefarious pagan antisemitism emerged with K. Eugen Dühring (from whom H. St. Chamberlain drew much), Judenfrage als Frage der Rassenschädlichkeit, 1881; Der Ersatz der Religion durch Vollkommeneres und die Ausscheidung des Judentums durch den modernen Völkergeist, Karlsruhe 1883, 2nd ed. 1906 (cf. A. M. Weiss, Riforme della religione, Italian trans., Florence 1905, pp. 19-27).
The great theorist of this current, mitigating some of its blasphemous aspects, was Th. Fritsch (Antisemitischer Catechismus, 1893; Der falsche Gott, 1911; Die Rechtfertigung des Antisemitismus, 2nd ed. Munich 1924; Handbuch der Judenfrage, 33rd ed. ibid. 1933). The "Deutsche Christen" of this tendency came to revile, as Marcion and the Manichaeans once did, the sacred books of the Old Testament (cf. H. Kaupel, Die antisemitische Bekämpfung des A. T., 1932). The extravagances about "Aryan" nobility became, in the hands of some impious figures, weapons against the Christian religion.
From 1919, through the efforts of the deutsch-völkisch (populist) party, antisemitism spread in Germany, where defeat and chaos were attributed to Jewish factors (A. Hitler accuses them in Mein Kampf, Munich 1925, over 300 times). While even the Catholic press of the post-war period 1919-24 protested against the actions of various Jews (Reichspost, Das neue Reich, Schönere Zukunft), antisemitism gave rise to ever more absurd and disastrous forms: a new Dühring, A. Steiger (Die neudeutsche Herde im Kampfe gegen Christen und Juden, 1924), founded German "neo-paganism," and other syntheses of racial delusions emerged, such as the occultist religion founded (1924) by the former Cistercian Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels and H. Reichstein ("ariosophy"), followed by the "religion of blood" of E. Ludendorff and his wife Mathilde.
This bellicose couple founded a publishing house in Munich that attacked the Bible. Cf. O. Eissfeldt, E. Klostermann, F. K. Schumann, Die Zuverlässigkeit der Bibel, ein Gutachten über die neuesten Angriffe über sie, in Theol. Studien u. Krit., 107 [1936], pp. 354-70; E. Aland, Wer fälscht? Die Entstehung der Bibel, Berlin 1936; H. von Soden, Hat Ludendorff Recht?, Marburg 1936; H. Strathmann, Saladin-Ludendorff im Kampf gegen die Bibel, Essen 1936; K. Pieper, Ludendorff und die Hl. Schrift: Antwort, Munich 1937. Without reaching the excesses of the neo-pagans, some Catholics admitted an antisemitism that sometimes culminated in anti-Jesuitism (J. A. Koller, Katholische Kirche und Judentum, 1929).
National Socialism sanctioned antisemitism, introducing it into its program, and sought to justify anti-Jewish hatred with two arguments: 1) the inferiority of the Jewish race, formulated by F. K. Günther (Rassenkunde des jüdischen Volkes, Munich 1919, 16th ed. 1933) as a mixture of races according to two main types (Eastern Judaism, an Asian-Mongolian-N mixture, and Southern Judaism, a mixture of similar elements in a different order); 2) the ethical danger of capitalist social organization and the anarchic-subversive impulse allegedly deriving from Jews (on this, A. Rosenberg insists in Der Mythus des XX. Jahrhunderts, Munich 1930, placed on the Index in 1934: departing from purely biological considerations, he regards Judaism as a "spiritual type" that is disintegrative—mechanistic-hedonistic in morality, liberal-communist in politics, rationalistic-atheistic in religious terms); to this were added socio-economic and historical-national motives. Two characteristic works of this kind are: G. Feder, Die Juden, 4th ed., Munich 1933; F. O. H. Schulz, Jude und Arbeiter. Ein Abschnitt aus der Tragödie des deutschen Volkes, Berlin 1934. This absurd and iniquitous theory was clearly condemned by the Church (Pius XI and Pius XII in many speeches against hatred and violence, and on the respect due to the human person). Numerous massacres of innocent and peaceful Jews were its monstrous effect during the war of 1939-45.
In modern Italy, antisemitism never existed. However, while international conflicts favored ideological excesses, the Fascist government, in 1938, following the example of National Socialism, raised the "race question," which led to restrictive laws against Jews (Royal Decree-Law of November 17, 1938). Among these was the prohibition of marriage (even for converted Jews) with "Aryans," which Pius XI condemned as a "wound" inflicted on the Concordat between Church and State of 1929. The journals La difesa della razza and La vita italiana, the newspapers Regime Fascista and Il Tevere, endlessly repeated anti-Jewish commonplaces, but they did not influence the generally balanced Italian mentality. During the war of 1940-45, Italian occupation authorities in France protected Jews against the harsh measures of the German and Vichy French governments (L. Poliakov, La condition des Juifs en France sous l'occupation italienne, Paris 1946).
Far more intense was French antisemitism between 1880 and 1914. The anticlericalism of the Third Republic's government, the scandals of the collapse of the Union générale bank (1882) and the Panama Canal Company, led many Catholics to denounce Jews as the cause of so many ills (E. A. Chabauty, Les Juifs, Paris 1882; Gougenot des Mousseaux, Le Juif, le judaïsme et la judaïsation des peuples chrétiens, Paris 1869, 2nd ed. 1886; Léon Bloy, Le salut par les Juifs, ibid. 1892); the most vehement was Ed. Drumont (La France Juive, 2 vols., Paris 1885) in the newspaper La libre parole, which he founded in Paris in 1893. The Dreyfus Affair (1897-1902) gave rise to violent anti-Jewish polemics, in which La Croix of Paris participated. As often happens, the backlash fell upon Christianity: from the great national crisis that was the "affaire" emerged the anticlerical laws of 1903-1908 (J. Brugerette, Le prêtre français et la société contemporaine, II, Paris 1935, pp. 415-524). The mentality of anti-Jewish suspicion among many "right-wing" Catholics, such as P. Bourget, A. Monniot, A. Retté, G. Bernanos, Ph. Henriot, and X. Vallat, is reflected in Gabriel Malglaive, Juif ou Français, Vichy 1942, which called for "defensive laws" without Jews being persecuted or humiliated. Jews accuse the Vichy government of having cruelly persecuted them (J. Weill, Contribution à l'histoire des camps d'internement dans l'Anti-France, Paris 1946).
BIBL.:
For the general history of antisemitism, see: J. B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaicarum, I, Rome 1936, pp. LXXI-CXVI; J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire romain, 2 vols., Paris 1914; H. Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, 11 vols., Leipzig 1853-76; S. Dubnow, Weltgeschichte des jüdischen Volkes, 10 vols., Berlin 1925-29; L. Poliakov, Histoire de l'antisémitisme, 3 vols., Paris 1955-68; J. Katz, From Prejudice to Destruction: Antisemitism, 1700-1933, Cambridge (Mass.) 1980; U. Tal, Christians and Jews in Germany: Religion, Politics, and Ideology in the Second Reich, 1870-1914, Ithaca 1975; R. Wistrich, Antisemitism: The Longest Hatred, London 1991.
For the 19th and 20th centuries: E. Silberner, Sozialisten zur Judenfrage, Berlin 1962; P. Pulzer, The Rise of Political Antisemitism in Germany and Austria, London 1964; M. Zimmermann, Wilhelm Marr: The Patriarch of Antisemitism, New York 1986; R. S. Levy, The Downfall of the Anti-Semitic Political Parties in Imperial Germany, New Haven 1975; U. Tal, Religiöse Wurzeln des modernen Antisemitismus, in Jahrbuch des Instituts für deutsche Geschichte, 6 (1977), pp. 197-220; H. A. Winkler, Der Schein der Normalität: Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republik 1924-1930, Berlin 1985; K. Scholder, Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, 2 vols., Frankfurt 1977-85; S. Volkov, Antisemitism as a Cultural Code: Reflections on the History and Historiography of Antisemitism in Imperial Germany, in Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, 23 (1978), pp. 25-46; R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany, New Haven 1988.
For the Catholic position: A. Bea, De antisemitismo, Rome 1937; J. Oesterreicher, The Church and the Jews, New York 1965; E. F. Fisher, The Catholic Church and the Jews: A Historical Study, New York 1967; G. Martina, La Chiesa nell'età dell'assolutismo, del liberalismo, del totalitarismo, Brescia 1970, pp. 345-360; J. T. Pawlikowski, The Catholic Response to the Holocaust: Institutional Perspectives, in Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 1 (1986), pp. 277-293; G. Miccoli, Santa Sede e questione ebraica, in Storia d'Italia, Annali 11, Turin 1997, pp. 1369-1574.
For France: P. Sorlin, La Croix et les Juifs (1880-1899), Paris 1967; S. Wilson, Ideology and Experience: Antisemitism in France at the Time of the Dreyfus Affair, Rutherford 1982; M. Winock, Edouard Drumont et Cie: Antisémitisme et fascisme en France, Paris 1982; R. F. Byrnes, Antisemitism in Modern France, 2 vols., New Brunswick 1950; P. Birnbaum, Un mythe politique: La « République juive », Paris 1988.
For Italy: R. De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo, Turin 1961; M. Michaelis, Mussolini and the Jews: German-Italian Relations and the Jewish Question in Italy, 1922-1945, Oxford 1978; S. Zuccotti, The Italians and the Holocaust: Persecution, Rescue, and Survival, New York 1987; M. Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista: Vicende, identità, persecuzione, Turin 2000.
A. MERCATI
In Romania, già il massimo poeta nazionale Mihail Eminescu dal 1877 combatteva gli ebrei; i proff. Tura e Iorga fondarono l'Aliança antisemitica unicersala (1895); C. Z. Codreanu organizzò nel 1927 la « Legione dell'Arcangelo Michele » e A. C. Cuza (1922) la « Lega di difesa razionale cristiana »; anche del giornale Porunca Vremii e della « Guardia di ferro » di Codreanu l'a. era un fondamento; vi aderivano il principe Cantacuzeno e O. Goga, con gran parte del clero « ortodosso ». Le leggi restrittive del Maresciallo Antonescu (9 ag., 3 e 14 ott. 1940) furono salutate come un gesto di patriottismo.
Le stesse letterature europee furono avverse agli ebrei: l'inglese, in particolare, da Shakespeare (il cui Mercante di Venezia, con la satanica figura di Shylock, è stato tolto dai programmi in molte scuole pubbliche degli Stati Uniti per le proteste della Jewish Anti-Defamation League) fino a G. Byron e a C. Dickens (M. F. Modder, The Jew in the Literature of England. To the End of the 19th Century, Filadelfia 1939). Per la letteratura francese, cf. I. Schapira, Der Antisemitismus in der französischen Literatur, Berlino 1927, e J. Kaplan, Témoignages sur Israël dans la littérature française, Parigi 1938.
4. A. E MORALE CATTOLICA. — L'a., in quanto implica odio e fomenta, o anche solo giustifica, la violenza, è contrario alla morale cristiana, e comporta gravi pericoli per la fede (errori dell'ineguaglianza di razza, disprezzo del Vecchio Testamento), che molte forme di esso rigettano. La Chiesa perciò condanna « odium illud quod vulgo « antisemitismi » nomine nunc significari solet » (Decretum S. Officii, 25 marzo 1928: AAS, 20 [1928], p. 104). Religione d'amore, il cristianesimo proibisce che si danneggi o si vilipenda qualunque uomo, anche a chi si ritenesse da esso leso o offeso. Tanto meno autorizza che si perseguiti in blocco un popolo o una stirpa, perché in tal modo si viola, oltre la carità, la giustizia dovuta a moltissimi innocenti; le masse, come tali, non possono mai giudicarsi responsabilmente. Il rispetto assoluto di ogni personalità umana, sacra ed inviolabile, è alla base della convivenza sociale e internazionale.
« La giustizia e la carità non escludono la prudente e moderata difesa » (Civ. Catt., [1945, II], p. 274; cf. [1937, II], pp. 418, 497; [1938, II], p. 76; [1938, III], p. 146; [1938, IV], p. 3). Non è a. parlare di difetti o pericoli del giudaismo (D. Goldstein, pp. 118-20). Chi ritiene che gli ebrei sono a capo della massoneria (Civ. Catt., 13ª serie, 12 [1888, IV] pp. 520-32; H. Delassus, Il problema dell'ora presente, trad. ital., I, Roma 1907, pp. 630-59; La Massoneria [Civ. Catt.], Roma 1920, pp. 43-45; H. Belloc, trad. ital., p. 20; D. Goldstein, pp. 96-99; L. de Poncins) e del bolscevismo (H. Belloc, pp. 28-39; L. Massoutié, Judaïsme et Marxisme, Parigi 1939; G. Manacorda, Il bolscevismo, 4ª ed., Firenze 1942, p. 84 sg.) non può però, senza grave ingiustizia, accusare tutti. Chi condanna un sistema o un'organizzazione non può odiare le persone che vi aderiscono. Si può anche rilevare che « in linea di fatto gli ebrei hanno nel loro complesso oggi, nel mondo occupato dalla razza bianca, un potere del tutto eccessivo » (H. Belloc, p. 148; E. Eberlin, p. 31 sg.). Ma la risposta è ovvia: « Se un uomo non può tollerare il contrasto tra la razza ebrea e la nostra, ovvero considera questa razza in possesso di energie che invariabilmente lo sconfiggono nelle competizioni commerciali, allora si astenga dallo strin-
gere qualsiasi alleanza con ebrei. È il sistema più semplice. Ma l'immischiarsi nell'attività commerciale ebrei per poi sdegnarsi dinanzi ai risultati è cosa indegna » (H. Belloc, p. 107). Il cattolico però non può, per questione di sangue o di razza, schivare gli ebrei rigenerati dal Battesimo, ma il deve fraternamente abbracciare. E quanto agli altri, non vi può essere difesa morale e religiosa se non sulla base di comprensione e d'amore.
Solo su queste basi, escludendo ogni odio per le persone, è lecito un n. nel campo delle idee volto alla vigile tutela del patrimonio, religioso-morale e sociale, della cristianità (G. Gundlach, s. V. in LThK, I, col. 504 sg.). Tale è l'atteggiamento di S. Temman: « Nessuna ostilità, bensì misure difensive; libertà per gli ebrei, ma protezione per i cristiani » (S. Deploige, pp. 7, 14-23, 49-51). Quindi può ritenersi giusta, p. es., la legge ungherese del 1926 che fissa al massimo del 6,2% la quota di studenti ebrei presso le università (P. Delattre, L'organisation catholique des univers. en Hongrie, in Messager du Cœur de Jésus, 69 [1929], pp. 293-300).
La Chiesa Cattolica, pur imponendo il rispetto degli ebrei, a prevenire pericoli e malintesi raccomanda ai cristiani di non uscire dalla loro millenaria tradizione di cautela; « sia nel dominio della fede sia nel dominio della vita interiore, le differenze tra le due religioni sono tali che non vi è posto per una competenza reciproca » (L. Escoula, p. 73; cf. J. Bonsirven, in Etudes 209 [1931, IV], p. 69). Il S. Offizio condannò quindi (25 marzo 1928) l'associazione degli « Amici d'Israele » perché questa « rationem agendi invisse ac loquendi a sensu Ecclesiae, pa mente ss. Patrum et ab ipsa sacra Liturgia abhorrentem » (AAS, 20 [1928], p. 104). Gli ebrei più obiettivi giustificano tale ritengo dei cattolici (L. Pinsker, Th. Herzl, B. Lazare, E. Eberlin), che non ha nulla di comune con lo sprezzante « n. di società », diffuso dalla Polonia agli Stati Uniti, che tende ad escludere l'ebreo, convertito o no, dalle scuole superiori, da certi clubs o amministrazioni (A. Siegfried, Les Etats-Unis d'aujourd'hui, Parigi 1927, p. 25 sg.).
È da augurarsi che l'odio antisemita scompaia; ma è da temersi che rimarrà, latente o irruente, finché non sarà composta la « questione ebraica » di cui studiosi e politici, ebrei come cristiani, propongono ingegnose soluzioni, purtroppo discordanti (assimilazione, territorio nazionale o « sionismo », protezione internazionale delle minoranze). Intanto gli ebrei A. L. Sacher (A History of Jews, 1930, p. 335) ed E. Ovazza dichiarano che il sionismo nazionalista dà ragione agli antisemiti. « L'a. sorto dopo l'emancipazione è definitivo », scriveva Th. Herzl al gran rabbino Gudemann. La soluzione dovrà venire dal trionfo della fratellanza cristiana nel mondo, per cui si eviti di perseguire o di umiliare gli ebrei, in attesa della loro conversione a Cristo (Rom. 11, 20-32); ogni altro piano sembra illusorio (L. Escoula, p. 75 sg.). Quanto al passato, bisognerebbe dimenticare i mutui torti; « le reciproche rampogne dovrebbero ormai cessare, perché sono queste che rendono difficile la comprensione: sono l'olio versato sul fuoco; bisogna che le mani s'incontrino e che s'incontrino anche i cuori, perché il tempo delle tribolazioni non è ancora finito » (Kalman Molnar agli ebrei convertiti, in Magyar Kurir, ed. di Roma, 15 nov. 1947, p. 2).
I principi di violenza, comunque si tenti di giustificarli, sono anticristiani. Al cattolico deve premere che gli ebrei si convertano e vivano. Esistono nel mondo d'oggi molti problemi, non meno vitali, concernenti popoli assai più numerosi; ma la « questione giudaica » è forse la più grave, per l'importanza dei 17 milioni di uomini che vi sono interessati; è di quelle che più si prestano a confusioni ed abusi, essendo il giudaismo
e nazione e religione. « Come nei tempi passati, l'eterno problema che si chiama questione ebraica agita anche oggi gli uomini. Esso rimane insoluto come la quadratura del cerchio, con la differenza che continua ad esser tuttora il più ardente problema fra i problemi del giorno » (L. Pinsker, p. 23). Volerlo « liquidare » mediante l'arbitrio della forza è un disegno pazzesco, oltre che un'impresa delittuosa.
Sull'a. medievale: S. Deploige, S. Thomas et la question juive, Lovanio 1897; M. Landrieux, L'Inquisition, trad. ital., Torino 1916, pp. 84-90; U. Benigna, Storia sociale della Chiesa, IV, 1, Milano 1922, pp. 94-113; F. Murawski, Die Juden bei den Kirchenzütern und Scholastikern, Berlino 1925; G. Pearce, Twelve Centuries of Jewish Persecution, Hull 1927; J. Parkes, The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue, A Study in origins of Antisemitism, Londra 1934; W. Grau, Antisemitismus im späten Mittelalter (1930 bis 1940), Monaco 1934, 2e ed. aum., Berlino 1939; M. Haller, La question juive dans le premier millénaire chrétien, in Revue d'hist. et de phil. rel., 15 (1935), pp. 293-334; A. L. Williams, Adversus Judaism: A bird's eye view of christian Apologie until the Renaissance, Londra 1935; H. T. Obbink, Middlesexisch theologisch antiinduzion en excerte van het O. Test., in Neuve Theol. Studieu, 20 (1937), pp. 77-87; P. Brown, Die Judenbekämpfung im Mittelalter, in Zeitschr. f. hatte Theologie, 62 (1938), pp. 106-231, 340-82; id., Die Judenmission im Mittelalter und die Püpste (Miscellanea Historica Pontificia P. Univ. Gregori, VI, 8), Roma 1942; A. Vihyo González, S. Martín de León y su apologética antijudía, Madrid 1948.
Sull'a. moderno: 1) Opere di ebrei: Bernard-Lazare, L'Antisemitisme, son histoire et ses causes, Parigi 1894, ed. definitiva in 2 voll., ivi 1934; id., Le Jupiter de Job, ivi 1928; G. G. Fox, Judaism, Christianity and the modern social ideals, Fort Worth 1910; I. Breuer, Judenproblem, 4e ed., Francoforte a. M. 1922; E. Eberlin, Les Juifs d'aujourd'hui, Parigi 1927; E. Fleg, Pourquoi je suis juif, Parigi 1928; B. Hagani, L'émancipation des Juifs, Parigi 1928; B. Jacob, M. Balaban e altri, A., in Enc. Judaica, II (1928), coll. 956-1104; E. Ovazza, Sionismo bifronte, Roma 1935; H. J. Schoeps, Jüdisch-christliches Religionsgespräch in 19 Jahrhundert, Geschichte einer theologischen Auseinandersetzung, Berlino 1936; L. Pinsker, Auto-emancipazione ebraica (1882), riedito da D. Lattes e M. Bellinson, Roma 2, a. [1938]; M. Samuel, The great hatred, Nuova York 1940; E. Orrei, Intorno alla questione ebraica, L'innocenti di storia e di dottrina, Roma 1942; J. Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, The medieval conception of the Jews and its relation to modern anti-Semitism, New Haven 1943; J.-P. Sartre, Ebrei (trad. it.), Milano 1948.
2) Opere di cristiani: L. Chiarini, Theorie du Judaïsme apolique à la réforme des Israélites de tous les pays d'Europe, 2 voll., Parigi 1830; H. Delassus, La question juive, Lilla 1911; L. Besse, Les religions laïques, Parigi 1913, pp. 101-15; F. Vernet, Juifs et chrétiens, in DFC, II, 1651-1704; id., Juifs (Controverses avec les), in DThC, VIII, coll. 1870-1914; A. Bea, Antisemitismus, Rassenfuehrle und A. Test., in Stimmen der Zeit, 100 (1920), pp. 171-83; R. Lambelin, Le règne d'Israël chez les Anglo-Saxons, Parigi 1921; J. e J. Tharaud, Quand Israël est roi, ivi 1921; id., Quand Israël n'est plus roi, ivi 1934; id., Le chemin d'Israël, ivi 1948; G. Batault, Le problème juif, ivi 1921; id., Israël contre les nations, ivi 1939; R. N. Coudenhove-Kalergi, Des Wenes des Antisemitismus, 1922 (critica di Th. Fritsch); H. Belloc, The Jews, Londra 1924, trad. ital., Gli ebrei, Milano 1934; Fr. Stelfen, Antisemitismus und deutsch-völkische Bewegung im Lichte des Katholizismus, Berlino 1925; G. K. Chesterton, La nouvelle Jérusalem (trad. fr.), Parigi 1926, pp. 267-302; L. Thieben, Che cos'è l'Ebraismo ? (1930), trad.
ital., Milano 1937, pp. 16-33; 189-230; L. Escoula, Quelques aspects de problème juif, in Revue Apologetique, 52 (1931, 1), pp. 53-76; J. Bonsirven, Racismes, in Etudes (1934, 1), pp. 351-367; id., S-a-t-il en France un réveil de l'Antisémitisme?, ibid. (1935, 1), pp. 97-116, 226-38; id., Juifs et chrétiens, Parigi 1936; id., Les Juifs et Rans, 1937, pp. 170-205; id., Problèmes juifs et le mystère d'Israël, in Etudes (1938, 1), pp. 811-825; E. Rosa, La questione gindaica e l'antisemitismo nazional-socialista, in La Civiltà Catt., (1934, 1), pp. 126-36, 276-85; G. Kittel, Die Judenfrage, 3ª ed., Stoccarda 1935; L. Massouillé, Judaïsme et histerisme, Parigi 1935; A. Drexel, Die Judenfrage in soeverschaftlicher Beleuchtung, Innsbruck 1936; L. de Poncins, La mystérieuse internationale juive, Parigi 1936; L. J. Levinger, Anti-Semitism Yesterday and To-morrow, Nuova York 1936; P. Claudel e J. Bonsirven, Les Juifs, Parigi 1937; W. Eichrodt, Antisemitismus in alter und neuere Zeit, Zurigo 1937; G. Sottschies, Sotto la maschera d'Israele, Milano 1937; P. Orano, Gli ebrei in Italia, Roma 1937 (2ª ed., 1938); M. Barbera, La questione gindaica e il sionismo. La questione gindaica e la conversion. La questione gindaica e l'apostolato catalico, in La Civiltà Catt., (1937, 1), pp. 418-31, 407-510; (1937, 1), pp. 27-30; J. Parkes, The Jew and his Neighbour. A Study of the cause of Anti-Semitism, Londra 1938; B. Hartmann, Der Glaubensgegenzitz zwischen Judentum und Christentum, Paderborn 1938; A. Leroy-Braulieu, Les Juifs et l'Antisémitisme. Israël chez les nations, 16ª ed. (1ª, 1892) a cura di L. Renier, Parigi 1938; R. Trotoni, L'antisemitismo risorgente e la Palestina, in Oriente Moderno, 18 (1938), pp. 255-271; V. Eichstädt, Bibliographie zur Geschichte der Judenfrage, I (1750-1848), Amburgo 1938; H. De Vries de Heekelingen, Israël, son passé, son avenir, Parigi 1937 (trad. ital., Roma 1937); id., L'organité juif, 1938; id., Juifs et Catholiques, 1939; id., L'antisémitismo italiano, Firenze 1939; L. J. Dantinne, La questione juive, Liege 1939; J. Martain, Antisémitism, Londra 1939; C. Cecchelli, La questione ebraica e il sionismo, Roma 1939; G. E. Closen, 'Quantità Judocorum' a quanto aiam effatis S. Scriptura illustrata, in Verbum Domini, 19 (1939), pp. 120-117; J. E. Ross, Catholics and Anti-Semitism, in Ecclesiast. Review, 100 (1939), pp. 416-23; A. Amse, Die Judenfrage, Lucerna 1939; L. Rood, En steeds het probleem: de Jodex, in Studieu, 133 (1940), pp. 369-82; D. Goldstein, Jewish Panorama, Boston 1940, pp. 111-29; J. Meinvielle, El judío, 2ª ed., Buenos Aires 1940; W. Grundmann (con altri), Germanium, Christentum und Judentum, 3 voll., Lipsia 1940, 1942 e 1943; E. Picard, Synthèse de l'antisémitisme, nuova ed., Bruxelles 1941; G. Preziosi, Giudaismo, Esoterismo, Platocrazia, Massoneria, Milano 1941, pp. 19-51; W. Grau, Welthampf. Die Judenfrage in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2 voll., Monaco 1941; Ch. Journet, Vues chrétiennes sur la politique, Montréal 1942, cap. 10; K. S. Pinson (con altri), Essays on Antisemitism, Nuova York 1942; E. Zolli, L'antisémitisme, Roma 1945; P. Catrice (e altri), Situation d'Israël, Judaïsme et christianisme, Antisémitisme, Sionisme (Collez. «Catholicité»), Lilla 1948.